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Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Wirtschaftliche Lager der Salzbergarbeiter Social - economic situation of the salt workers in earlier times: Introduction: The situation of the Salzkammergut workers has always been bad and deplorable. Dependent on the salt works, they were completely in the hands of one company, which also had all the administrative and judicial power. Employment as a "Kammergutarbeiter" was associated with "certain poverty" because the wages were meager and insufficient. In addition to the low wages, the salt workers were supplied with cheap grain and lard. Nevertheless, cheap grain and lard and one-off grants were of little help in times of need, since the Hofkammer did not increase wages despite constant inflation. Salt Rack: Salt production was reserved for the emperor as a royal rule. Along with taxes, the salt shelf was by far the most important source of income for the state, which was always in financial difficulties. When the salt industry was at its peak, the salt works in Hallstatt, Ischl, Aussee, Hall in Tirol and Hallein supplied all of southern Central Europe (from Switzerland via Swabia and Bavaria to Bohemia, Moravia, western Hungary and Carniola). The rich profits from the salt mines owned by the sovereign covered up to a third of the state budget. If the emperor didn't know what to do because the state coffers were almost always empty, he simply had the price of salt increased. Complaints about the plight of the population, about the damage to cattle breeding, about outbreaks of cattle disease as a result of the increase in the price of salt were not able to prevent the price increases. As the financial capabilities of the salt rack were pushed to the extreme, any link between the cost of production and the price of salt ceased. At the beginning of the 19th century, the production costs for a salt barrel were between 24 and 30 kr, depending on the location of the salt works. However, the Hofkammer was able to sell a salt barrel for 11 fl 40 kr, which corresponded to 700 kr. Thus, the sales price was more than 25 times higher than the manufacturing costs!!! The increasing need for the financial exploitation of the salt monopoly was not limited to increasing prices and reducing the cost of transporting and selling salt, but also worked towards reducing production costs with ever more intensified methods. Since wage costs were the main part of production costs, wages were practically not increased over long periods of time, despite constant inflation. Privileges of chamber estate workers: In addition to their wages, the salt workers also had important benefits that were unknown outside of the Kammergut. They were exempt from military service and from military billeting, paid no taxes or levies unless they were homeowners, they had free medical treatment in the event of illness and constant care in old age. The Kammergutarbeiter needed to not worry about the future of their sons. As late as the first half of the 18th century, every able-bodied man from the Kammergütler found a suitable job at the Salzamt. In order not to raise wages, which Vienna stubbornly resisted, attempts were made to reduce the cost of living for the working population as much as possible, to keep food prices down in every way and to prevent their rise as far as possible in times of rising prices. Hofkorn and Hofschmalz: For this purpose, the Salzamt supplied the residents of the Kammergut with grain and lard. The bread grain was brought cheaply to the Kammergut as return freight on the emptied Salzzillen, because as imperial goods it was exempt from all taxes during transport. The sale of grain was strictly regulated, no official was allowed to trade in it, the selling price was strictly regulated for the grain traders, mostly citizens of Gmunden, Ischl, Laufen and Hallstatt. The Salt Office had to ensure that there was always a sufficient supply of grain stored in the official storerooms, the "grain boxes". The beneficiaries always received the grain below the market price and the cost price, which not only strengthened the bond between the crew and the imperial work, but also freed the government from the otherwise indispensable wage increase. As coveted as the meat was, it never became the staple food for the people of the Kammergut because of its unaffordable price. The farm grain had accustomed them to the flour diet, to which they could not do without lard as an added fat. This was more important to them than the meat. The inner Salzkammergut sourced most of its lard from the Abtenau region, whose inhabitants traded it vigorously in exchange for salt, grain and wine. The meat prices were also fixed by the authorities and the butchers were supported with subsidies so that they were able to keep prices low even in difficult times. The civil servants, master craftsmen and workers employed in salt boiling have always received as much salt as they needed in the household, free of charge. The miners and woodcutters and then all the other inhabitants of the chamber estate who were in the service of the sovereign joined the boilers to obtain the free salt. The allocation was generous and fully sufficient for the needs of a small farm. According to an approximate calculation, a Kammergut resident in the 17th century received 30 pounds (16.8 kg) of “mandatory salt” per year for one head of his family, i.e. more than double the actual requirement. Those entitled to “mandatory salt”, who numbered in the thousands, usually had no better use of what was left over in the household than to sell it. The Gmundner weekly market, among other things, offered a good opportunity for this. For the longest time, the Salt Office watched this trade, which noticeably affected its own consumption of salt, without doing anything. It was not until 1706 that the Hofkammer took up the matter and, much to the opposition of those concerned, restricted the "must salt purchase" to 12 pounds (6.72 kg) for each family member per year. First uprising 1392: In 1392, the citizens of Lauffen and Hallstatt "revolted" together with the cooper, shipmen and hermits. They wrote a petition to the sovereign and complained about the officials, especially the salt official, because their wages were too low or wages were withheld. The uprising was crushed bloodily, the "rebels" were severely punished, the ringleaders, if they had not escaped, imprisoned, blinded or even hanged. The penalties corresponded to the legal practice of the time. In the document of Duke Albrecht III. of September 5, 1392, with which he gave Ischl the trading rights, he expressly emphasized that the people of Ischl had not participated in the uprising. Wages of chamber farm workers: According to the 1st Reformation Dragonfly of 1524, the Salt Office was obliged to provide the workers with a decent salary from which they could subsist. In the 2nd Reformation Libel of 1563, the wages of the chamber estate workers were set numerically. For example, the wage for a male day laborer was 6 kr. and for a worker 3.5 kr. 100 years later, at the time of the 3rd Reformation Dragonfly of 1656, an ordinary day laborer got 10 kr. and a “female” 5 kr. In addition, the workers, with little increased wages, still had small allowances, which did not make much difference. A comparison of 1656 with the wages fixed in the second Libellus of 1563 shows that the daily earnings of skilled miners have remained fairly unchanged, while those of day laborers and other unskilled laborers have increased by about 50%. Under the pressure of economic hardship, the government had to at least improve the wages of the lower classes in order to keep them viable and able to work. The wages of the salt workers were still meager. Employment conditions in the rest of Upper Austria were significantly more favorable. A journeyman and a day laborer earned a good 50% more than a salt worker. For the imperial authorities, it was an irrefutable maxim that nothing could be changed in wages. In times of hardship and high prices, people preferred to resort to all sorts of temporary help and support than to raise wages. Temporary help was temporary, but wage increases were very difficult to get rid of. It is also interesting that the miners in Ischl were paid much better than those in Hallstatt, so their economic situation was more favourable. Unfortunately, the historical sources do not reveal the reasons for the unequal treatment of the two companies. The difference is all the more striking as the other provisions of the Reformation dragonfly are almost identical for both salt mountains. Pledging of the chamber property: In 1622 the Kammergut and all of Upper Austria was pledged to the Electors in Bavaria, where it remained until 1628. In 1623 there was a great famine in the Kammergut, as prices rose enormously. Grain became so expensive that people were forced to grind grummet and straw and bake it under the bread. Under the impression of great hardship and high prices, the electoral officials, ignorant of or disregarding the old imperial rule, granted the salt workers a wage increase. After returning to the imperial administration, the consequences of this new way of thinking were hastened to be undone, and on May 23, 1633 all wage increases were canceled and the old wages were reintroduced. The situation of the workers did not correspond to what one would have expected from a social, state administration. The supreme and sole concern of the imperial court chamber was to keep wages unchanged for more than a century, after the increase introduced by the Bavarian administration, unfamiliar with Austrian tradition, had been abolished. Everything went up in price, only wages remained low, unchanged. And all because they had calculated that even the slightest increase in wages would be more expensive than the support given when the workers were starving. Poverty in the Kammergut: In the 17th century, a worker needed around 100 Kreuzer per week for grain, meat, lard, eggs, milk, beets, turnips, cabbage and candles for himself and his family. A miner's wage of an average of 50 - 60 Kreuzer per week was just enough for the essential food needs of a household. The salt workers had no other choice when it came to buying clothes, linen and shoes, so they were forced and usually able to earn an additional income from woodwork or from the finishers. At the end of the 17th century, the state finances were particularly bad because of the "War of the Spanish Succession", and going into debt became the norm. Neither the income from the salt regime nor the tax revenue was sufficient to satisfy the empire's financial needs. All available means were necessary to maintain the empire and the army. Even for the operation of the salt works in the Kammergut, the necessary cash was sometimes still lacking. Going into debt had become the norm in Austria in order to get over the current shortage of money. The year 1696 was one of the saddest in the eventful history of the Salzamt. The Imperial War Pay Office claimed all of his receipts immediately. The Salzamt treasury was temporarily completely empty. In some cases, the Salt Office could not pay wages to workers and officials. They feared national bankruptcy and the loss of good faith among the people. The emperor himself urged the salt office to send money to Gmunden so that the Gmunden office could pay the interest and pay the workers. In 1693 the Kammergutarbeiter sent an emergency cry to the Court Chamber for grain; In Ebensee, Ischl and Hallstatt there was hunger and dysentery, the pans could no longer be operated, the deteriorating coinage had devalued the money. The buyers, shipwrights and Stadlinger who worked in the manufacturing sector suffered even more than the imperial workers. In a petition written in Ischl, they complained that they had nothing left on their bodies and nothing to eat, in Lauffen some had already died of hunger and the rest were about to emigrate with their wives and children and go begging. The manufacturers were also impoverished and could no longer pay their workers wages. In 1714, the Salt Office refused to take responsibility for the imperial authorities in Vienna if the workers were to “crepe out of famine”. In 1715 the Salzamt wrote to Vienna again that the need was increasing and that people had to “crepe”. The