Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte krankenversrgung Social affairs – health care: The medical services in the Kammergut were under the supervision of graduated doctors from an early stage. The first Salzamtsphysicus mentioned in the resolution books was 1628 Dr. Brown. Since 1656 (3rd Reformation Libel) free medical treatment and the free purchase of medicines have been among the most important benefits for masters and workers permanently employed in the salt industry. In the second half of the 18th century, workers who were unable to work as a result of illness received full wages for the first 14 days, then sick pay of 30 kreuzers a week until they recovered and a commission (mercy pension) in the event of permanent disability. The officials had to diligently monitor the sick worker, deal with the surgeon or barber after the end of the cure (sick leave) and submit the cost calculation to the salt office physician for review before payment was made. In order to reduce the high cost of sickness, the authorities were instructed not to pay any workers the allowance (sick pay) until they had been examined by the surgeon and found to be ill. All bathers, surgeons and surgeons of the saltworks offices, ie also the markets there, were subordinate to the salt office physician. From 1735 he inspected their activities, calculations and healing successes quarterly. He pronounced the inability to work to obtain the commissions. The official bather treated the salt people and usually also gave them the medicines. He submitted bills to the Salt Office for payment. It was often paid incompletely and it often took a long time, which is why two thirds of the accounts were paid in advance by the salt office. The Kammergut was already under the supervision of certified state doctors in the 16th century. The exercise of health care, however, was in the hands of practitioners without formal training, with bathers, surgeons or surgeons. They were also barbers, therefore craftsmen with their own craft regulations, approved by the Emperor in 1646 and confirmed in 1662. Neither the barbers and surgeons nor the pharmacists were imperial servants with a fixed salary. Their income was low, so they received aid money and often maintained era bathhouses. For the treatment of sick people there have always been two spas in Ischl and from 1711 a third spa. The barbers needed the approval of the Salt Office to practice their trade. They also had to take a vow at the market court and at the verwesamt. The Salzamt invoices also contain entries that there were two midwives in Ischl who received an annual subsidy from the market and had to take their vows before the market court. An important part of the medical system was the Kammergutapotheke in Gmunden, which was first mentioned in the Salzakten in 1616. In 1740, the reimbursement of doctor's wages and medicine costs granted from 1656 was still only available to workers in imperial service if they fell ill or were seriously injured in the course of their work and could no longer be prepared with regular household remedies. Only the unprejudiced and philanthropic physician Dr. In 1746 Lebzelter found the courage to openly declare that internal illnesses required treatment just as much as external illnesses, which is why such patients should be treated free of charge. Treatment costs for workers suffering from toothache were not reimbursed in 1745. If a worker fell ill with the French plague (syphilis), he had to be examined by the surgeon, who would decide whether the illness was the result of accident or his own fault. In the latter case, the doctor's wages were paid by the office, but the costs of treatment and maintenance were deducted from the worker's wages and he was also punished. To deter others, a salt worker from Ischl was dismissed from his work in 1738. In 1746 Dr. Lebzelter was one of the brightest minds of his time in the Salzamt. In order to make it easier for the salt workers to drink milk, which is indispensable for better nutrition for the children, Dr. Despite all resistance, Lebzelter managed to get the general ban on grazing for goats, which was issued to protect the forest stock and whose milk he declared curative against scurvy, partially lifted and raising was permitted wherever the animals could not damage the grazing culture. He recognized the inexpediency of the workers' vegetable-poor diet, which consisted almost entirely of flour, semolina, lard, and the daily Schott soup, and he was a zealous advocate of the cultivation of potatoes, which he considered to be of great value as a supplement to the diet. Through his efforts, the Salzamt also improved and expanded the unhealthy, unclean and cramped sleeping quarters in the miners' houses on the Salzbergen. From time immemorial, free medical treatment and sick pay were only due to workers directly employed by the era, and in 1777 the Court Chamber renewed the ban on granting these advantages to woodcutters employed by the entrepreneurs. However, as early as 1778, she softened this harsh provision to the extent that the salt office was allowed to pay the doctor's wages if such workers had an accident or fell ill while on duty. Provisional workers were long excluded from any sickness allowance; only from 1790 onwards did the Salt Office replace their doctor's wages. The Salzkammergut was not entirely spared from the risk of epidemics. The plague claimed larger numbers of victims in 1625, 1675 and at the beginning of the 18th century. The plague was probably brought in from Lower Austria, despite the border closure that was imposed on the country when it first appeared. The Kammergut was closed to all through traffic and the border crossings were strictly guarded. Every epidemic required an expansion of the old cemetery, which was located directly next to the Ischl church. The fire in the Hallstatt market in 1750 also destroyed the Salinenspital. The new building, which was only started in 1770 and completed in 1772, was no longer built in the market square, but in the Lahn like the Sud- and Amtshaus. The new hospital was dimensioned for the accommodation of 16 patients of both sexes, from among whom the court clerk entrusted with the overall management and supervision chose a hospital father and a hospital mother. These two, as well as the other patients, received a weekly benefice and were obliged to spin or knit according to their strength for the needs of the hospital. The beneficiaries were free to live with their relatives; in this case they were entitled to a payment of the weekly hostel rate. The interest on the assets was initially available to the hospital administration to cover current expenses. In addition, there were annual co-payments by the erar. With the growing knowledge of the causes of diseases and the means of combating them from the end of the 18th century, the medical service not only increased in size and prestige, but also the demands on the people responsible for the immediate treatment of the sick had increased. From 1790 onwards, the Court Chamber demanded Magistri and Doctors who had already been examined and approved at the University of Vienna for vacant barber positions, but there were still no such applicants for the Chamber estate. The bathing and barber trades, which used to be left almost entirely to the practice of treatment, lost more and more importance compared to the better trained and certified surgeons, of whom there were a few in every larger town. The salt workers were free to choose their bathers and surgeons, which is why they preferred the more competent ones and thus also contributed to raising the status of healers. The protection smallpox vaccination discovered in 1796 had already found its way into the Kammergut in 1802; from 1802 to 1806, 1,261 children had already been vaccinated free of charge by the saline surgeons. In 1807 the Court Chamber assigned the Gmunden pharmacist the establishment and operation of a branch pharmacy in Ischl, which became independent from 1821. In 1807 a saline physics department was created in Ischl. The former regimental doctor Dr. Josef Götz was in charge of the inner Kammergut and the forest districts around Mondsee and Attersee. From 1826, stable workers had to obtain spa certificates from the office in the event of illness, on the basis of which they were entitled to free medical treatment. Free treatment was excluded if a worker injured himself off duty. After six months of illness, the erar's obligation to provide medical assistance was ended, and the office then had to decide whether the worker was to be commissioned for a certain period of time or permanently. From 1827 onwards, dependent or interim workers enjoyed free medical treatment for injuries sustained on the job, but not for internal illnesses. In general, however, they were not entitled to sick pay. Seriously ill or injured Ischl salt workers could be accommodated in the hospital operated by the market community. For this purpose, the salt works management had 2 rooms available for 8 sick salt workers in return for an annual fee of 16 Rachel firewood. Here the saline workers were treated by the Ischl saline physician, and the erar paid the subsistence costs directly to the market town. The Ischl "infirmary" was first mentioned in 1586. This house was built for the sick, not for the old and poor. Around the middle of the 17th century it stood behind the church. When the hospital disappeared at the end of 1770 when the church was enlarged, the sick were accommodated in an old barracks outside the keep. Through an agreement with the saltworks, a new house was built on the so-called Pfarrwiesen and put into operation around 1800. In Ischl there was a second private hospital in Eglmoos in the village of Ahorn from 1827, where the sick received medical treatment and care for a certain fee. The health of the workforce was an important concern for the saltworks. At the turn of the century, workers' bathrooms were available for employees. In the mining industry, there were hot kitchens to give the workers the opportunity to eat regularly and healthily. Spiritual nourishment was available to the saline workers in their own saline libraries. However, the libraries were not used very actively, about one book per worker and year was borrowed. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Personalstand und Tätigkeiten Social affairs – number of employees and activities: At the beginning of the 17th century the following activities were described in the salt mines: The Bergmeister was sworn in by the Salzamtmann in Gmunden before he took up his duties. He was the manager responsible for the mining operation and had the duty of “always bringing up a young skilful ironworker alongside him, diligently and faithfully instructing the same Berg Schien, Wag und Maß, actually learning and teaching, thereby you. Maj. would like to use the same for a future Bergmeister”. The mountain worker was also sworn and had to see to the order in the mountain and compliance with the prescribed services so that the workers received the wages they were entitled to. Three Eisenhäuer were selected by the Bergmeister as spectators or jurors ; They were not paid as such and had to approve the brine together with the miner and worker, give their opinion on the type and nature of the rock when measuring the dimensions and participate in the accounting of the item (mining piecework). The Eisenhauer received a weekly wage as an advance on the fixed quarterly output on the rock. At the Ischler Salzberg, 9 iron cutters were divided into three blows (working groups) and worked on the rock throughout the shift. Each battalion had to advance 27 poles (ie 3 poles per man and quarter = 3.58 m ) in a quarter in order to receive the full payment. The workers had to change 1 ½ - 2 yokes (excavation room) per shift. They were also used for the maintenance and production of conveyor hoists, for repairing the reels in the scoop pits and for the production of beams for ironwork. The Karrner or promoters promoted the accumulating heaps of heifers and rusters from the pit. The creators had to reel up the buckets filled with brine from the workers. The farmhands or boys were busy with various unskilled work in mining, the weather forching (operating fans for artificial ventilation) and delivering the mining irons to and from the mining smithy. The mountain blacksmith had to keep the hewer's tools (tools) in order, steel them, weld them and sharpen them. The charcoal burner burned the forge charcoal from the charcoal wood assigned to him. The cart makers or wood-diggers were responsible for the manufacture and repair of the scoops and cleaning buckets as well as the preparation of the yoke and base wood and its delivery to the scaffolding sites in the pit. They were also obliged to provide the necessary tools, such as hoes and dexel (axe with a transverse blade). The number of miners for Ischl specified in 1656 in the 3rd Reformation Dragonfly had to be increased towards the end of the 17th century and even more so in the 18th century, because the accelerated alignment of the deeper horizons and the increase in the number of workers meant an increase in the number of miners, miners and and cleaner personnel required. The miners and their related trades enjoyed princely exemption (princely protection) on the way to and from the Salt Mine except in matters of maleficent (serious crimes). Under threat of loss of property and imprisonment, they were not allowed to enter into alliances with one another, nor to form alliances against superiors such as magistrates, administrators, miners or workers, and they were not allowed to mistreat, scold or ridicule their employees. Salt theft and unreported removal from salt waste was forbidden, as was carrying weapons. Any other handling (employment) was forbidden to the Eisenhäuern. However, the level of 140 men in 1720 does not correspond to the actual work output, since many miners only worked half shifts. Workers at the Ischler Salzberg: The following list of employment in the Ischler Pfannhaus shows the predominance of woodwork, which claimed 70% of the entire workforce, while hardly a quarter of this was necessary for the actual salt production. The strong increase in the workforce towards the end of the 17th century is related to the overpopulation in the Kammergut, which resulted in an increased influx of people to work in all the administration offices and companies. Worker Ischler Pfannhaus: The Erbeisenhäuer rights ceased to exist around 1760 without being formally revoked. The hewers now split into two groups, the squires who worked on the stone and in the things and the squires who were no longer suitable for this and worked in the look-up and other things. In 1763, the commission of inquiry had replaced the six-hour shift that had been customary until then with an eight-hour shift followed by a 16-hour rest period. The workers started at 4 a.m. on Monday and finished the last shift at noon on Saturday. Since they could not go home between two shifts due to the great distance between their homes, they did not have time to do housekeeping at the weekend. They therefore asked for the old shift system to be reintroduced, which the Oberamt granted them in 1770. After this, the weekly shift was over on Friday without any reduction in working hours. Day workers' shifts in the summer began at 5 am and ended at 6 pm, with two one-hour rest breaks at 8 am and noon. In the future, 382 six-hour shifts had to be worked for the 286 ½ eight-hour shifts that were previously used annually. The relatively small number of shifts can be explained by the many mountain holidays. In 1781, however, Emperor Josef canceled 26 such mountain holidays. Even with the considerably increased staff in 1769, the accelerated tunneling of the new underpass tunnel and the increased activity in mining in the following years at the Ischler Salzberg could not be sufficient. Worker Ischler Salzberg: In 1805 the workforce at the Ischler Salzberg already numbered 230 men. In 1805 the administrative offices of Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee employed a total of 3,422 men. In addition, there were 1,000 workers in Aussee, that of the bulk runners' trade office for barrel production and personnel required for shipping, the occupation of the loading places and barns and the Küfler standing in the finishing service. A total of around 5,000 workers may have been employed in the salt industry. In 1851 the ministry set the peak of stable laborers at 3,739 men. Between 1805 and 1810, the number of employees at the Verwesamt Ischl was 968 workers. Ischl dilapidated: Number of personnel mid 1805 to 1810 In his book "Travelling through Upper Austria", Volume I from 1809, Joseph August Schultes describes the following activities on the Ischler Salzberg: Overview of the mountain personnel at the Ischler Berge 1804: In 1822 the miners in Hallstatt and Ischl had the following work regulations: The cleaners, miners (conveyors), Lettenschlager, Wegleger and workboys began work on Monday at 6 a.m. and worked eight six-hour shifts a week with a six-hour rest period. The carpenters worked five six-hour shifts with a twelve-hour break in 3 freestyle sessions on site and started work on Mondays at 6 a.m., 12 p.m. and 6 p.m. They spent the sixth six-hour shift "after work", i.e. not at Gedingort during the rest period, and had Thursday afternoons or evenings off. The squires also only worked six six-hour shifts a week, two a day each, but they were only assigned to two men and could therefore complete their weekly work in three days. The book writers, blacksmiths, stuff custodians, chest judges, Geimel and Rüster were on the mountain from Monday morning to Thursday evening and worked twice a day for six hours, from 6 a.m. to 7 p.m. with a one-hour lunch break. The watermen rotated six-hour shifts, worked 14 shifts a week, and then were off duty the following week. Like the other day workers, the woodworkers and unskilled laborers stayed at the Salzberg from Monday to Thursday, but were only paid five days' wages for the four working days and the paid return trip. The new shift order introduced in 1841 according to the intentions of the court chamber in connection with a status and wage regulation was intended to eliminate organizational disadvantages and put the companies on a more rational basis. The servants on the salt mountains were now divided into: 1. The championship without manual activities, 2. Hut people with manual activities, 3. Miners 1st, 2nd and 3rd class with a weekly wage increased by 30% compared to the previous one, 4. Manipulation Pupils (Mountain