workers could not buy clothes and were so exhausted that they could no longer do difficult work. There was fear that the people in the Kammergut could no longer be held back. But as is well known, help did not come so quickly from Vienna. On March 27, 1715, the Gmundner Salzamt reported to Vienna that the workers, who had been driven to despair, wanted to go to Vienna themselves in large numbers to ask for help there. The desperate salt workers only allowed themselves to be deterred from this plan by being granted an extra grain advance. In 1717 scurvy broke out among the Aussee workers, and only then was the danger recognized in Vienna. This time, orders were immediately given to give the sick workers free medical treatment and medicines. In 1718 it was reported from Aussee that the wives and children of the workers were already going out to beg. The misery in the Salzkammergut was an almost regular occurrence. The officials were helpless, their hands were tied by the Vienna Hofkammer. The workers' petitions often found support from the Gmundner Salzamt, but none from the Hofkammer. And with the misery and overpopulation of the Salzkammergut came the workers' unrest. As long as people trembled for every worker, as long as every worker was valuable for securing the imperial work, as long as everything was used for salt works, the Salzkammergut was not without poverty and hunger, but without workers' unrest. In 1731, the Viennese Court Chamber issued a sharp reprimand to the salt offices. A survey of the age structure of the employees showed that among the 2,156 workers from Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee, 1,134 were under the age of 18, of whom 355 were even between 7 and 12 years old, were accepted into the imperial service. According to the opinion of the Hofkammer, the young lads marry as soon as they earn a piece of bread, and so the Kammergut becomes "too populess", and that's not all, the young lads are clumsy and careless at work, are often "damaged", and it costs the treasury only doctor's salaries and commissions. Such young people are therefore no longer allowed to work. The Salt Office was strictly instructed to encourage young people to do anything other than salt work, to remove immigrant foreigners from the country, to restrict marriages, and to hand over "stubborn elements" to the militia as recruits. The rationalization measures that began in the 18th century, combined with the reduction in the number of workers, the dismissal of older, weaker workers, cuts in pensions (“commissions”) and doctor’s wages, led to unrest and hard conflicts. The officials in the Salzkammergut were no friends of this new economic trend, but their hands were tied. Ischl Shrove Tuesday - Revolt 1733: From 1733 things started to ferment among the workers. On February 23, 1733, the Verwesamt reports on a revolt by the Ischl workers. Since time immemorial, workers in Ischl have been given the day off at 12 noon on Shrove Tuesday and have been paid the whole day. Now that the greatest economy was ordered, they didn't think they had the right to do so, because it would amount to 36 fl. for 470 people, and the workers were not allowed to go home. Despite this, the angry workers left their work earlier, gathered in front of the office building, and "made their complaints with unvoiced and punishable freedom". In times of the greatest famine, it remained calm in the Kammergut, and now there was a revolt because of 36 fl. But in the meantime, the much more serious religious unrest was caused in the Salzkammergut, and the situation was so dangerous that Salzamtmann Graf Seeau not only refrained from punishing the ringleaders, but even released Shrove Tuesday afternoon. This is how the unnecessarily conjured up Shrove Tuesday revolt of the Ischl workers ended. This was the first workers' revolt in the Salzkammergut that had endured 23 years of terrible hardship without the workers daring to do anything more than the most humble begging, and yet they were starving. But at least they saw the good intentions of the officials, and from time to time a small gift of grace came from Vienna. The petty savings, the abolition of old customs irritated, the restrictions on commissions and doctor's wages embittered, and when Sternbach came along with his innovations, a revolt broke out that no longer ended like a carnival joke. Uprising of the Ebensee woodworkers in 1746: In May 1746, the news came to Vienna that the woodcutters and shipbuilders in Ebensee, through "punitive defiance and the tumultuous proceedings" had forced the Salzamtmann Sternbach to sign the earlier, now forbidden "excesses and negligence" again. The Ischl servitude desired the same. After long pleas, the Ebensee woodworkers strictly rejected Sternbach's innovations on May 1, 1746. About 300 of them gathered and impetuously demanded their piece of bread from the salt clerk who was present in the vicarage. They also horribly beat various "wood watchers" employed by the Salzamt. The woodcutters also demanded that the woodruff be dismissed and that several of them should get the farm grain again. They presented all demands loudly and very impetuously. People were no longer satisfied with verbal promises, "as if they had often been promised something but never kept it". The salt official had to put his promise in writing, threatening to meet again if the promise was not kept. In Vienna people were extremely upset about this incident. An investigative commissioner with 300 men on foot and 30 on horseback was ordered to the Salzkammergut to ensure law and order. The culprits should be punished and Sternbach's new guidelines should be implemented quickly. Every worker was to submit to the new regulations, every meeting of workers was to be prevented and the "rioters" were to be punished with corporal punishment. Some officials were accused of taking sides with the workers and should be punished without any leniency. The rebellion of the workers had become dangerous because some of the officials felt that the harsh actions of the Viennese Hofkammer were disadvantageous for them too, which is why the officials openly or secretly sided with the workers and abetted the rebellion. The criminal investigations in Ischl and Ebensee yielded nothing. All the woodcutters answered in the same voice that only "sheer necessity" had driven them to the unrest. It was impossible to identify the instigators of the riot. The crime report also gives the causes of the riots. Salzamtmann Sternbach had abolished the previous system for supplying wood by eliminating the woodworkers and creating lumberjacks as "imperial lumberjack parties" who were supposed to work on piecework wages. He wanted to eliminate the numerous fraudulent machinations in the timber industry. But the woodcutters and master woodworkers did not put up with this. The investigating commissioner reported that as early as August 1746, most of the workers had returned to work repentant. When the military finally withdrew in April 1749, this was done with an explicit warning to the workers to continue to behave docilely and to follow the orders of the salt official at all costs. Sternbach had found employment in Hallein in Salzburg, in Hungary and in Lower Austria for the superfluous people who were able to work, but the workers did not want this. Nobody wanted to go there, they didn't even want to go to work from one detention center in the Kammergut to another. The Salzkammergut workers were used to having their own way, and they didn't like the stricter discipline that was in use today. They were tied to the Salzkammergut for centuries, they were artificially brought up to the point that they shouldn't even think of moving away, and now, against their will, they are to be dragged onto the foreign market as work goods. weekly rate: Until 1753, the salt workers were regularly paid their wages on Saturdays after the “weekly rait”. Files report that in Ischl it was customary not to work on Saturdays or Sundays in the imperial salt mines. Instead of the miners using Saturday for their domestic work in order to rest on the following Sunday to strengthen themselves for the exertions of the coming week, on Saturday evenings they exhaust their last strength and usually their hard-earned maternity pay in the inns. On Monday, exhausted and usually without money, they began their arduous day's work all over again. The Kammergut in general, but Hallstatt in particular, was always considered the most expensive part of the country before it was opened up for traffic. In addition, the cost of living had risen steadily since the mid-eighteenth century, but wages had risen only imperceptibly, if at all. For example, in Hallstatt around 1788, a pound of smoked meat cost 19 kr. At that time a bricklayer earned only 19 kr, an ordinary worker only 17 kr. during the day. Paper money or “bank note”: Four wars lost within a decade (Peace of Campo Formio 1797, of Luneville 1801, of Preßburg 1805 and of Vienna 1809) had not only costs, but also losses on land and thus tax revenues, and finally also the loss of maritime trade , and the "Continental Blockade" imposed by Napoleon on Europe severely damaged the Austrian economy. Nevertheless, the state had to continue to arm and to manage the proceeds from its salt business as one of its last secure incomes as stingily as possible. The tense economic situation led to a shortage of money and devaluation. As a countermeasure, paper coupons were put into circulation as a substitute for coins as early as 1761. From the beginning, the population did not enjoy it because it was constantly declining in value and the misery of the workers increased again. In the years 1808 and 1809 the imperial printing press produced more and more paper money. By 1810 this had almost entirely replaced cash. As a result, the paper currency fell so badly that the Austrian financial system almost collapsed. On December 11, 1810, Austria stopped cash payments entirely, the bank notes were confiscated and replaced by new "redemption slips" with a fifth of the previous nominal value. The money suddenly lost 80% of its value! It was not until 1816, with the establishment of the National Bank, that the Austrian monetary economy began to rebuild. From now on, only the National Bank was authorized to issue banknotes and obliged to redeem the current bills. This quickly led to a stabilization of the monetary value. French occupation in the Kammergut: Austria's struggle against Napoleon required the utmost exertion of all forces and suppressed all other considerations. The imperial patent of October 25, 1804 granted exemption from military service only to the most important management bodies and the most distinguished workers in the mines. With the strict application of this regulation, the Salt Office would have had to stop all operations that were not allowed to be interrupted because of the salt supply of the Reich. The salt office and the administration offices made constant efforts to get their people free from conscription, but the recruitment commission instructed by the court war council made no exception for the chamber estate and called up 183 men from the chamber estate in July 1805. After the Salt Office objected, the recruiting commission from the Kammergut only held back 41 men. The long period of war, with its insatiable demands on men fit for arms, had eliminated the old privilege of the salt workers, who had also become conscripts and were subject to military laws. Naturally, the Salzamt was concerned with freeing people from military service who were indispensable for the company or who were difficult to replace. A joint commission consisting of representatives of the district office, the salt office and the military district command was to determine the categories desired for military liberation. The deliberations revealed that out of a total of 5,530 employees, only 1,385 men were suitable for temporary exemption. Continuing operations was such an almost impossible task for the Salzamt. The period of French rule from 1809 onwards was downright catastrophic for the salt industry. The income from the sale of salt in the country flowed into the coffers of the occupying power, so the Salt Office could neither pay the wages of the salt workers nor procure the food they needed to feed themselves. During the summer months