Boys). The number of systematic master craftsman and worker posts was limited to 178 in Ischl, 213 in Aussee and 301 in Hallstatt. Working hours should be extended to the whole week, starting Monday at noon and ending on Saturday at noon. The pit work was to take eight six-hour shifts throughout. This shift order, which kept the miners back at the salt mines all week long, was not popular with the miners. In 1851, the Hallstatt miners finally obtained permission to work the 48-hour week in five days by shortening the previous rest periods, so that they could leave the salt mine on Friday and use the whole of Saturday to do housework. In 1821, only boys who were at least twelve years old and had school certificates were allowed to be accepted as miner boys or manipulation pupils, mostly the sons of supervisors. The number of boys in Ischl was eight and twelve in Hallstatt. They initially served without pay and, after a probationary period, received a small wage including farm grain if they performed satisfactorily. As in all companies, the number of employees at the Ischler Salzberg had increased significantly. In 1823 it was 246, in 1824 even 263 men, including 206 miners, 30-45 woodcutters and 10-11 pupils. The austerity measures of the following years only slowly made themselves felt, 1832 employed 206, 1834 195 and 1837 183 men. There were now 185 systematic posts, and the administration had to cover any additional demand by hiring temporary interim workers. In the years 1847 to 1849 the Ischler Salzberg employed a total of 200 men. From the 185 systematized positions on: Class I 37 on housemen and foremen class II 41 on Lettenschlager, stretch workers, blacksmiths and elmsters Class III 41 on conveyors and layoffs Class IV 37 on chester Class V 29 on Tschanderer and Werkbuben In his report on "The Ischler Bergfest" in the 1970 Leobner Grünen Hefte, Franz Grieshofer gives an overview of the workforce at the Ischler Salzberg from 1650 to 1969 Ischler Salzberg: Number of employees 1650 - 1969 In her work on "The Liquidation of the Saline Hall" from 1970, Maria Mittendorfer gives an overview of the number of employees at the Austrian salt works in 1964. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Joseph August Schulte's "Travels through Upper Austria", Volume I, Tübingen 1809, reprint Linz 2008 Franz Grieshofer "The Ischler Bergfest", Leobner Grüne Hefte, Vienna 1970 Maria Mittendorfer "The liquidation of the Saline Hall", contributions to alpine economic and social research, episode 92, Innsbruck 1970

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Löhne Social – Wages: A comparison with the wages set in the second Libellus of 1563 shows that the daily earnings of skilled miners have remained fairly unchanged, while those of day laborers and other unskilled laborers have increased by about 50%. It can be seen that under the pressure of economic hardship the government had to at least boost the wages of the lower classes to keep them viable and able to work. However, the wages of the salt workers were still very meager. Employment conditions in the rest of Upper Austria were significantly more favorable. A journeyman and a day laborer earned a good 50% more than a salt worker. It should not be overlooked that the salt workers enjoyed many benefits in addition to their wages that were unknown outside of the Kammergut. They were exempt from military service and from military billeting, paid no taxes or levies unless they were homeowners, they had free medical treatment in the event of illness and constant care in old age. Covering the demand for bread grain was one of the most important tasks of the Salt Office, which was authorized in times of rising prices to sell it to relatives below cost price. The livestock production of an entire district, the Hofmark with the Viechtau, served exclusively to supply meat to the Kammergut, the meat prices were set by the authorities and the butchers were supported with subsidies so that they were able to maintain these prices even in expensive times. The salt workers did not have to worry about the future of their sons, even in the first half of the 18th century every able-bodied farmer found appropriate income. The low-wage miners often only worked short shifts and thus had the opportunity to earn an extra income. By enfeoffing infangs (peripheral parcels) and allocating timber, the government encouraged the development of extensive smallholdings. The purchase of firewood was free for all employees. The miners in Ischl were paid much better than those in Hallstatt, so their economic situation was more favourable. Unfortunately, the reasons for the unequal treatment of the two companies could not be derived from the documents used. This difference is all the more striking as the other provisions of the Mining Code are the same for both salt mines. Around 1690 the administrative offices in Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee had an excessively high number of men. Not only did they take in far too young workers aged 12 to 15, but also immigrant workers from other countries. In the Kammergut everything was trying to find accommodation in the imperial service. The salt office did not cause any difficulties, on the contrary, its applications for commissions, grace money, alms, doctor's wages, educational contributions, etc. were "tardy, light and unfounded, written according to whim". Commissions were requested for people who were not entitled to them. Instead of flatly refusing requests, the officials even supported the parties in doing so. The officials wrote the submissions for commissions themselves and thus acquired a considerable additional income. The number of old-age pensioners was also unnaturally high, because the workers took early commissions to make room for their sons or to sell the vacant position to a third party. At the end of the 17th century, state finances were in particularly bad shape, and going into debt became the norm. In order to satisfy the empire's financial needs, the income from taxes was no longer nearly enough, even for the operation of the salt works in the Kammergut there was sometimes a lack of cash. Going into debt had become the norm in Austria in order to get over the current shortage of money. The workers drew their wages at the weekend and the Salt Office had no greater concern than to send the Weeding Office the necessary cash for the payday. But he didn't always succeed, sometimes people had to return home empty-handed on Saturday because no money had come from Gmunden. In 1693 the Kammergutarbeiter sent an emergency cry to the Court Chamber for grain; In Ebensee, Ischl and Hallstatt there was hunger and dysentery, the pans could no longer be operated, the deteriorating coinage had devalued the money. The buyers, shipwrights and Stadlinger (shipmen) who worked in the manufacturing sector suffered even more than the imperial workers. In a petition written to Ischl, they complained that they had nothing left on their bodies and nothing to eat, in Laufen some had already died of hunger and the rest were about to emigrate with their wives and children and go begging. The finishers were also impoverished and could no longer pay them their wages. The year 1696 was one of the saddest in the eventful history of the Salzamt. The Hofkriegszahlenamt claimed all of his receipts for itself. The shortage of money was also so bad because the sales of salt fell noticeably as a result of the rapid succession of price increases in favor of smuggling. The Salzamtmann had to find outside money, which could no longer be obtained at an interest rate of 6 percent, in order to be able to secure the grain deliveries to the Kammergut. The financial crisis lasted until 1703; they feared national bankruptcy and the loss of good faith among the people. All available means were necessary to maintain the empire and the army, and yet the payment of interest from the Salt Office could not be omitted. The emperor himself urged the salt office to send money to Gmunden so that the Gmunden office could pay the interest and pay the workers. With the intention of increasing the number of people needed for salt work in the Kammergut, the sovereigns had favored the founding of families by allocating fiefdom, helping to build houses and granting a dowry. By the end of the 17th century, this goal had not only been reached, but also exceeded; the supply of workers had outstripped the need. Marriage was no longer made so easy for young people and required the consent of the salt clerk; this only had to allow marriage to one or the other "busy and caring" worker. The allocation of infants (peripheral plots) was stopped, and the construction of new residential and farm buildings was made more difficult because there was no longer a particular desire to start families and there was every reason to limit the use of timber and to protect the forests. From 1709 onwards, the construction of workers' houses was only approved on the condition that they were made of brickwork and that the wood required did not come from imperial forests. A main inspection of the salt office ordered in 1733 under the direction of Count Starhemberg was to investigate and eliminate these abuses. The perception was made that “almost the entire crowd there insists on it and proposes that everyone should be appointed