of 1809, Hallstatt workers waited seven weeks for their wages. Hundreds of them marched in front of the office building in Lahn and threatened to make money with the salt from the magazines if help didn't come soon. Revolution 1848: The winter of 1847 increased the misery of the workers unbearably again. The people sold their livestock, got into debt, couldn't get flour from the millers in advance, lost their strength and didn't have enough to clothe themselves. At the beginning of 1848, the Ischl workers ganged up to take violent action against the bakers and millers and to force a reduction in the price of flour and semolina. As a result, in January 1848 the Court Chamber set about working out a new wage system that was intended to bring the workers a substantial improvement in their income. The new wage regulation that came into force at the end of 1848 contained notable concessions to the workers, who were agitated in the year of the revolution and suffering from inflation. In addition to a general wage increase for all service classes, the court grain and lard purchases were increased and their prices reduced at the same time. In addition, all restrictions on the purchase of farm grain have been lifted. In 1848, the Court Chamber set the 48-hour week for all miners equally and wanted to break it down into six eight-hour shifts. However, she only found the approval of the Ausseer miners, while those in Hallstatt and Ischl insisted on the six-hour pit shift that had been granted to them in 1771. Mining lasted from Monday to Friday, leaving Saturday to take care of the household chores. The low-wage miners preferred to work short shifts because it gave them the opportunity to earn extra income. There was no real uprising movement in the Kammergut, but fears of such a movement prompted the authorities to take some precautionary measures. The Saline Ebensee had set up a fire station for a short time. A section of the National Guard had taken up position in Ischl. In October 1848, due to a shortage of firearms, the Board of Directors of the National Guard requested that the Salt Oberamt make 120 pikes (polearm or spear) and contribute to the uniforming of the poor guards from the working class. The Salzoberamt had no objection to the production of pikes in the Ebensee court smithy, the saltworks actually supplied the National Guard with 60 pikes. But she refused the uniform expenses, the workers should draw on the brother shop's assets. Limit provisions: The salt workers in the Kammergut also received a "limito provision", a certain amount of lard and grain, which could be obtained at reduced prices. On the other hand, the basic wage of the salt workers in the 19th century was always below that of the skilled factory workers. The system of “safe poverty” thus continued into the 19th century. Working as a stable miner or salt worker was secure employment even in times of crisis, but cuts in pay had to be accepted. If an enemy invasion was to be feared, the administrative offices were not only allowed to give the workers their wages and farm grain, but also limito lard for a quarter of a year in advance. From 1789 onwards, the purchase of Hofkorn was extended to all family members. Annually the following was given out: for men 350 kg, for women 200 kg and for each child under 12 years 100 kg. The delivery of the farm grain to the workers entitled to receive it took place monthly at first, then every six weeks. The limit value of the grain received was then deducted from the wages when the next payment was made. In 1815, almost 3,200 tons of grain were imported into the Kammergut from the Salzoberamt and made available to the workers at a limit price, which was usually even below the cost price. Grain gathering took place alternately every six and seven weeks eight times a year. The year 1848 brought the staff a notable improvement in the purchase of lard. A full worker weighed 20.2 and 33.9 kg annually, depending on his wage grade and category. The distribution in the era's lard cellars took place at the same time as that of the Hofkorn, the limit price was deducted from the wages of the workers. Workers with their own farms, which enabled them to keep three cows, were excluded from purchasing lard. It was almost always clarified butter that was handed out, only in exceptional cases, and only as emergency help, were the workers also given pork bacon. The wage deduction for these groceries was 48 Kr. for 1 Metzen Korn and 10 Kr. for 1 Pound of Lard, ie for the former a third and for the latter half of the usual market price. In certain cases, however, discounts were still made on these wage deductions, which were introduced in place of the monetary allowances that had been customary in times of inflation. In 1873, the supply of food was finally stopped and wages increased accordingly. Only the deputat salt and a preferential purchase of firewood remained in kind. The purchase of wood was only intended for personal use, selling it to third parties was strictly forbidden. Officials and those workers who were unable to get the wood in the forest could get it at the Aufsatzplatz or from the drift. A fee had to be paid for the deputate wood. After the Law on Associations passed in 1867, it was possible to set up workers' support associations. The miners and smelters of the Aussee, Altaussee, Hallstatt and Ebensee saltworks founded their own consumer associations to improve the food situation. Social situation of the miners around 1868: In 1868, the annual need for money for a family of workers (man, woman, two children) in Upper Austria was around 250 guilders. This roughly corresponded to the annual earnings of a hewer in a salt mine. Of this amount, around 20-40 guilders went to rent for small apartments. Those workers who were not themselves smallholders mostly lived in rented accommodation in villages close to the factory. The family apartment often consisted of a single, low room. Since this was also used for cooking and washing, and for reasons of economy it was often not aired for weeks in winter, the rooms were damp and moldy. The often numerous family members lived here in a small room huddled together without separating the sexes, sometimes even unmarried workers were sublet. About 13 - 15 guilders had to be spent on heating the small apartments, despite the preferential purchase of firewood. Besides his work clothes, the worker usually has better clothes for Sunday. The average annual outlay for clothing was between 20 and 30 guilders, depending on the size of the family. In general, the mining families subsisted on pastries prepared with lard, vegetables and legumes, and meat was very rarely on the table. In 1868 a family spent 150 - 180 guilders on food in Upper Austria. Housing situation of the salt workers: Around 1870 there were 22 company-owned workers' living quarters or dormitories at the saltworks in the Kammergut. The latter, which were in the immediate vicinity of the workplace, were used as accommodation during the working days by the workers living away from the mine, who could only return to their families once a week. Only at the end of the 19th century, small apartments were newly built for the salt workers, which brought a big improvement. The typical worker's apartment consisted of an almost 10 m² kitchen, an approximately 20 m² heated room and an almost 10 m² cabinet without heating. Only 10% of wages were retained as rent. Outlook: A regular system of privileges and disciplining shaped the everyday work and life of the salt workers. In return for social security, the state expected a special loyalty and the preservation of the honor of the group of salt workers even outside of working hours. When you were hired, you not only had to provide birth certificates and certificates of origin, but also a “certificate of morality”. Service regulations from 1899 not only regulated behavior during working hours. Avoiding "violence and bickering", "appearing at the work place at the appointed time" or the prohibition on leaving the work place without permission can still be understood as regulations that were necessary for a functioning workflow. The ban on "smoking tobacco" outdoors, on the other hand, points to an almost patriarchal control, as do the reasons for dismissal in the case of "reasonable suspicion of poaching", in the case of secret or open "incitement against official orders" or "essential breaches of duty in relation to loyalty, diligence and due respect and obedience to superiors”. The system of privileges and disciplining, in which workers and employers entered into a close symbiosis, should not lead to a glorified picture of exclusive harmony. There have always been conflicts between the salt workers and the state as the employer. In the 19th century, however, the forms of protest changed. Until then, the close ties between the salt workers and the state had favored cooperative conflict resolution mechanisms. The strike as a form of protest only came into use in the early 20th century; before that, the salt workers tried to present their requests and claims in the form of petitions. As an employer, the state usually reacted very willingly to these “gentle” demands with concessions. After the turn of the century, the forms of protest changed. Spontaneous actions were replaced by more organized, longer-term protest movements. In the large demonstrations to obtain universal, equal and direct suffrage in 1907, the salt workers took part together with other groups of workers and marched under the red flags of social democracy, but without being clearly organized as social democrats. For the miners and smelters, there was still a long way to go, full of protests, before the hard and dangerous nature of their work was fully recognized in terms of wages and social benefits. Only during the construction period after the Second World War did the miners receive the financial compensation they were entitled to. Sources used: Gustav Brachmann "Three contributions to the history of our salt industry", Upper Austria Heimatblatt, 18th year, issue 3-4, Linz 1964 Franz Hufnagl "The toll to Gmunden", Böhlau Verlag, Vienna 2008 August Huysen "Salt Mining and Saline Operation in Austria, Styria and Salzburg", Berlin 1854 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Karel Kramar "The state wage policy and the situation of the workers in the salt pans of the Salzkammergut up to 1748", yearbook for national economy, Vienna 1896 Ewald Hiebl "Safe work and state protection" in: "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Halleiner salt works", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Volume 10, Salzburg, 1998 Anton Schauenstein "Denkbuch des austrian mining and metallurgy", Vienna 1873 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936