ex ärario, so to speak, because the young people of both sexes no longer go into private service, neither learn a trade, but want to get married early . Instead of them only foreign servants were kept and many foreign people were bred into them and the chamber estate was therefore overpopulated.” The Salt Office was instructed to encourage young people to do other than salt work, to remove immigrant strangers from the country, to restrict marriages, and to give stubborn elements to the soldiers. The appointment of Johann Georg Freiherr von Sternbach as Salzamtmann in 1743 marked the beginning of a new era. Sternbach intervened firmly in the administration of the Salzamt. The greatest and most difficult task was to reduce the excessively swollen labor force to economically justifiable proportions. So far, all the instructions and orders from the court authorities had remained fruitless because the officials knew what tremendous resistance they would unleash and had neither the courage nor the will to take up the inevitable fight The workers, alarmed by the action of the Salzamtmann, sent deputations to Vienna to prevent the threatened dismantling, but found little to meet them. Laid-off workers who, because of their age or family, could neither move nor earn an income elsewhere received maintenance payments. The unmarried boys who could not be used for salt or wood work and who were expendable joined the military. The recruitment of residents of the Salzkammergut violated the age-old statute that they should be exempt from any service. The seriousness with which the layoffs and other austerity measures were carried out aroused the most violent resistance from the workers. This led to riots in Ebensee. Officials were physically attacked and injured. Ischl forest workers tried to regain their old rights by going on strike. In order to give Sternbach's measures the necessary emphasis, 300 infantry and 30 men on horseback were sent to Gmunden under the command of a sergeant. The movement had become dangerous because the majority of senior officials, who disliked Sternbach's harsh actions, sided with the workers and encouraged them. The bourgeois circles, on the other hand, especially the salt manufacturers, were worried about the workers' unrest because they feared that their trades would be disturbed and they could not know what extent the unrest would become. A commission of inquiry was set up to urge the continuation unchanged of the measures introduced by Sternbach and approved by the government, and proceeded with the greatest severity against all who opposed them. Most of the participants in the uprising quickly showed remorse and there was no fear of a repeat of the unrest. Complaining officials were questioned by the commission of inquiry without involving the salt official. Their verdict was devastating for the applicants. Without exception, the commission found all objections to be unfounded, incorrect, impudent and of such a nature that the ignorance and negligence of the informants was proven and one was completely convinced of their recalcitrance. With this report, the fate of the complainants was decided, they were dismissed from the service. After the suppression of the workers' uprising and the removal of his most dangerous opponents, Sternbach was able to continue and consolidate his reform work undisturbed from 1744 onwards. Until 1753, the salt workers were regularly paid their wages on Saturdays after the weekly raitung (weekly payroll). In 1753, Salzamtmann Sternbach introduced four-week wage payments to save on paperwork and clerical work, and in the meantime gave the workers official slips with which they could buy from the millers and other tradespeople on Borg. The workers, whose economy had always been based on weekly pay, fought back and persuaded the investigative commission present to quickly withdraw Sternbach's decree. The closer it got to the turn of the century, the greater the need in the Kammergut and the more dissatisfied the workers, whose wages had remained almost unchanged for 80 years. A commemorative document written in 1797 by the spokesmen of the Hallstatt workers and presented to the Court Commission in Gmunden was extremely sharp in tone and openly expressed the ferment among the workers. The mountain carpenter Josef Pfandl, spokesman for the deputation at Count Aichold, said that the revolutionary ideas coming from France were fulfilled: "Things will be the same here in France as in France and in Vienna things are already going so well that no citizen would look at His Majesty pay more attention". The commission, outraged by Pfandl's language, found the authors guilty of defamation and attempted sedition and handed them over to the courts for trial. Pfandl was imprisoned in Ort near Gmunden for 388 days before he managed to escape. He then wandered erratically abroad and in November 1800 applied to Vienna for permission to travel home. At the request of the Court Chamber, which knew that the entire workforce was committed to him, the Emperor complied with his request. In the course of the 18th century the salaries of civil servants increased only partially and not significantly. The low wage increases have also permanently lost value due to the introduction of paper money alongside the metallic currency. In 1761, bank notes were first put into circulation as paper money. The people weren't happy about it. Paper currency declined sharply between 1808 and 1810. As a result, the need for the staff increased. In the years 1808 and 1809 the printing press printed more and more paper money, by 1810 this had almost completely replaced cash. On December 11, 1810, Austria stopped cash payments entirely, the bank notes were confiscated and replaced by redemption slips, which, however, only had 1/5 of the previous nominal value. Finally, in 1816, the rebuilding of the Austrian monetary economy began with the establishment of the National Bank. This alone was entitled to issue banknotes and obliged to redeem the current bill money. The wages of the miners were anything but good, mainly because of the devaluation of the currency. The management of their small estates was therefore a necessity in order to be able to provide themselves with the most important staple foods. On the other hand, working in the mountains offered a basic income that made it easier for the miners to survive times of crisis than other occupational groups – agricultural or non-agricultural – whose existence was often threatened by price fluctuations or crop failures. It was this system of "safe poverty" that made working in salt mines so popular. Austria's struggle against Napoleon required the utmost exertion of all forces and suppressed all other considerations. The imperial patent of October 25, 1804 granted exemption from military service only to executives and the most distinguished workers in the mines. With the strict application of this regulation, the Salt Office would have had to stop all operations that were not allowed to be interrupted because of the salt supply of the Reich. The Salzamt and the Verwesämter were constantly trying to get their people free from the Assentierung (conscription), but the recruitment commission instructed by the Hofkriegsrat made no exception for the Kammergut and called up 183 men from the Kammergut for the position in July 1805. After an objection from the Salzamt, the recruiting commission held back only 41 men from the Kammergut. The period of French rule from 1809 onwards was downright catastrophic for the salt industry. The income from the sale of salt in the country flowed into the coffers of the enemy intendancy, so the salt office could neither pay the wages of the salt workers nor procure the food they needed to feed themselves. During the summer months of 1809, Hallstatt workers waited seven weeks for their wages. Hundreds of them marched in front of the office building in Lahn and threatened to take the salt from the stacks as payment if help didn't come soon. A total of around 5,000 workers were probably employed in the salt industry around 1820. This number was already reduced by 1,058 men in 1825. In 1832, only 3,858 men served in the salt industry, 741 of them in Ischl. In 1851 the ministry set the peak of stable laborers at 3,739 men. The misery of the many dismissed workers was great, so their urge to be accepted back into the service of the salt office was understandable. The offices had to suffer a lot from the onslaught of job seekers and it was difficult to always make the right choice. In 1820, in addition to a shift wage of 45 Kreuzer, a worker also received farm grain and lard in exchange for the old limit price (purchase price). From 1829 onwards, in order to be able to continue operations without problems in the event of major sick leave, military conscription or temporary additional demands, for example due to construction work, the administrative offices were forced to take on temporary interim workers (temporary workers) beyond the normal status of permanent workers. The negotiations with the Oberamt led to a separation of the workers into three groups: 1. Stable workers entitled to commission and enjoying provisions (“full workers”). 2. Stable and commission-eligible workers without provisions ("incomplete workers"). 