Mass and weight: With the sedentary peoples and with the shift from hunting and fishing to agriculture and animal husbandry, the need for suitable measurement systems grew. The earliest weights and units of measurement were based on measurements of body parts and the natural environment. Early Babylonian , Egyptian , and Bible writings show that length was first measured using arm, hand, or foot measurements. Time was divided according to the orbital periods of the sun , moon and other celestial bodies. If you wanted to compare the volume of containers such as bottles or clay jars, they were filled with plant seeds, which were then counted. Our current knowledge of early weights and measures comes from a variety of sources. Archaeologists have recovered some early standards that are kept in museums today. Comparison between the dimensions of buildings and descriptions by contemporary authors can provide more information. Length measurement: Measuring lengths is one of the most important tasks of a mark cutter. The oldest form of length measurement came from the Romans and affected limbs of the human body, such as arms, hands, feet or crotches. When a person spreads out both arms, the result is a measurement of about 1.70 to 1.90 m long, which was referred to as a "fathom". The "Klafter" was divided into 6 equal parts, which were called "foot" or "shoe". The "foot" was again divided into 12 equal parts, which were called "inches" or "thumb widths", following the duodecimal division. The lengths of the fathom system varied greatly locally and regionally. Only the Viennese fathom was an exception, since it was used from the 16th century. remained practically the same length. The fathom/feet/inch system was used as a technical measurement system exclusively in construction, mining, military and surveying. It was never used in the textile trade. In addition to the cord measure, the "cubit" appears again and again as another measure of length. Although the "cubit" as a forearm length represented a natural archetype, so to speak, its length varied astonishingly from region to region. For example, lengths in the range of 0.765 to 0.802 m were referred to as "Wiener Ellen". The "cubits" were not evenly divided, like the "fathom" by "foot" and "inches". They had an uneven division, mostly into 1/2, 1/3, 1/4, 1/8, 1/16 and 1/32 parts of the "cubit". These parts did not have their own name. The system of cubits was exclusively a trade measure, predominantly a cut goods measure for textiles. There were in Europe until the 18th century. many hundreds of different cubit lengths, which made trade and communication very difficult. Nevertheless, the "Elle" was valid until the end of 1875. The linear dimensions valid in mining were determined by measuring sticks decreed by the sovereign and were only valid for the respective district. In the Salzkammergut, each salt mine originally had its own "staff". To standardize the measuring system, the emperor introduced the "Österreichisches Kammergutstabl" with a length of 1.195 m. The "stick" was divided into 8 "eighths", the "eighth" again into 6 "inches" and 2 "eighths" made 1 "shoe". In 1768, Empress Maria Theresa issued "the introductory patent for the Viennese weight and measure". The now legal "Viennese units" only slowly began to establish themselves in the Salzkammergut. The "Kammergutstabl" was not replaced by the "Wiener Klafter" until 1838. The meter, which is still valid today, was introduced at the Austrian salt works on January 1, 1876. Cord, shoe and inch measurements: 1 Austrian mile 7.585km 1 Viennese fathom (°) 1,896m 1 Linz fathom (°) 1.816m 1 chamber goods fathom (°) 1.785m 1 Hallstatt mountain fathom (°) 1,991 m 1 Viennese shoe or foot (') 31.60 cm 1 Kammergut shoe or foot (') 29.75 cm 1 Vienna inch ('') 2.63cm 1 Kammergut inch ('') 2.48 cm Length measurements for textiles: 1 Gmundner Elle 0.795 m 1 Viennese cubit 0.778 m Length dimensions in mining: 1 Bergstabel Chamber Estate 1.195 m 1 Ausseer Bergstab 1.179m 1 Hallstatt and Ischler Bergstabel 1.192 m 1 Hall mountain table 1.169 m 1 Salzburg mountain table 1,199m Length dimensions for wood: 1 stick of spruce or fir wood 6,807m Area measurement: Cord, shoe and inch measurements: 1 Austrian square mile 57.54 km² 1 Viennese square fathom 3,596 sqm 1 Viennese square foot 999.3 cm² 1 Vienna square inch 6.939 cm² Room measurement: From the High Middle Ages to the 18th century. it was customary for us to put up publicly accessible standards, stone masses and scales so that the merchants and weavers could compare their own measurements and on the other hand the buyers could check for themselves whether they had received the correct measurement. A measure patent issued by Emperor Maximilian II in 1570 ordered the public attachment of the "land measures" (fathoms and cubits) to town halls or churches and the installation of stone "landmasons" in market squares. In earlier times up to the 19th century. Grain was not traded by weight but by volume. In Austria, the "Metzen", a so-called dry capacity measure, was generally used as a measure. The Metzen was canceled and fully counted. Cord, shoe and inch measurements: 1 Vienna cubic fathom 6.82m³ 1 Vienna cubic foot 31.59 dm³ 1 Vienna cubic inch 18.28cc Room dimensions for wood: 1 pan Widholz (firewood) spruce or fir 398 m³ 1 pan Widholz beech 341 m³ 1 Rachel Widholz (1/48th of a pan) Spruce or Fir 8.3m³ 1 Rachel Widholz Beech 7.1 m³ Capacity for brine: 1 bucket 56.57 dm³ or 56.6 l 1 March to 180 buckets 10.18m³ 1 room for 2,000 buckets (until 1677) 113.14m³ 1 room for 4,320 buckets (until the 18th century) 244.38m³ 1 room for 3,240 buckets (from the 18th century) 183.29m³ Capacity for grain: 1 Gmundner Metzen (until 1752) 62L 1 courage to 30 Gmundner Metzen 1,860L 1 Stockerau Metzen (from 1752) 61.49L Weight measurement: As the oldest measuring instruments, scales have been in use for more than 7,000 years. The most original form is the equal-armed beam balance, which was used until the 19th century. was in widespread use. From the 15th century princely cementation offices existed as predecessors of today's calibration offices. As princely officials, the Zimenter had to periodically calibrate scales, weights and length scales, i.e. to check that they corresponded to prescribed original models. After the check, the Zimenter attached an official mark. In 1777, Empress Maria Theresa ordered in a "Cementation Patent" that lengths, weights and scales be checked every two years. Stone weights were not allowed to be used because of the high risk of fraud, and they were also not allowed to be provided with a cement stamp. General weight measurements: 1 hundredweight Vienna (q) 56kg 1 Viennese pound 0.56kg 1 loth 1.75 dkg 1 pinch 4.38g 1 quintal (salt works from 01.01.1876) 100kg Weight measurements for salt: 1 load of salt (100-115 pounds over time) 56.6-64.4kg 1 cartload of salt (115 pounds circa 1769) 64.4kg 1 pound fodder = 240 pieces fodder of salt 15.46t 1 Schilling Fuder = 30 Fuder salt 1.93t 1 barrel of salt (hundredweight barrel) 61.6kg 1 cup of salt 7.16kg 1 Bohemian runner (150 Viennese pounds) 84.0kg Metric system: The first defined metric system was introduced in France. In 1791 the intention to create such a system was legislated; it was introduced in 1793 at the time of the Jacobin Reign of Terror . For the first time in history, an artificially developed system of measurements was introduced. The decimal metric system was introduced with the aim of creating a system of measurement "for all time, for all peoples". The original meter , which was created as a reference, is kept in Paris. The first metric system was based on centimeters , grams and seconds ( cgs system , c for centimeter) and these units were very useful in science and technology . Later metric systems were based on meter , kilogram and second ( mks system ) to be more manageable for practical applications. In technology and industry, the technical system of measurement was created, which had the meter, kilopond (formerly: force kilogram), second and degree as the basic units. Metric units have spread all over the world, first to non-English speaking countries but more recently there as well. The metric system was slow to be adopted in France, but scholars and engineers considered its adoption as an international system desirable. On 20. On May 18, 1875, an international treaty, the Meter Convention , was signed by seventeen states. Various organizations and laboratories were formed to create and maintain a unified system. The meter was introduced at the Austrian saltworks on January 1, 1876. The metric system is simpler than the old units of measurement because different sized units are always smooth powers of ten of other units. This relationship between the units leads to easy conversions from one unit to another in the decimal system . The currently predominant form of a metric system is the International System of Units (SI – System). It was founded in 1954 - not yet under its current name and initially with only six base units - and is also based on the meter, kilogram and second, but also contains other base units for temperature , electric current , luminous intensity and amount of substance. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna, 1932 Franz Kieninger "Forestry since the 14th century", company newspaper Österreichische Salinen, 3rd JG, 4th H, Vienna, 1930 "Brine and salt", Bad Ischl exhibition, catalogue, Bad Ischl, 1987 Anton Dicklberger "Saline history of Upper Austria", transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, Weitra, 2018 Alois Fellner "Mining Dictionary", Vienna, 1999 Harald Witthöft "From the mountain measure in the Schwazer Bergbuch", Der Anschnitt 60, Bochum, 2008 Wikipedia "Weights and Measures"

05 The Emperor Josef – Stollen Stud Name: "Archduke Josef - Stollen" until 1764, then "Kaiser Josef - Stollen" Emperor Joseph II, reign 1765 – 1790, son of Maria Theresa Struck: October 26, 1751 Length: 1,195 m Altitude: 722 m The Josef tunnel was officially opened on October 26, 1751. In order to speed up the advance of the main shaft as much as possible, two counter structures were built, namely the first from the mouth hole uphill, and from the Zierler Schurf, sunk from the Ludovika tunnel, towards the day. As early as 1756, the breakthrough of the first counter building took place. The second counter-construction was organized between the Salzobermatsrat v. Ehrlach Schurf and the Johann Lemberger Schurf. This second counter-building became clear in 1766. In 1767 the Salzoberamt approved the estimated cost of 2125 fl. for the construction of a mountain house on the Josef tunnel. A place above the Mundloch, where a chapel had previously stood, was initially chosen as the building site, but the Salzamtmann Scharf moved the new building further down the stream. Only the Kaiser Josef tunnel reached the salt dome in a deeper horizon, so that the mountain blessing opened up in a wide field. The existence of the Ischler Salzberg, together with the blasting work introduced at the same time and the resulting high rate of advance, was secured for the future. Situation of the weirs in the Kaiser Josef tunnel around 1800: Length from the mouth hole to the salt line 1,029 Stabel (1,226.6m), from there to the field site 510 Stabel (607.9m). 2 hairpin bends with a total of 10 weirs, 7 of which are usable and 3 new weirs that are not yet usable. In 1826, the foreign trail led through the Empress Ludovika tunnel and the Ignatz Lindner factory in the Kaiser Josef horizon. These weirs were medium-sized, holding 40 barrels or 80,000 buckets (4,528 m²). In 1821 the Chorinsky bend in the Kaiser Josef tunnel was extended to the west and the Miller bend tackled. In 1840 an underground connection of the Pernecker salt dome with the Steinberg camp, which already belonged to the Lauffener salt dome, was considered. For this purpose, the Chorinsky turn from the Josef tunnel should be advanced in a north-westerly direction. The Chorinsky - Kehr was in the direction towards the Rabenbrunn - and Steinberg tunnels were advanced, but since in the Rabenbrunn tunnels, as the deepest tunnels of the Steinberg camp, the salt was only available in such a short amount of time that not even a single pumping station could be created, further driving the turn hardly made sense. The still outstanding, considerable distance to undercut the Steinberg camp of 1,100 Stabel (1311.2m) in the Tauber Mountains, also through hard limestone masses, was finally not tackled. Situation of the weirs in the Kaiser Josef tunnel around 1850: A total of 12 weirs, all of them in operation around 1850. Reiter - weir, Lenoble - weir, Gaisberger - weir, Ehrmann - weir, Appold - weir, Miss. Riethaler - weir, Harsch - weir, Lötsch - weir, Mrs. Riethaler - weir, Preßl - weir, Lindner - weir, Helms - weir. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Josefstollen Gaisbachklause / saw The hermitage and the sawmill on the Gaisberg had completely collapsed in 1816 and were restored in three years for 12,000 guilders. In 1839 the woodwork was once again completely rotten. That is why Franz v. Schwind upgraded the Steinberg saw to make it more efficient. By using an overshot water wheel and the belt transmission in the gearbox - the first saw drive of this type in the monarchy - Franz Schwind succeeded in increasing sawn timber production fourfold. The Gaisbach saw was abandoned. Quarry / lime mill / stamp mill / lime kiln About 50 m above the mouth of the Josef tunnel, hydraulic limestone was mined in a quarry from 1846, transported via the Radgrabenbach to the "hydraulic stamp mill and lime mill" and heated in a "hydraulic furnace". fired (hydrauer). annual production about 6,000 hundredweight (from private sale) Kohlstatt A "Kohlstatt" for the production of charcoal was built below the Josef tunnel. This charcoal was needed in the miners' forges to repair the "teasome" (miner's tool).

Arschleder und Ledersprung Brauchtum Squire's dress and squire's garb: Clothing has always served people as protection against harmful environmental influences such as cold or wet, and in their respective design also for interpersonal communication. It has therefore developed very differently according to the climatic, individual and fashionable needs. Shoes and headgear, such as helmets, are considered clothing, but purely decorative items are not. The oldest remains of fabric from miners' clothing are known from the salt mines of Hallstatt and Dürrnberg near Hallein from the period from 1,600 BC. Christ. More than 700 fragments of flax, hemp, but above all wool fabrics and also fur and leather clothing were discovered in the Bronze Age pits. Although the fragments of fabric found are too small to provide information about the cut and the way it was worn, they do provide other essential information about Bronze Age textile craftsmanship. So high-quality sewing techniques and weaving patterns are documented. In addition to these revealing but fragmentary witnesses to mining clothing, a single piece has been preserved in its entirety. It is a cone-shaped leather or skin hat with strips of leather hanging from the crown. She was worn with the hair side inwards. Textiles were not only used as clothing or makeshift binding material in Bronze Age mines, but also for wound care. A bandage for a finger made of linen strips with plant remains to stop bleeding was found on the Dürrnberg. Fritz Gruber gives a good overview of the everyday clothing of early modern miners in his "Mining History of the Rauris Valley". In the 16th century, a squire wore a "Pfaid" (= "path", shirt), over it a skirt. This skirt originally reached to the knee like a smock, but later showed a clear tendency towards shorter and shorter versions. In the first third of the 16th century such open “mountain smocks” were at least sometimes still worn. It is not known whether underpants were used, but it can be assumed. Originally, a belt was worn under the skirt, to which the stockings were attached. Presumably, however, a strip of fabric was also attached to the belt, which covered the pubic area from below and was similar to a "bruoch" (= short trousers). The shirt was mostly linen, sometimes with a black collar. If the collar was set off and sewn out particularly beautifully, one spoke of a "Golter". The skirt in the cheap, simple form usually referred to as "Joppn" could occasionally have a lambskin lining. There was a version with wide or narrow sleeves, but there was also a version without sleeves. The trousers also underwent changes. Originally, the buttocks were covered by the so-called "bruoch" and for the legs there were two pieces of knitted stockings that were attached to the "bruoch" or, if they were not available, to a "trouser belt" (= trouser belt). As early as the early 16th century, the "bruoch" and leggings grew together into a single, undivided garment. Since the smock was probably quite short at that time, the idea of covering the male sex with a well-padded, capsule-shaped “braguette” (= codpiece) came up with the idea, as it had occasionally before. It is questionable whether the braguette belonged to the everyday clothing of the miners. For lansquenets, however, the "braguette" was part of the costume as a masculine attribute. Another aspect is important, namely the transformation of the old "Bruoch" into a particularly wide, bulbous, baggy "Puffhose" that reached down to the knees. The miners depicted in the Schwazer Bergbuch of 1556, for example, wear puffy trousers. The colorfulness of the trousers, which is particularly accentuated by the striped pattern, is striking. By the middle of the 18th century at the latest, the old leggings - similar leg warmers - gradually shrank to normal knee socks and puffy trousers to knee breeches. Interesting is the fact that the miners in the Rauris valley were allowed to wear trousers by decree for their loyalty to the Salzburg archbishop in the peasant wars of 1526, after the end of the turmoil of war. The rebellious farmers were still forbidden from doing this, they were not allowed to take off their old coats. All in all, the colors were lost in the later centuries and the natural gray should have determined the work clothes, apart from the "ass leather", which was black at all times. It was an approximately triangular cut leather patch that was worn on the buttocks. This made sense, since a miner had to protect himself against the damp, especially against damp, often clay-covered tunnel walls, not only when walking through narrow loops that were often not much more than 30 - 40 cm wide, but of course also when sitting . Incidentally, the ass leather could also be worn as belly leather, this was done by the mountain blacksmiths, for whom the nature of their work meant protecting the sensitive front. In a broader sense, of course, shoes also belonged to clothing. The old Bundschuhe only rarely appear in the estate inventories, but always "a cut pair of shoes", these initially without their own soles. If you want to look at it that way, these shoes were actually a kind of leather bag. It can be assumed that the "pit shoes" already had a sole, initially perhaps made of wood, later made of hard leather. Of course, the latter made them quite expensive. A "berett" made of cloth or "rough" (= fur, fur) served as headgear. The beret was a cap-like headgear that was more likely to belong to holiday garb and was not commonly worn until the 18th century. For bad weather, some afforded a dirty, light-grey “weather coat”. It didn't take long to clean the clothes. A contemporary report from Rauris around 1610 says that some people stink so much "that you have to flee the church because you faint." In addition to everyday clothing, the miners' costume was very important for identifying with the miners' class. For the entire Alpine region, the "white" (or "Maximilian") miner's costume is considered "historical" miner's clothing, the essential components of which are a light "mountain smock" reaching to the thigh, the hood either connected to it or at least to a neck and shoulder protector ("Gugl") and the Bergleder ("Arschleder") are. When miners represent their status, contemporary pictorial evidence shows them uniformly in white mountain smocks, with a hood and mountain leather, but mostly also with "mallets and irons" as attributes. It can be assumed, however, that only a very small percentage of those employed in mining bought this status clothing, most likely still members of the middle class among the miners: hat people, feudal workers and small trades. Uniform clothing at the expense of the mining operator is also unthinkable before the 18th century. Their clothing at work was not that uniform, but representations of working miners show a lot of agreement in essential parts: the preference for light colors for better visibility in the dark of the workplace, the hood that protects the head and neck, and the butt leather as protection with the often mallet work to be performed while sitting. However, the everyday and, above all, festive clothing of the miners, or the small number of those who could afford to dress, followed the changes in fashion as far as the applicable dress code allowed. Anyone who counted among the mining operators, the trades, was also allowed to wear the clothing reserved for merchants, townspeople and patricians. They dressed in magnificent robes of silk and cloth, wore pristine white ruffs, embroidered doublets, waistcoats or velvet jackets and short skirts and coats lined with fur. A beret worn on the head was considered a sign of status. According to the imperial dress code, berets were not allowed to be worn by farmers, commoners and craftsmen. The black miners' costume was introduced towards the end of the 18th century. It is attributed to the influence of the official clothing of the mining officials who were trained at the mining schools and academies and felt like "mining officers". The official attire, for its part, was based on models from Saxony from the beginning of the 18th century. The example of the Saxon "mining officers" with precisely prescribed uniforms for the individual ranks influenced Austrian mining, as photographic evidence shows, even before the first mining academy was founded in Schemnitz in 1771. However, pressure from the authorities to ensure a festive and representative setting for visits and transits by members of the imperial family certainly had the greatest influence on the implementation of uniform dark festive clothing. The mountain festival held in 1864 at the Ludovika tunnel in honor of the visit of the queens of Prussia and Saxony can serve as an example. Contemporary engravings show the miners' detachments with black kalpaks and plumes, black mountain smocks and trousers, and ass leathers. On April 20, 1850, after the events of the revolution in 1848, a regulation on mountain uniforms for mining state officials was issued for disciplining purposes. This regulation regulated the design of the mountain uniform down to the last detail as well as the general conditions of who had to wear it and when. The development of the miners' deed was completed in 1871 with the somewhat relaxed uniform regulations for miners and people working in the mines, to which the miner's smock, which is still worn today, goes back. The black mountain smock, which is still common today, has 3 rows of brass buttons on which the mining sign "Schlägel und Eisen" is shown. Furthermore, shoulder straps with the mining symbol are attached to the mountain smock. A white shirt with a black bow tie or tie, black trousers and a black shaft cap, a kind of beret, which also bears the mining symbols, are worn with the mountain smock. Some symbolic components of the mountain smock are worth mentioning: The 29 buttons of the smock are dedicated to the 29 years of St. Attributed to Barbara, the patron saint of miners. The golden buttons are supposed to symbolize the sun and the black cloth the color of the night in which the underground work is to be carried out. The miners' working clothes mostly consisted of discarded everyday clothes. Depictions from the Schwaz mining area show miners who, depending on their profession, wear worn and patched, colorfully assembled clothing. People often worked barefoot or with simple clogs. The Gugl was the only headgear. Protective clothing as we know it today has only existed since the second half of the 20th century. An essential part of modern mining clothing is the protective helmet. For thousands of years, helmets were worn primarily to protect against weapon damage. In the course of technological progress and the increasing number of special requirements, the first forerunners of modern protective helmets emerged in the middle of the 18th century. Originally made of leather or felt, these offered little protection. Moss caps made of felt have been worn in the Harz mining industry since the 18th century. They protected the miner from small rock falls and bumping against the ridges during his work. Moss caps were made from a hard green felt , but there are also said to have been "crocheted" versions. They were cylindrical, conical or dome-shaped. At the beginning of the 19th century, the first pit helmets were made of leather. They also offered only limited protection during underground work. Only with the development of plastics in the middle of the 20th century could the wearing comfort, the service life and above all the protective effect of the helmets be significantly improved. The color of the helmet also showed the profession or position of a miner. White helmets were reserved for supervisors such as foremen or overseers, blue helmets were worn by locksmiths, red helmets by electricians and yellow helmets by houseworkers. Modern mining protective clothing consists of overalls with reflective protective strips, safety shoes with steel toecaps, protective gloves, a protective helmet with integrated earmuffs and lamp holder, protective goggles, dust mask and a CO2 filter self-rescuer. Sources used: "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberger - miners and Halleiner - saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998 Alois Fellner "Mining Dictionary", Vienna, 1999 Fritz Gruber "The Rauris Valley - Gold and Silver, Mining History", Rauris, 2004 Günther Biermann "Living conditions of the miners" in "Grubenhunt und Ofensau", Klagenfurt, 1995 German Mining Museum "Uphill - Downhill, 10 000 years of mining in the Eastern Alps”, Bochum 2015 Anton Kern "Salt - Reich 7000 Years Hallstatt", NHM Vienna, Vienna, 2008