3. In non-permanent workers without a right to commission and provisions (“interim workers”). The winter of 1847 increased the misery of the workers to an unbearable level. The people sold their livestock, got into debt, couldn't get flour from the millers in advance, lost their strength and didn't have enough to clothe themselves. In January 1848, the Hofkammer began working out a new wage system that was intended to bring the workers a significant improvement in their income. The workers had always been used to bringing their wages home at the end of each week. In 1823, the court chamber wanted to introduce monthly payment to save on a lot of paperwork, but gave up due to the great resistance of the workers and finally stuck with the fortnightly payment. In 1848 the old wish of the working class for the reintroduction of weekly pay was fulfilled. For the payment of wages, it was customary for the clerk responsible for compiling the wage list to collect the necessary money from the till and for the foremen to make the payment. But no master was allowed to pay off his own staff. In order to be safe from fraud in shift calculations, the Hofkammer transferred this business to the cashiers in 1824. In 1848, the Court Chamber set the 48-hour week for all miners equally and wanted to break it down into six eight-hour shifts. However, she only found the approval of the Ausseer miners, while those in Hallstatt and Ischl insisted on the six-hour pit shift that had been granted to them in 1771. Mining lasted from Monday to Friday, leaving Saturday free for chores around the house. If the office needed farmhands, it encouraged marriages by providing marriage money, giving birth and giving away wood for building houses free of charge. When the fruits of economic policy had ripened and there were too many job seekers, the Oberamt again restricted marriages and denied the workers the necessary marriage permits. Maria Theresa's reforms had deprived the Salzamt of being able to enact marriage bans by legal means. Hofrat Schiller was faced with the hard and difficult task of not only adapting the excessive number of men to actual needs, but also of proceeding more strictly with the marriage permits that had previously been granted indiscriminately. In spite of the legal freedom to marry, the Oberamt still had effective means of discouraging the younger workers from marrying. It was within the power of the Salt Office to tie new marriage permits to the renunciation of the family grain. From 1830 onwards, the Oberamt denied marriage permits to all workers who were not yet eligible for a commission and had therefore not yet completed their eighth year of service. In addition, it no longer allowed them to receive the family grain. These measures, but especially the loss of the family grain, kept young people from getting married early, and by 1843 the number of marriage applications had already fallen sharply. A decree issued by the Emperor in December 1848 ordered leniency for sentences not yet executed and the termination of investigations. Furthermore, the reintroduction of the family grain, the reduction of the pasture interest by half, the reduction in the price of wood for the needy and the abolition of the long-service work. These government concessions were able to satisfy and reassure the workers. There was no real uprising movement in the Kammergut, but fears of such a movement prompted the authorities to take some precautionary measures. The Saline Ebensee had set up a fire station for a short time. A section of the National Guard had taken up position in Ischl. In October 1848, due to a shortage of firearms, the Board of Directors of the National Guard asked the Oberamt for the production of 120 pikes and for a contribution to the uniforming of the poor guards from the working class. The government had no objection to the production of pikes in the Ebensee court smithy, the salt works actually supplied the National Guard with 60 pikes. But she refused the uniform expenses, the workers should fall back on the funds of the brother shop. The long period of war, with its insatiable demands on men fit for arms, had eliminated the old privilege of the salt workers, who had also become conscripts and were subject to military laws. In November 1818, 124 men from the Kammergut were drafted to Kremsmünster for recruitment. In 1819, 168 Landwehr men from the Kammergut were ordered to move into Vöcklabruck for a fourteen-day weapons exercise and examination. It was important to the Salzamt to exempt people from military service who were indispensable for the company or who were difficult to replace. In response to their ideas, a joint commission consisting of representatives of the district office, the salt office and the military district command came together in 1820 to determine the categories desired for military liberation. According to this agreement, 1,385 of a total of 5,530 employees were to be released from military service for a limited period of time. Up until the 19th century, the salt workers in the Kammergut received “limito provisions”, a certain amount of grain and lard that could be purchased at fixed, reduced prices. This cheaper way of passing on food had made a significant contribution to alleviating the social hardship of the miners, especially in times of crisis, when the price of food rose sharply. On the other hand, even in the 19th century, the basic wages of salt workers were always below those of qualified factory workers. The system of "secure poverty" continued into the 19th century: working as a stable miner or salt worker was secure employment even in times of crisis, but cuts in pay had to be accepted. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

067761168967 Horst Feichtinger horst.feichtinger@gmx.at

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Schulen Social – Schools: For the education of workers' children there were schools in the Kammergutorten, which the communities shared with the Salzamt. The schoolmaster was usually paid by the parents themselves, but the office paid the school fees for poor workers. The first school on Bad Ischler Boden was probably in the "Freien Markt Lauffen", where a schoolmaster Hyronimus Seifelder is said to have worked as early as 1519. It is known that in 1550 there was a schoolmaster in Ischl. The first schoolhouse was built by the municipality in Markt Ischl in 1560 and in Lauffen in 1567. For the boys who had outgrown school, acceptance into the imperial service or into the manufacturing service was the rule; on the Salzbergen in Hallstatt and Ischl, the son usually followed his father in the same branch of service. If the boy had learned a trade, the office paid the fee or apprenticeship fee to the master craftsman. Up to the last quarter of the 18th century, the school system in the Kammergut had not undergone any significant improvement compared to before, only the number of schools had increased. In 1767 there were schools in Laufen, Ischl, Ebensee, Obertraun and St. Agatha in addition to Hallstatt and Goisern. The schoolmasters were poorly paid, but they and their widows were commissionable. Their knowledge was very limited, so apart from Christianity, which was the main subject of the lesson, they could only teach the children little. After all, the majority of the schoolmasters came from the clerkship and their widow was allowed to continue the lessons. The schoolmasters were also always appointed in agreement with the religious commission and the missionary superior. In 1769, in addition to the parish schoolmaster, who was paid by the Salzamt, Ischl also had a market and religious schoolmaster, who taught independently of the former and also taught Christians in the neighboring parishes. On December 6, 1774, the great school reform took place under Maria Theresia. So-called trivial schools should be set up in every parish. How the first trivial schools were designed can be read in Abbot Johann Ignaz Felbiger’s “Core and Method Book”: “The children gather at school before 8 a.m. and go to church in pairs, modestly. After Holy Mass they also go back to school. There they pray, the names are read out. From ¾ 9 to ½ 10 the little students learn to know and spell the letters. From ½ 10 to ½ 11 the catechism is read. ½ 11 is prayed, the students are dismissed except for the arithmetic students, who are instructed and practiced in arithmetic until ½ 12.” The schools in the Kammergutorten were continued from 1774 onwards as trivial schools according to a uniform curriculum drawn up by the government and were only managed by certified teachers. The schoolmasters had to travel to Linz to acquire the teaching method, take a course at the local normal school and, after completing it, take an exam. The trivial school in Ischl only required a single classroom, separate from the schoolmaster's apartment, with a step for the teacher and an easel with 2 black boards. So that the older children would not be completely deprived of housework, half-day classes were introduced, in which the children only had to attend in the mornings. From then on, religious instruction was no longer taken care of by the schoolmaster, but by the catechist twice a week. Well-to-do parents had to pay the school fees of 1 guilder a year themselves, the poorer workers were paid by the Salzamt, and very poor children were also provided with school books. The