Overview of the tunnels at the Ischler Salzberg Surname attack length sea level Mitterberg tunnels * Old Steinberg tunnel * Lipplesgraben tunnel Lower water mountain Neuberg tunnel Moosegg Test Gallery * Matthew Stollen Rossmoos test gallery Mitterberg - water tunnel Women's wood studs Amalia Stollen High water mountain Rabenbrunn tunnel * Elizabeth Stollen New Steinberg tunnel * John Stollen Hubkogl test tunnel Test gallery Rehkogl Medium water mountain Ludovika Stollen Joseph Stollen Maria Theresa Stollen Leopold Stollen Franz Stollen Langmoos drainage tunnel Franz Josef Erbstollen 1563 1567 1567 1567 1571 1577 1577 1584 1596 1610 1687 1689 1692 1712 1715 1725 1725 1725 1738 1747 1751 1775 1794 1794 1858 1895 197 938 236 100 1464 364 740 702 1073 40 1000 750 284 487 54 1013 1195 1590 1800 884 57 2860 886 852 1000 1024 909 625 959 894 880 851 1114 800 812 862 991 1030 764 722 680 643 588 503 16 tunnels with salt mining 1 tunnel without salt mining (Franz tunnel, 1794) 5 water tunnels (4 in the Pernecker and 1 in the Lauffner salt dome) 4 test tunnels 26 tunnels opened from 1563 - 1895 (333 years) These tunnels have the "old small salt storage" (Lauffner Salzstock) open minded All details about the Ischler Salzberg and mining in general Grubenriss Ischler Salzberg 1865 The mining managers of the Ischler – Salzberg Hans Khalss 1563 - 1571 (comes from Altaussee) Thomas Kalssum around 1590 Martin Kalss (Martin Khalsen) around 1648 Abraham Wibmerum around 1664 Hans Wibner, Hanns Wimmerum around 1710 Anton Dicklberger 1808 – 1.4. 1838 Franz von Schwind 1.4. 1838 – July 16, 1841 Alois von Rehorovsky 1.12. 1841 – 1.8. 1847 Gustav Knight 1.10. 1848 – September 9, 1849 Kk Hüttenmeister Ritter was born on January 5, 1807 in Aussee as a son of the kk Pfannhausverwalter Josef Ritter born and died on March 27, 1884 in Aussee in his house at Gartengasse 4, still today known as the "Ritterhäusel". After his checkered service - recorded in 1829 as mountain student, he worked in Ebensee, in Ischl, in Hallein, in Hallstatt, he also served in the Galician kk Salinas - he came in 1851 as Hüttenmeister to Aussee. The "Hüttenschaffer" Ritter became known in 1840 when he died introduced desk firing in the construction of a brick kiln with great success. He saved firewood and through the complete combustion of the wood, the salt be obtained purer. In addition to his work, he dealt with current topics, which he recorded in drawings. He is described as a "funny coot" and became more than locally known for his apt joke drawings. Experts referred to him as "Wilhelm Busch von Aussee". Numerous pen drawings also received Anna Plochl, who also valued his art very much. Hüttenmeister Ritter also gave an interesting description of carnival in 1876, in which he finally said: "....Memories of 3 beautiful days, the culmination of a momentous dream, similar to our whole life, where everyone tries to fool the other and to meet the task of finding their way forward by deceiving their neighbor." Albert Hippmann17. 9. 1849-1. 7. 1865 Josef Wallmann July 1, 1865 – July 8, 1865 5. 1873 August Aigner July 1, 1873 – July 1 1. 1884 Karl Schedl January 1, 1884–1. 6. 1898 Robert von Possanner 6/1/1898–1. 4. 1901 Alexander Bretschneider April 1, 1901–1 1. 1909 Josef Griessenboeck1. 2. 1909-18. 11. 1924 Erich Alfred Kubla January 26, 1925 –8. 8. 1925 Franz Pickl January 4, 1926–29. 12. 1926 Julius Rotter January 1, 1927–1 7. 1933 Erich Ressel July 1, 1933 – March 31. 1943 Paul Lepez 1/17/1944-31. 7. 1945 Heimo Mayrhofer January 1, 1946 – June 4, 1956 Friedrich Hampel 1/1/1976 - 7/31/1978 Rudolph Neuhold 1978 – 1988 Gerhard Hirner 1988 - 04/30/1993 Walter Oberth 05/01/1993 Horst Sochor 1994 From May 1st, 1994, the mining companies were merged Altaussee, Hallstatt and Bad Ischl and the probe field for mining Salzkammergut Ernest Gaisbauer 1994 – 2005 Clade Michael from 2005 Sources used: Hollwöger Franz, Ausseer Land, Vienna 1956, page 90 and Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, volume 1, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 375 f. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 2, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 422 f. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 1, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 389. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 1, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 439. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 2, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 568. Picture in the Bad Ischl City Museum, ground floor, Salzberg Ischl room. Schraml Carl, Saline History, Volume 1, pages 178, 181, 183. Picture in the Bad Ischl City Museum, ground floor, Salzberg Ischl room. Schraml Carl, Saline History, Volume 2, page 157. Thomanek Kurz, grains of salt, Leoben 2007, page 166.

09 mountain church The Ischler Bergkirche is owned by the Austrian Salinas and was founded in 1985 at a cost of about ATS 600,000.00 (EUR 43,603.70) and the roof was re-covered with larch shingles in 1994. A commemorative publication was published on the occasion of the restoration in 1985. She tells us about the history of the building: " With kk Deputat order of October 23, 1747 it was agreed, among other things, that a chapel should be erected at the marked location and if it is not possible with less expense, the 500 guilders shown for this purpose may also be used (Resol. Book 1745 - 1750; p . 339), whereupon the chapel was built in 1751.” According to oral tradition, miners' fines were also used for the construction. Empress Maria Theresia ordered the building of the chapel. It is known from various historical sources that Luther's forbidden teachings were widespread among the salt workers at the time and that this chapel was intended to strengthen the Catholic faith among the workers again. Due to the tolerance patent of Emperor Josef II (1781), a more tolerant spirit also returned to the Salzkammergut, especially at the salt pans. The commemorative publication goes on to tell us: “Ever since this chapel was built, the Catholic priest from the Ischler Bergbruderlade has enjoyed two guilders for preaching a sermon on the St. Barbara festival. With the decree of May 1st, 1786, the Salzoberamt Gmunden granted the Protestant pastor von Goisern an annual guilder for the same purpose at the request of the non-Catholic miners.” The Ischler Bergkirche served both denominations for worship very early on, long before ecumenism brought the Christian churches closer together. Finally, I want to add the verses by Jolanthe Haßlwander: The Miners' Church in Perneck by Jolanthe Hasslwander I know a little church deep in the forest on a steep rocky ground, this is the squire's stay in a prayerful hour! Saint Barbara, the helper in all mountain dangers, stands ready here, with a true mind to keep the squires. And in front of the beautiful high altar Mary looks down too and gladly blesses the small crowd, she hears the miners' songs. In this church silent hat itself pious the squires tend and then, strengthened with new courage, to descend to the layer. (Leopold Schiendorfer, Perneck A village through the ages mining saint »

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The wood requirement for salt production using the example of the Saline lschl (1571-1965) Günther Hattinger Austrian forest newspaper 12/1988: The following post will be about the importance of the forest and timber industry for the salt extraction in the Salzkammergut, in particular for the Saline Bad Ischl, at the end of the 19th century and quantitative information is also given on wood consumption. The burning of wood as an energy source for the production of salt in Austria and the resulting overuse of the forest and wood industry has been part of the technical and economic history for more than 100 years. The development of salt mining in lschl (opened in 1563), but especially that of the saltworks in lschl (1571-1965), is closely related to the forests of today's Strobl forest administration. Large need for wood The forests in Upper Austria's Rettenbach and Mitterweissenbachtal were enough for the cover of Do not delete the need of the salt-weather out of. Originally, contracts with the Archdiocese of Salzburg also had to fall back on the "Salzburger Waldungen". It was not only necessary to cover the wood requirements for the operation of the saltworks (the panhouse), but also for mining, the production of salt packaging (Küfel .- and Fassel production), the transport of salt on the waterways (shipbuilding), for the buildings of the hermitage and drift system and the various allowance claims. The order of magnitude in 1720 With a production of around 30,000 t of salt in the entire Upper Austrian Salzkammergut (Saline Ebensee, lschl and Hallstatt) for salt production 160,000 rm, for runner production and the reed construction 53,000 rm and for defense construction, brewing and deputate 60,000 rm, a total of 273,000 cubic meters of wood was used. In the 17th century, the need for firewood for the Saline in lschl to produce salt was between 21,000 rm and 24,000 rm with an annual production of 5400 t to 6300 t of salt. In the 18th century this should be due to the production figures of the saltworks partly even exceeded 25,000 rm every year. The specific wood consumption in rm wood/t salt could only be reduced by almost 10% during these two centuries. Due to the increased salt production during this period, this did not have a relieving effect on the forest manager. During this period, the technology of salt production in round pans (old Austrian pan) with flat grates for firing was subject to little change, despite increasing attempts at improvement, especially in the 18th century. Spruce and fir wood in demand For firing, a large flame was required that gave off sudden heat Spruce and fir wood. The wood was on 6 1/2 shoes cut to length beech wood was only for firing the dry houses (Ppiesel) for the used to dry the salt fodder. In later times, up to a quarter of beech wood was allowed to be added to the wood for firing the pans, the "Hallwid". Lack of wood led to rationalization The looming shortage of wood led to rationalization measures. In the first half of the 19th century, the introduction of the "Tyrolean pan" (1823) and the construction of the Kolowrat brewhouse (1834) with a double pan and finally the introduction of the pull grate in the furnaces instead of the flat grate a significant reduction in wood