maintenance costs of the public trivial school fell to the state. The trivial school was followed by the also public secondary or normal school with higher learning goals, to which the trivial students could transfer after the second grade. In 1782 Ischl got a new school building for the old rooms that had become inadequate. In 1816 the number of students had already risen to over 400, so a third classroom and a second assistant became necessary. In 1782 Ischl got a new school building on the left bank of the Traun near the main bridge, but it was immediately overcrowded. To relieve the strain, the first school class was set up in Pfandl in 1791 in the “Zum Pfandl” inn. In 1816 there was a teacher with two teaching assistants and 400 (!) students in Ischl. The filling of vacant teaching positions in the public elementary schools was based on the proposal of the nursing offices by the episcopal consistory, which appointed a school supervisor for each deanery. The schoolmasters at the trivial school were permanently employed. The teachers at the trivial schools were placed on an equal footing with the civil service and the clergy. If the number of pupils became too large for one teacher, the authorities provided him with assistant teachers with a lower salary. Although the catechist did not receive a special salary, he was given a remuneration for giving religious instruction. A considerable amount of extra work arose for the teaching staff from the imperial decree that came into force at the beginning of 1817, according to which repeat lessons on Sundays and public holidays were to be introduced for young people aged 12 to 15 who had outgrown school. Applicants for the saltworks service had to provide proof of having attended a repeat school. A great benefit for the growing female youth was the founding of knitting schools in Gmunden, Ebensee, Ischl, Hallstatt, Aussee and Altaussee, which enjoyed special support from the Court Chamber. She paid the tuition fees, sometimes also honored the teachers and gave the schools the firewood. The knitting schools, run by handicraft teachers, were also regularly attended by girls from the salt pans. The trivial school in Ischl with the three teachers' rooms was already too small in 1819 and the connection of a fourth room had become necessary. However, the number of school children continued to rise. In 1825, a teacher and three assistants taught 420 children in two school classes, each with two departments. The prescribed maximum number of 80 students in one room was therefore considerably exceeded and the procurement of a fifth classroom could no longer be postponed. In 1839 the emperor approved the amount of 11,086 guilders for the renovation, which was also to include the fifth classroom. Until then, the school was housed in the old, completely inadequate rooms, the building was badly preserved, and the storey height was far too low. Since the number of schoolchildren had grown to 460 in 1832, each of the four department classes held over a hundred students, and the teachers reluctantly went into the overcrowded and unhealthy rooms due to the fumes. For the rental of the absolutely necessary fifth classroom in some private house, Dr. Wirer agreed to dispute the interest. dr Wirer had also taken on the young women of the market and in 1832 in Ischl set up and maintained the first handicraft school in the Kammergut entirely at his own expense. As early as the following year, a hundred girls enjoyed free lessons there. dr Wirer also bought the raw materials needed for the spinning school and used the school's products only for the benefit of the children, he clothed the poorest and gave presents to the hard-working. The small village school in Pfandl near Ischl also needed an extension in 1835, and the school-friendly residents of the up-and-coming town had asked for it. The soup facilities in Hallstatt and Ebensee, established in 1845 and open during the winter months, were a beneficial welfare institution for the school children of the salt workers. On May 14, 1869, the "Reichs Volksschulgesetz" was passed. "Every elementary school is a public institution and as such is accessible to young people regardless of their religious affiliation." Among other things, compulsory schooling for eight years was introduced, collections of teaching materials and school libraries were established. The school system then took an enormous upswing. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016

Verwaltung des Salzkammergutes Administration of the Salzkammergut Salzgewinnung durch geistliche Grundherren: Die in den Händen der Nonnen des Klosters Traunkirchen liegende bergmännische Salzgewinnung und das Salzsieden in Hallstatt waren sicher vor 1311 wieder aufgenommen worden. Im ausgehenden Mittelalter errangen auch die Landesfürsten das Recht auf Regale (vom lateinischen „regalis“ = dem König gehörend), es gelang aber erst nach und nach, dieses durchzusetzen, den gerade bei der Salzproduktion waren die geistlichen Grundherren noch längere Zeit hindurch sehr aktiv. Salzgewinnung der Landesherren: Bereits Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts erreichte der steirische Landesherr das Monopol über die Saline in Aussee, nachdem er die Besitzrechte des Zisterzienserklosters Rein ablöste. Erst hundert Jahre später konnten auch die Habsburger die Salzregale in Hallstatt vom Kloster Traunkirchen für sich beanspruchen. Anlässlich ihrer Heirat mit Herzog Albrecht I. (ab 1282 Herzog von Österreich und Steiermark) erhielt 1280 Elisabeth, die Tochter Meinrads II. von Tirol, die Herrschaftsrechte im heutigen Salzkammergut als Morgengabe. Bald nach dem Tod ihres Gemahls im Jahre 1308 hatte Elisabeth an der uralten Salzstätte, dem „halperg“ zu Hallstatt, ein neues Salzwerk „vom wilden gebirge und grünen wasen gepawet und gestiftet“ und dann im Jahre 1311 sowohl dessen Betrieb als auch den Absatz des gewonnenen Produktes, „daß unser saltznutzlich und fürderlich werde verchouffet“, durch Verleihung gewisser Konzessionen an private Unternehmer gesichert. Diese Konzessionen waren die „Burglehen“ oder „Junkhernrechte“, weil sie an Adelige, und die „Burgerrechten“, weil sie an Bürger vergeben worden sind. Die Inhaber der erstgenannten Rechte waren hauptsächlich zur Erzeugung, die Besitzer der letzteren zum handelsmäßigen Vertrieb des Salzes verpflichtet. Die am 12. Jänner 1311 von Elisabeth ausgestellte Urkunde, gab dem bereits vorhandenen Hallstätter Salinenwesen eine erste feste organisatorische Form. Hallstatt wurde Markt und Hallstätter Bürger erhielten die sogenannten "Salzfertigerrechte". Frühe Strukturen herrschaftlicher Verwaltung: Sowohl das Ausseer Land als auch das Ischlland waren demnach bereits zu Anfang des 14. Jahrhunderts „verstaatlichte“ Bergbauregionen, die als landesfürstliches Eigengut dem Herrscher direkt unterstanden und von landesfürstlichen Beamten verwaltet wurden. Von der Struktur her waren es schon „Kammergüter“, nur der Begriff existierte noch nicht. Der Landesfürst war in diesem Raum nicht nur Landesherr, sondern auch Grundherr und die Einnahmen aus den Salzvorkommen flossen direkt in die landesfürstliche Finanzkammer. Es bildete sich ein Staat im Staate mit eigenen Rechten und Organen, die direkt dem Landesfürsten und der kaiserlichen Finanzverwaltung, der "Kammer" unterstellt waren. Als weisungsgebundene Beamte erscheinen der Salzamtmann urkundlich zuerst im Jahre 1335, der Hofschreiber zu Hallstatt 1338 und der Bergmeister 1346. Es begann eine neue Ordnung im Salzwesen, die anfangs vom Pfleger in Wildenstein als dem Vertreter des Landesfürsten geleitet wurde. Noch 1452 war der Pfleger zugleich auch Salzamtmann. Mit der Zunahme der Salzerzeugung war die Vereinigung beider Ämter in einer Hand nicht mehr länger sinnvoll; während der Pfleger zu Wildenstein die Vogtobrigkeit und die Gerichtsbarkeit weiter behielt, wurde ein eigenes Salzamt in Gmunden errichtet und diesem ein Salzamtmann vorgesetzt. Die Wahl von Gmunden als Amtssitz war wohl dadurch gegeben, dass Gmunden der von der Natur gegebene Umschlagplatz und damit auch Zentrum des Salzhandels war. Außerdem war dort auch die sehr wichtige Salzmaut beheimatet. Ein vollständiger Ausbau und eine eingehende Regelung der Verwaltung des Kammergutes war jedoch während des ganzen Mittelalters nicht möglich, da die Landesfürsten das Kammergut nicht in eigener Regie führten, sondern in Pacht vergeben hatten. Die kriegerischen Zeiten am Ausgang des 15. Jahrhunderts und die damit zusammenhängende stete Geldnot der Landesherren führten zur ungemein schädlichen Verpachtung des gesamten Salinenwesens. In Aussee musste das Pachtsystem schon lange vorher bestanden haben, da 1492 geklagt wurde, dass dessentwegen mehr als 60 Jahre kein „Fürbau“ mehr geschehen sei. Zwischen 1478 und 1491 lag der Hallstätter Betrieb nacheinander in fünf verschiedenen Händen, jeder Pächter suchte aus ihm mit den geringsten Unkosten den größtmöglichen Gewinn zu ziehen und sich auf Kosten des Staates und der Volkswirtschaft zu bereichern. Zu einer wirklich ergiebigen Einnahmsquelle wurde das oberösterreichische Salzwesen erst unter der Regierung des Kaisers Maximilian I. und seiner Nachfolger. Reform des Salzwesens durch Maximilian I.: Maximilian I., der die Wichtigkeit einer geregelten Betriebsführung im Salzwesen für das Staatswohl und die Erträge des Salzregals erkannte