consumption. Increasing salt production compensates for a reduction in wood consumption/t of salt During this period, the specific wood requirement fell by 35% from around 3.4 rm/t salt to around 2.2 rm/t salt. Around the middle of the 19th century, salt production at the Saline Ischl was 14,000 t/year. But even this notable reduction in specific wood consumption in the salt works could only compensate for the additional demand for salt production, but did not bring any relief to forestry. Coal firing brings relaxation to the forest This only happened with the introduction of coal firing in the Saline lschl in the years 1881-1886. The prerequisite for this was the construction of the railway line Stainach-Irdning-Attnang-Puchheim, the "Kronprinz-Rudolf-Bahn" in 1877, which transported coal from the Hausruck-Revier made possible. With the introduction of coal firing, gas firing with generator gas was also tried, as was the gasification of wood. The gas firing, which is more economical in itself in terms of heat technology, was not able to prevail over coal firing with stepped grates and later with movable grates. Pure coal firing for the production of pan salt remained in the Saline Ischl until production was finally stopped in 1965. Use of thermocompression In 1979, a new saltworks with a current production capacity of 440,000 tons of salt per year was put into operation in Ebensee. This saline, which works as a thermocompression plant with evaporators, covers more than 90% of Austria's salt production, in addition to the Hallein saline, which works according to the same principle. Salinen AG. With this technology, electrical energy is mainly used to drive the thermocompression system, which works as an open heat pump, and only a small proportion of caloric energy in the form of heavy fuel oil. Due to the high yield of thermocompression systems, the total energy consumption is only 0.9 GJ/1 salt (gigajoule/t salt). This energy expenditure is in the range of 5 to 10% the expense of open pans fired with coal or earlier with wood. It clearly shows the success of technological development over the past 100 years and especially in the last few decades. Wood shaped culture before the 19th century The German economist Werner SOMBART made the following statement in his 1919 work "Der Moderne Capitalism", which is largely valid for our region: "All European culture - the intellectual no less than the material one - emerged from the forest. The wood took hold all areas of cultural existence, was the prerequisite for the flowering of old branches of economic life and formed the general substance of all things to such an extent that culture before the 19th century had a decidedly wooden character.” Sources used: Günther Hattinger Austrian forest newspaper 12/1988 Use of the Salzburg forests at the Abersee by the Saline Ischl JOHANN OSTERMANN Austrian forest newspaper 12/1988 The political developments in the first years of the reign of FERDINAND I (1521 to 1560) resulted in an enormous boom in the salt trade and the associated salt production. How did that happen? In the Battle of Mohacs in 1526 the last Jagiellonian LUDWIG II, King of Bohemia and Hungary, fell in battle against the Turks. As he left no descendants, Bohemia and Hungary fell to his brother-in-law Ferdinand, who was married to Anne of Bohemia. This allowed the Austrian salt trade to be extended to the Kingdom of Bohemia. Due to the increased salt production, the salt pans were enlarged and their number increased. In search of new salt stores they found what they were looking for in lschl and on July 25, 1563 the Mitterberg tunnel was opened. The main problem of all salt pans was always having enough wood for the brewing pans. So one tried either to bring enough wood to the saltworks or, as in later years, to lead the salt to the wood through brine pipes, as was the case with the construction of the Ebensee saltworks. Although the salt mine and the lschl saltworks, put into operation in 1571, were in a very densely wooded area, it was necessary to look out for wood reserves in good time and also to take care to protect our own forests. Long before wood was delivered from the archbishop's forests at Abersee for the salt works in lschl, the lschl salt manufacturers, who were middle-class entrepreneurs, obtained Kufhoz and ship wood from the forests of the Mondsee monastery, from an area between Königsberg and lschl. The supply of wood to the salt flats is secured When the Austrian Obersalzamt in Gmunden approached Salzburg to secure wood consumption in lschl by using the Abersee forests, both sides were helped. After all, the Salzburg smelting works such as the Saline Hallein or the iron works in Rupertiwinkel were too far away to ensure economic use. In 1579, a treaty was signed between Emperor RUDOLF II. (1576-1612) and Prince-Archbishop JOHANN JAKOB VON KUEN-BELASY (1560-1586). At the beginning of the contract, reference was made to the then Emperor MAXIMILIAN II (1564-1576), who already concluded a contract with Salzburg in 1565, which stipulated the use of the Salzburg forests, which are in the area of today's Rußbach forester district of the Gosau forest administration, for the salt works regulated in Hallstatt. salt for wood In the contract of 1579, Salzburg obliges itself, initially from the forests of the Hüttenstein custodial court, the later St. Gilgen court, to the "Ischlerische Salzstätten" "Seven hundred pans Widt" correspond to 32,900 cubic meters of wood to burn in the brewing pans, 1 pan is calculated at 67 cubic meters or 47 cubic meters. The wood is to be taken from the following "Waldorthen": ".... to kindle at the Rinpach, and from there to the Wildten Cammer up from the Gassengraben to the Kürchweg." Then from the other side of the "Rünpach" up to the "Kaltenpach". If the 700 pans are not reached in this area, the felling should be extended to the "Unckhenpach". This corresponds to the area from the Rettenkogel, via the Rinnkogel to the Wilden Kammer, which is bordered by the Weissenbach in the west Salzburg permitted salt to be exported from the Hallein Saline to the Kingdom of Bohemia and to the imperial principalities and imperial cities that were interested in it. Wood use is regulated Only master woodworkers and woodcutters who were subjects of Salzburg were allowed to cut wood. In order to prevent damage to the rest of the forest and to the regeneration, the way in which the felling had to be carried out was precisely prescribed: "Sixthly, the pre-determined Waldörther should be chopped up and processed from underrists to colonels and from hindists to foreman and in a Waldmann manner so that the honeyed wood wax is harmed and left behind." protection for subjects By delivering the "Hall Widts" to the Saline, however, the subjects were not allowed to suffer any disadvantage in their purchase of wood, and the right to graze, the so-called "Pluem visit" not be affected. Bringing and hitting had to be done with "such care, so that the same can be done with the least amount of damage", and if the Salzburg subjects suffered damage from the wood deliveries at their base, "should in your Kay:(happy) May:(estät) Same damage will be increased and removed". The contract stipulated that twenty to thirty pans of wood, i.e. 1340 rm to 2010 rm of wood, were felled in the designated area every year. First Timber Order In 1581 In 1581, two years after the contract on the use of the Abersee forests by the Salzamt in lschl, a "timber regulation" was issued for the Hüttenstein court, which was intended to guarantee a more controlled use of the Salzburg forests in the court. In the introduction to the new timber regulation it is stated that the subjects of Salzburg took wood from the princely forests for their own use, but also for sale as ship or kufholz for lschl, at their own discretion and the forest care was completely neglected, so that "also the wood wax has been noticeably prevented, and therefore there is a great lack of wood". Wood is assigned The new forest ordinance stipulated that the subjects were only allowed to chop the wood that was shown to them on a stick by the chief woodsman or sub-woodsman. Fourteen days before or after Christmas, the chief woodsman, in the presence of the caretaker von Hüttenstein, announced in St. Gilgen how much wood the subjects were allowed to chop and where. The Oberwaldmeister had to give special consideration to the "poor Heusseßigen Unndterthonen, who Ir notturfft Traidt nit rein in on their goods" when awarding woodwork. Rollover will be severely penalized Since the Ischl salt manufacturers often advanced the Aberseer wood suppliers more money than was necessary for the work done, more wood was felled and carelessly, which from now on was subject to severe punishment. The subjects had Kufholz 45 kr. for a pound (pan), Schiffholz for a five (type of ship) and six 12 kr., for a seven 24 kr. and for a pan of firewood 16 kr. floor right to pay. In order to compensate for the different amount of work or income that occurred with the three different types of wood, the allocation had to be changed every year. For the export to lschl, wood for 150 zills and 100 pounds of Kufholz was approved annually. Firewood was not limited. Wood reserves are formed Unmarried servants and farmer's sons were not allowed to run "woodwork" on their own. They were only allowed to be employed as woodcutters with wages by farmers who had a permit be refurbished, but if it was sold to lschl, the stock rights first had to be paid for. So that there were enough wood reserves for Hallein’s own saltworks and because of the game, the chief forest master was instructed to give the Hüttenstein subjects in the high and black forests, “namely the Praitenperg , Wislwald . .. the like in the forests, such as in the Hintersee tall leagues". The first forest house The construction of the "housing" for an "undter Waldmaister" (forester) in Abersee can be seen as a forerunner of today's forest administration in Strobl. He was responsible for forest matters in the courts of Hüttenstein, Wartenfels and Mondsee, as far as they concerned Salzburg interests. Deciduous wood harmful to the Black Forest The wood goods producers and wheelwrights, as well as the blacksmiths of the Hüttenstein and Wartenfels courts, were allowed to take maple, elm and beech from the Black Forest "since such hardwood is harmful to the Black Forest anyway". When Austria set up its own salt deposits in Passau in 1596 In order to deliver salt to Bohemia, the Hüttenstein court was ordered to stop the supply of wood to lschl, whereupon Austria blocked the supply of grain and wine from lschl to Salzburg, but the dispute was resolved in 1600 by Archbishop Wolf Dietrich (1587-1612) and Rudolf II. settled. The farmers made mountain pastures out of the free forest areas, against which Austria unsuccessfully protested. As a result of the founding of alpine pastures no young forest grew up, the felling of wood was continually expanded: 1646 on the Breitenberg, in the Kögl and Eichenbrunn forests, 1695 in the Schreinbach and Zinkenbachtal, 1734 in the Zwerchenberg and Ruprechtsgraben forests, 1770 the forests in the Kammersbach, on the Scharfen, Schnitzhof, Sonntags-Kendl and again at Breitenberg. Finally, it should be noted that the large areas of alpine pasture in today's forest administration in Strobl are not due to the use of the forest by the lschler Saline, but to "impertinent alpine drivers". called. Sources used: JOHANN OSTERMANN Austrian forest newspaper 12/1988

03 The Emperor Leopold – tunnel Stud Name: "Emperor Leopold - Stollen" Emperor Leopold II (son of Maria Theresa), reigned 1790 - 1792 Struck: May 1, 1794 - together with "Unteren Kaiser Franz - Stollen" Length: 1,800m Altitude: 643 m The Emperor Leopold Stollen was built together with the Lower Emperor Franz Stollen on Struck May 1, 1794. Around 1800, the Kaiser Leopold tunnel had only been extended to 100 bars (119.5 m). In 1815, the Ischl mountain jury member Michael Kefer submitted a plan to the Salt Office to make the Kaiser Leopold tunnel dispensable by installing elevator machines and to stop driving it. In return, Kefer wanted the Lower Emperor Franz Stollen to continue to operate vigorously. This would have created the first blind horizon in the Kammergut. The Court Chamber, however, did not respond to the suggestion because it saw no advantage. The operation would become very difficult and the cleaning up would become more cumbersome and expensive. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel was to be driven further in the opposite building, but with lower ascents in order not to lose any of the usable mountain thickness. Until 1850 neither the Emperor Leopold reached Stollen nor the Lower Kaiser Franz tunnel also only the salt limit. The work in the dense and hard limestone of the Leopold tunnel caused great difficulties for the workers, the field site only advanced by 1 ½ bar (1.8m) in four weeks, the yearly advance was therefore limited to an average of 18 bar (21.5m) for a long time. In 1827, the court chamber complained about the little progress, in ten years only 171 rods (204.3m) had been advanced. It would therefore take a good 30 years to reach the salt dome, which is still 541 Stabel (646.5m) away. In order to speed up the advance, both the counter and the forward construction with two passes should now be initiated from the Pohl - Schurf. A water inrush in 1832 delayed the advance of the main town and prompted the mining administration to temporarily stop the counter building. In 1834, however, all places were in operation again. It was hoped that with the increased workforce, the Leopold tunnel could be completed in eight years up to the Wokurka dig and in another 15 years to the Pohl dig. A water drum set up at the Dicklberger - Schurf was used to ventilate the tunnel. In 1842, according to the program, the breakthrough from Dicklberger to Wokurka dig took place. Five years later, in the 840th fathom (1,592.6m) of the main tunnel, the huts came across the sulfur springs from the Maria Theresia tunnel. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel was driven to a height of 2.2 m and a width of 1.15 m; This resulted in a cross-sectional area of around 2.5 m². Its gradient was around 2.2%. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel led 1800 m through a deaf medium until it reached the Hasel Mountains. The tunnel was initially driven in a purely N-S direction, and then later turned towards the NNW-SSE towards the salt boundary. In 1850 the Mining Directorate approved the driving of the Lobkowitz bend in the dead end of the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. From the Lobkowitz-Kehr, the alignment of the salt storage should be carried out by transverse parallels in a southerly direction towards the hanging wall. In the years 1874 – 1875, the Dunajewski exploratory shaft was sunk from the Rosenfeld bend in the Leopold tunnel to a depth of 94 m and another borehole was drilled from the base of the shaft, which got stuck at a depth of 160 m in the Hasel Mountains. This proved the extension of the Perneck salt storage towards the depths. In 1895, the Kaiser Franz Josef heritage tunnel was dug near Sulzbach, not far from Lauffen, in order to capture the deeper parts of the salt mine. In addition, the Freiherr von Distler shaft was sunk 180 m deep from the Kaiser Leopold tunnel as the deepest horizon of Perneck. In the years 1957 to 1960 the central shaft from the Maria Theresia - tunnel to the Franz Josef - Erbstollen with a height of 203.8m was sunk by our own staff. In 1964, the central shaft in the limestone replaced the Freiherr von Distler shaft built between the Leopold tunnel and the level of the Franz Josef Erbstollen. The Distler shaft, which was excavated in the Hasel Mountains, required an excessive amount of maintenance work. In 1923, the salt mines on the Radgrabenbach not far from the Maria Theresia tunnel converted a dam for a small power station. The dam was originally used for a water wheel to drive the blacksmith's hammer in the Maria Theresia tunnel. A pressure pipeline DN 120 mm was laid from this dam to the mouth of the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. This had a length of 250 m with a gradient of 45 m. The hydromotor device consisted of a Pelton turbine with two inlet nozzles and a water consumption of 13 to 15 l/s. The turbine was made by the Josef Oser company, Krems, and had an output of 6.5 hp. The driven DC generator supplied a voltage of 220 V with an output of around 4 kW. According to the Wasserbuch, the system was used to illuminate the saline buildings and the salt mines. This small power plant was closed after the Second World War and the Salzberg was supplied with electrical energy via the Kaiser Franz Josef - Erbstollen from Lauffen's own power plant. In 1954 there were several major factory failures in the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. Brine had drained into the Sulzbach and destroyed the fish population. From the 1920s, the Leopold tunnel was used as an exit route for visitors. As a result, the attractive slide of the Pohl - Schurfes, which leads from the Maria Theresia - into the Leopold - tunnel, could be installed in the guideway. From about 1953, after the tunnel was demolished and the Ruhrthal mine locomotive G22 Z was put into service, crew hoists were again driven out of the Maria Theresia tunnel. From 1957 all the leaching works of the Pernecker tunnels, which lay above the horizon of the Leopold tunnel, were used up and the brine produced in the lower horizons has since been released via the central or Distler shaft and the Franz Josef Erbstollen. As a result, in 1957 the brine pipelines in the Leopold tunnel and subsequently also the entire Pernecker Strehn including the brine rooms could be closed. In September 1978, February 1980 and March 1981, about 130,000 m³ fell from the Zwerchwand - SW - side of the 120 m high rock face, whereby the boulders of Tressensteinkalk, up to the size of a house, flowed down the valley on the Haselgebirge and marl. These landslides can be linked to leachate collapses in the Ischler Salzberg, especially in the horizon of the Leopold tunnel. Leopold Stollen – weirs around 1966: 21 weirs (18 weirs in operation around 1966, 2 weirs under construction) Mayerhofer (XIX) - weir (under construction), Vogl (XX) - weir (under construction around 1966), Schauberger (XVIII) - weir (under construction), Ressel - weir, Rotter - weir, Münzer (XIV) - weir, Mayerhoffer (XIII) - Weir, Krenn - weir, Griessenböck - weir, Backhaus - weir, Balzberg - weir, Janiss - weir, Pickl - weir, Sorgo - weir, Posanner - weir, Kirnbauer - weir, Haupolter - weir, Schraml - weir, Bretschneider - weir, Krempl - and Birnbacher - weir (cut). In 1983 the desolate tunnel building was demolished, a concrete retaining wall was erected to protect the slope and the pink limestone ashlar portal was restored. Additional parking areas were created on the tunnel forecourt for visitors to use. At present there is a firing channel in the Kaiser Leopold tunnel that is used privately by the Rieger "Ischler Waffen" company. For this purpose, the tunnel was closed after 100 m and the entrance area was blocked off with a massive steel door. Not far from the Leopold tunnel in the area of the parking lot and the garages you can still find iron slag, which probably comes from a smelting works operated in the 16th century, in which the ores extracted from the Rainfalz were smelted. In order to save time-consuming and long tunnel driving from above ground, 2 underground mines were created below the Leopold tunnel. These underground works can only be reached via the two pits (Distler and Central pit) and via several pits (sloping pits with stairs) from the Leopold and Erbstollen level. Originally it was planned to create a total of 6 civil engineering sections, each 30 m thick, in the 180 m high mountain center between the Erbstollen and Leopold levels. I. Civil engineering: After completion of the Dister shaft in 1895, the preparatory work for the exposure of the first blind horizon at the Ischler Salzberg could begin. Starting in 1904, starting from the Distler shaft 30 m below the Leopold level, the drivage for the first civil engineering began. The first civil engineering served to derive the brine from the workers laid out in the Leopold horizon. In addition, a total of 13 plants were built in the first civil engineering. In December 1944, Plant XII, the so-called Ebensee plant, was released for the storage of works of art in the first civil engineering works. The plant had a storage area of 1100 m² and a capacity of 2700 m³. A trench leading from the first to the second civil engineering was buried in 1945 so that nobody could reach the storage uninvited. In the 1950s, a place of honor was created for the fallen salt miners in the Pernecker Salzberg. In the first civil engineering works, a leaching plant was baptized as a “heroic work” to commemorate the fallen. A plaque with the names of the im 2nd World War remaining work comrades attached. However, since the route had to be closed in the 1980s, the plaque was moved to the mountain chapel on the Salzberg. I. Civil Engineering - Weirs around 1983: 13 weirs Lepez - weir, Köck - weir, Grundmüller - weir, Krieger - weir, Rettenbacher - weir, Heldenwerk, Gmunder - weir, Lauffen - weir, Ebensee - weir, plant 6, Hampl - weir, plant 8, Mock - weir, Mitterauer - weir. II. Civil engineering: Starting in 1934, starting from the Distler shaft 37 m below the 1st underground construction and 67 m below the Leopold level, the roadway drivage for the 2nd underground construction began. In the area of the Distler shaft, a spacious, two-track filling point, the so-called "Bahnhof", was driven up. The Häuerberge was excavated via the Distler shaft and the Franz Josef Erbstollen to an above-ground heap. If you climbed out of the conveyor shell of the Distler shaft in the II. civil engineering, you first arrived at the "filling point", a room that measured about 8 by 4 m and was used for loading and unloading the elevator. From there, the "Bahnhof" branched off diagonally to the right, equipped with 2 tracks for moving the mine railway, which was also built for this mining horizon and was therefore wider than the other tunnels in the mountain. II. Civil Engineering - Weirs around 1983: 6 depth workers (putten) and 3 borehole probes Pütte 2, Pütte 3, Pütte 4, Pütte 6, Vogl - Pütte, Pütte 9, boreholes 1/II, 2/II and 3/II In 1989, extensive construction and device work was carried out in II. Civil Engineering for underground brine extraction. Boreholes 4/II – 6/II were drilled. At the time brine production was stopped in 2010, Pütte 4/II was being used as a spillway for Häuerberge and Pütte 6/II was being used to extract bath mud. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Walter Medwenitsch "The geology of the salt deposits Bad Ischl and Altaussee", communications from the Geological Society, 50th vol. 1957, Vienna 1957 Dark moments: salvage of art objects 1944/45 Dark moments: salvage of art objects 1944/45