und den Salinen des Kammergutes seine besondere Aufmerksamkeit schenkte, löste die Pachtverhältnisse noch vor Ablauf der Vertragsdauern nicht nur in Hallstatt, sondern auch in Aussee auf und führte die gesamte Salzwirtschaft in die landesfürstliche Verwaltung zurück. Zugleich erlies er genaue Weisungen über die Betriebsordnung am Salzberg und im Pfannhaus, über die Entlohnung der Arbeiter und Beamten wie über das Waldwesen, wobei er sich des Rates erfahrener, fachkundiger Männer von anderen Bergbauen und Ämtern bediente, die er als Kommissionäre zur Bergbeschau anordnete. Solche Bergvisitationen wurden unter Maximilian I. wiederholt abgehalten. Die erste urkundlich nachgewiesene Untersuchung des Salzwesens zu Hallstatt und Gmunden unter Maximilian I. fand im Jahre 1494 statt. Eine Salzordnung Maximilian I. ist uns nicht erhalten geblieben, dass eine solche aber tatsächlich bestanden hat, geht aus zwei Schriftstücken hervor, die sich im Stadtarchiv von Enns befinden. Ausseer Hallamtsordnung 1513: Kaiser Maximilian I. befahl 1513 die Verfassung der Ausseer Hallamtsordnung, die als älteste Waldordnung gilt. Die relativ kurze „Instruction und Ordnung bey dem Salzbergwerke zu Aussee“ aus dem Jahr 1513 verfolgte einen doppelten Zweck. Einmal versuchte sie Missstände zu beseitigen, zeitgemäße Reformen durchzuführen und damit den Ertrag von Bergbau und Saline zu steigern; andererseits war sie sichtlich bemüht, die Rechte des Landesfürsten zu festigen. Die „heimliche Beinutzung“, das heißt mit anderen Worten, die Bestechungsgelder, sollten abgeschafft werden. Dazu waren vornehmlich zwei Dinge notwendig: Erstens sollten die Beamten wie auch die Arbeiter besser bezahlt werden und ihre Löhne pünktlich erhalten, dies nicht so sehr aus sozialen Erwägungen heraus, sondern damit sie von ihren Löhnen auch tatsächlich leben konnten und auf Nebeneinkünfte nicht angewiesen waren. Die zweite Forderung ging nach einer strengen Überwachung aller Angestellten durch den Verweser. Daran scheint es sehr gefehlt zu haben. Im Waldwesen tritt besonders auffallend die neue Haltung der landesfürstlichen Politik in Erscheinung. Die Unordnung war in den, den landesfürstlichen Ämtern unterstehenden Wäldern, den sogenannten Kammerwäldern, ganz besonders groß. Die Forderung nach Heranziehung auswärtiger Fachleute sagt genug aus. Die Ordnung von 1513 bildete schon eine durchaus bürokratische Maßnahme. Allein Maximilian I. war noch nicht imstande, die Ausführung dieser Ordnung durchzusetzen. Anders sein Enkel und Nachfolger Ferdinand I. Ferdinand I., ganz im Sinn absolutistischer Tradition am spanischen Hof erzogen, suchte, wie viele andere auch, das Salinen- und Waldwesen im Salzkammergut vollständig der landesfürstlichen Gewalt zu unterwerfen. Sogleich nach seinem Regierungsantritt gab er Befehl, dass durch Sachverständige aus Hall in Tirol und aus Eisenerz eine neue Hallamtsordnung ausgearbeitet werde. Sie ist mit 4. Oktober 1521 datiert, ist aber verschollen. Ausseer Hallamtsordnung 1523: Auf Grundlage der Ordnung von 1521 wurde die „Instruction und Ordnung bei dem Salzbergwerke zu Aussee“ vom 13. Mai 1523 ausgearbeitet. Die Hallamtsordnung von 1523 bestimmte zunächst als übergeordnete Behörde, ohne deren Befehl keine neuen Baue errichtet und keine Ausgaben verrechnet werden durften, die Niederösterreichische Raitkammer. Die „heimliche Beinutzung“ der Verweser und Amtleute, die „zum Nachteil und zur Schmälerung des landesfürstlichen Kammergutes führte“, wurde „aufgehoben und abgetan“. Die Beamten mussten sich fortan auf ihren „ordinari soldt“ beschränken und durften nur so viel Holz und Salz beziehen, als sie „zu irrer zimblichen hausnotturft“ bedurften, mussten dieses Holz und Salz auf ihre eigenen Kosten aus dem Werk wegführen und das Holz ebenfalls auf ihre eigenen Kosten hacken lassen. Eine bescheidene Entschädigung dafür erhielten der Verweser und der Gegenschreiber in einer Art „Reisekosten“. Für verschiedene Arbeiten wurde eine Art Akkordlohn eingeführt, d. h. es wurde nicht mehr die ausgewendete Zeit vergütet, sondern die tatsächlich verrichtete Arbeit verrechnet. Die Beamtengehälter wurden beträchtlich erhöht. Die Hallordnung von 1523 war eine streng bürokratische Ordnung, die zwischen einer vorgesetzten Behörde, der Niederösterreichischen Raitkammer, und einem nachgeordneten Amt, dem Hallamt zu Aussee unterscheidet, sowie unnachsichtig vorschreibt, dass alle Beamten mit fixen Barlöhnen das Auskommen zu finden hatten. Da bereits 1524 eine ähnliche Neuordnung des Siedens in Hallstatt und Gmunden getroffen wurde, ist anzunehmen, dass nunmehr die bürokratische Ordnung in einer angemessenen äußeren Form der kaiserlichen Befehle den vollen Sieg davongetragen hatte. Erstes Reformationslibell 1524: Libelle waren kleine Büchlein (lateinisch „liber“ = das Buch), die Sammlungen von Urkunden und Texten enthielten. Reformationslibelle enthielten die für die jeweilige Wirtschaftsweise geltenden Gesetze, kompakt zusammengefasst, sowie Analysen mit zukunftweisenden Anordnungen. Sie galten als Nachschlagewerke oder Handbücher für eine ganze Region. Das erste Reformationslibell mit dem Titel „Libell der Newen Reformation unnd Ordnung des Siedens Hallstat unnd ambts zu Gmunden 1524“ steht an der Grenze zweier Epochen des Hallstätter Salzwesens. Bis in die Zeit Kaiser Friedrich III. lag der Betrieb in den Händen Privater, den Pfannhausern, Erbeisenhäuern und Burgern, letzter waren für den Transport und Verschleiß zuständig. Friedrich III. begann, diese privaten Rechte abzubauen und dafür die landesfürstlichen – grundherrlichen eintreten zu lassen, was seine beiden Nachfolger fortsetzten und beendeten. So trat der Landesherr in die Aufgaben und Rechte der bisherigen Unternehmer ein. Daraus entstand ein bedeutender, landesfürstlicher Verwaltungskörper. Die Reformationskommission bestand aus den Hofräten Hans Schärfenberg, Inhaber der Herrschaft Ort, Hans Hofmann zu Grünbühel, Christof Praunfalk, Verweser in Aussee, Ulrich Stark und Hans Segkher, Mautner zu Gmunden und hatte den Befehl „die Salzwesensordnungen, die aus den alten Briefen und Libellen seit Königin Elisabeth aufgestellt waren und sich in der langen Zeit und aus anderen täglichen Zufällen zum Nachteil des Kammergutes in etwas verändert haben, zu erneuern.“ Um über den Zustand und die Ausdehnung des Bergbaues eine Übersicht und damit eine Grundlage zur weiteren Beratschlagung zu gewinnen, war eine Vermessung der Grubengebäude angeordnet worden, zu welcher auch die Bergmeister von Hall in Tirol und Aussee herangezogen wurden. Die Berufung der Haller Bergleute hatte ihren Grund darin, dass diese ihre Hallstätter Kollegen in der Kenntnis der Grubenvermessung übertrafen; dagegen besaßen die von Aussee in der Markscheiderei die geringste Erfahrung. Nun hatte zwar der Bergmeister von Hallstatt, Wolfgang Huebner, über höheren Auftrag schon am 14. Mai 1523 mit der“ Verschienung“ des Salzberges begonnen, sie aber nicht zu Ende geführt. Die von den fremden Bergmeistern gemachten Teilaufnahmen stimmten weder untereinander noch mit der Hallstätter „Schien“ überein, auch grobe Fehler kamen vor, kurz, der Kommission war mit der Vermessung sehr wenig geholfen. Es fehlte an Aufschlüssen über die Lage, den Umfang und die Versudhöhe der verschnittenen Schöpfbaue und der anzulegenden Verbindungsschürfe. Die fremden Bergleute wussten überhaupt nicht, warum man sie vermessen lies. Bei der „Darschlagung der Schien“ (dem Auftragen der Vermessung über Tage in natürlicher Größe) waren weder die ortskundigen Hallstätter Bergleute noch Fachmänner aus Gmunden zugegen. Die Vermessung war für die Kommission fast wertlos und diese genötigt, ihre Beschlüsse hauptsächlich auf Grund der eigenen Wahrnehmung bei der Bergbeschau nach den damals geltenden bergwirtschaftlichen Grundsätzen zu fassen. Das erste Reformationslibell 1524 suchte zunächst das durch den Raubbau gestörte Gleichgewicht zwischen Vorratswirtschaft und Erzeugung wieder herzustellen, vermehrte die Mannschaft, insbesondere die Zahl der Säuberer, und drang auf die rasche Erschließung der hinteren Lagerteile der Abbauhorizonte im Hallstätter Salzberg. Der Salzberg wurde zum ersten Mal vermessen, doch nicht kartiert, weil man Grubenpläne im verjüngten Maßstab noch nicht anzufertigen verstand. Auch die markscheiderische Aufnahme der Schöpfbaue unterblieb, deren Ausdehnung und gegenseitige Lage war daher nicht genau bekannt. Das Zusammenschneiden der Baue dauerte weiter an, wurde bisweilen sogar absichtlich herbeigeführt, Schutzdämme dagegen kannte man nicht. Der Inhalt des ersten Reformationslibells gliedert sich folgendermaßen: A. Einführungsdekret Erzherzog Ferdinands 1525 Jänner 8. - Beginn I. Teil Das Sieden zu Hallstatt B. Privilegien – Privilegien von 1311 und 1455 durch Erzherzog Albrecht, Ablösung der Jungherrenrechte und Pfannhausstätten 1524 C. Vermessung und Bestandsaufnahme des Salzberges zu Hallstatt 1523 D. Ordnung für den Bergbau – Bergmeister, Bergschaffer, gemeine Bergleute, Besoldung, Unschlitt, besondere Auslagen E. Pfannhausordnung – Feuerarbeit, Sudarbeit, Instandsetzung F. Ordnung für den Eisenwarenbedarf G. Ordnung für den Aufsatz des Werk- und Brennholzes H. Ordnung der Wälder und der Waldarbeit J. Ordnung in der Waldhegung und des Holzbezuges K. Pflegamt Wildenstein L. Ordnung für das Verwesamt Hallstatt: aAllgemeine Bestimmungen – Amtsführung, Aufsichtspflicht, Überwachung des Siedens, Proviantwesen, Neubauten, Feuerwache Ordnung für die Gemeinde Hallstatt – Lebensmittelpreise, Salzbezug, Gründe zu Obertraun Hofschreiberamt Mitverweser und Richter zu Hallstatt Gegenschreiber und Pfieselschreiber II. Teil Das Salzamt zu Gmunden M. Ordnung für das Salzamt in Gmunden a. Amtsführung – Salzfertiger und Aufsicht über das Verwesamt b. Mautamt und Verwaltung in Gmunden c. Handel und Gewerbe in Gmunden d. Traunfall – Fallmeisteramt e. Schifffahrt zu Gmunden – Wasserfahrt bis Stadl f. Das Amt in Stadl g. Die Schifffahrt auf der Traun h. Ordnung der Ladstätten zu Enns, Freistadt, Ardagger und Wallsee III. Teil Verschiedene Ordnungen N. Großkufenhandlung der Stadt Gmunden O. Ordnung der Salzbereitung für den Landrichter ob der Enns P. Ordnung des Handels mit bayrischem Salz Q. Schluss des Einführungsdekrets Mit dem ersten Libell war die Grundlage geschaffen, auf der sich die gesamte Wirtschaft im Salzkammergut für die Folgezeit aufbaute und in den späteren Ordnungen bloß eine zeitgemäße Abänderung und Erweiterung erfuhr. Zeit zwischen dem ersten und zweiten Reformationslibell: Seit dem Jahre 1527 unterstand das Salzamt der Hofkammer als oberster Verwaltungsbehörde des Kammergutes. Mit der Gründung der Hofkammer wurde eine Art „Holding“ für die österreichischen Kammergüter geschaffen. Diese sorgten für regelmäßigen und ausreichenden Zustrom in das fürstliche Budget, zeitweise steuerte das Salz bis zu einem Viertel der Einnahmen bei! Das Lohnniveau im Salzkammergut wurde niedrig gehalten, der Salzpreis den Budgeterfordernissen angepasst; er lag weit über den marktwirtschaftlichen Tarifen, was Salzschmuggel und Schleichhandel förderte. Nun setzten die alles wirtschaftliche Leben umfassenden Vorschriften des ersten Libells auch die Möglichkeit und den Willen der Beamten und Arbeiter voraus, in allem danach zu handeln, und die Macht und Eignung der leitenden Ämter, sie dauernd zur Geltung zu bringen. Gerade damit schien es aber zu Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts übel bestellt gewesen zu sein, da, wie im zweiten Libell zu lesen, mancher Amtmann und Verweser das erste Reformationslibell nicht kannte. Im Jahre 1532 wurde geklagt, dass ein Mangel an Hofschreibern sei, deshalb dieses Amt lässig behandelt und viel Handlung von Hallstatt nach Gmunden gezogen werde, welches dem Salzhandel unleidlich und eine große Verschwendung wäre. Demnach erging von der n. ö. Hofkammer nach Gmunden der Befehl, um einen tapferen, geschickten und kundigen Mann für einen Hofschreiber zu sehen, dem auch mehr Gewalt als bisher einzuräumen sei. Offenbar hatte sich das Salzamt in Gmunden während des Fehlens einer Amtsleitung in Hallstatt deren Befugnisse angeeignet und nicht die Absicht gehabt, sie in der Folge wieder abzugeben. Neben der Notwendigkeit, die gelockerte Ordnung im Salzwesen wieder zu festigen, sprachen noch andere gewichtige Gründe dafür. Die gewaltige Vergrößerung der Habsburgischen Hausmacht durch den Anfall der Kronen von Ungarn und Böhmen im Jahre 1527 und die Zurückdrängung der Einfuhr fremden Salzes in die österreichischen Länder hatte eine starke Vermehrung des Absatzes von Gmundner Salz zur Folge. Die Sudpfannen in Hallstatt und Aussee waren schon früher vergrößert und, als dies nicht mehr ausreichte, durch den Zubau je, einer weiteren Pfanne verdoppelt worden. Um für die Dauer der Hauptzurichten die Salzerzeugung nicht zu stark einschränken zu müssen, wurde die Errichtung einer dritten Wechselpfanne in Erwägung gezogen, die in Hallstatt aufgestellt werden sollte. Kaiser Ferdinand I. ernannte zu diesem Zweck am 26. August 1562 eine eigene Kommission, an welche sich eine Generalwaldbeschau anschloss. Das Ergebnis dieser Beschau war, dass die Erbauung einer dritten Pfanne in Hallstatt mangels des dazu nötigen Brennholzes untunlich sei. Die fast gleichzeitig mit den Beratungen der Reformationskommissäre beschlossenen Schürfungsarbeiten in Perneck bei Ischl führten zur Aufschließung eines neuen Salzlagers und zum Bau des Pfannhauses in Ischl, mit dessen Hilfe die erhöhten Salzansprüche in der ersten Zeit voll befriedigt werden konnten. Zweites Reformationslibell 1563: Das zweite, von Ferdinand I. am 30 November 1563 erlassene Reformationsibell, reagierte auf den drastischen Wandel in der Salzproduktion, der durch die Boomphase des 16. Jahrhunderts eingeleitet worden war und sich in der Folge ungebremst fortsetzte; das neue Pfannhaus in Ischl eröffnete 1571 und jenes in Ebensee 1607. Das zweite Reformationslibell 1563 trägt den Titel „Reformierte Ordnung des Saltzwesens zu Gmunden und Haalstat. Auffgericht im 1563. Jar“. Dem zweiten Libell das erste von 1524 zum Muster gedient. In Anlage und vielen Einzelbestimmungen herrscht daher zwischen den beiden breite Übereinstimmung. Bei näherer Betrachtung sind folgende Unterschiede zu finden: Gleich zu Beginn wurden die Privilegien und Urkunden mit ausdrücklicher Bezugnahme auf das Libell von 1524 ausgelassen. Ganz verändert erscheint die Pfannhausordnung, weil der Umbau der alten Sudanlage auf die Haller Form eine teilweise Neuordnung der Arbeit erforderlich machte. Das Spital in Hallstatt wird erstmals erwähnt. In die Waldordnungen werden die Ergebnisse der 1561 und 1562 vorgenommenen Generalwaldbeschau detailiert eingearbeitet. Neu ist die Ordnung für das Fuderführen von Hallstatt bis Gmunden. Besonders stark hat die Reform 1563 in das Gmundner Salzamt eingegriffen, das mit dem Einnehmeramt zu den bestehenden Ämtern ein neues mit eigener Instruktion bekam. Der Kleinkufen- und Großkufenhandel – dieser mit der Ordnung von 1544 – sowie die Einrichtung von Salzniederlagen wurden geregelt. Die Errichtung einer großen und kleinen Maut machte die Erneuerung der Instruktion des Mautners und Gegenschreibers nötig. Eine Einschränkung erfuhr die Gewalt des Salzamtes gegenüber der Stadt Gmunden. Das zweite Reformationslibell begründete die neue Ordnung damit, „als sich durch die danach geschehene Erweiterung und Mehrung des Salzsiedens allerlei Veränderungen, Bedenken und Missverständnisse zugetragen, also dass unsere Notdurft erfordert, nicht allein bemeldte (erste) Amtsordnung zu bessern, zu erweitern und zu verändern, sondern auch Beratschlagung darüber zu halten, wie die bisher eingerichtete Veränderung der Pfannen und Erweiterung des Salzsudes und sonderlich die gemachte Ordnung und Austeilung der Wälder zu immerwährender Versorgung des Salzwesens zu richten und beständiglich zu erhalten sei“. Die Reformationskommissäre Christof Urschenböck, Hans Aspan, Jakob Ginger, Wolf Grüntaler und der Salzamtmann Georg Neuhauser fanden das Bergwesen in guter Ordnung. Die Ausrichtung des Hallstätter Salzlagers und die Anzahl der benützbaren Schöpfbaue war befriedigend und reichte auch für den inzwischen wesentlich vermehrten Solebedarf vollkommen aus. Das zweite Libell stellte mehrfache in der Zeit eingerissene Missbräuche ab, erneuerte die Arbeitsordnung und erweiterte die Machtbefugnisse des Hofschreibers dem Bergmeister gegenüber. Die Verantwortlichkeit des Bergmeisters in der Rechnungslegung wurde verschärft und er wurde zur regelmäßigen Berichterstattung an das Salzamt in Gmunden verhalten. Bergtechnische Fortschritte waren seit der Erlassung des ersten Libells keine gemacht worden, der Übergang von den Schöpfbauen zu den Dammwehren erfolgte erst später und auch dann nur zögernd. Die Erschließung des Ischler Salzberges fällt gerade in diese Zeit, weshalb er im zweiten Libell noch nicht erwähnt wird. Im Einführungsdekret des zweiten Libells vom 30. November 1563 heißt es, man habe etliche Exemplare drucken lassen und darunter vier Exemplare mit dem kaiserlichen Siegel beglaubigt, von denen je eines an die Niederösterreichische Raitkammer, an das Salzamt in Gmunden, an das Mautamt in Gmunden und an das Hofschreiberamt in Hallstatt übergeben worden ist. Zur besseren Einhaltung der Bergordnung wurde die Verlesung des zweiten Libells bei jeder vierteljährlichen „Abmaß“ (Vermessung) anbefohlen und den Bergbeamten verboten, ihre Arbeiten durch andere besorgen zu lassen. Auch durften sie ohne Wissen des Hofschreibers fernerhin keinen Arbeiter zum Bergdienst aufnehmen. Dem Bergmeister wurde die jährliche Vorlage des Berichtes über die Streckenauffahrungen und den Werkerstand nachdrücklich in Erinnerung gebracht. Das zweite Libell wahrte die Machtbefugnisse des Hofschreibers in allem, besonders bei der Aufnahme und Entlassung von Bergarbeitern. Dabei fällt die Ermächtigung auf, die es dem Bergmeister erteilte, dienstliche Anzeigen nötigenfalls unmittelbar an das Salzoberamt in Gmunden zu richten. Einiges Misstrauen gegen den Hofschreiber war dabei wohl mitgelaufen. Organisation des Gmundner – Salzamtes: Das Salzamt hatte nicht bloß die Oberleitung der Erzeugungsämter in Hallstatt, Ischl und Ebensee, sondern überwachte auch die Weiterverarbeitung des Salzes und dessen Verführung in die Lade- und Legstätten des Landes, den Salzfertigerdienst und die Salzschifffahrt sowie das ganze Waldwesen. Die wichtigste Abteilung im Salzamt mit gesonderter Verrechnung war das Einnehmeramt, an dessen Spitze der Einnehmer, als Vertreter des Salzamtmannes, und sein Gegenschreiber standen. Er führte die Hauptkassa, aus der die übrigen Ämter ihre Gelderfordernisse bezogen. Dafür empfing er Gelder vom Deputiertenamt in Prag und dem niederösterreichischen Salzamt sowie die Einnahmen des Mautamtes aus dem Fuderverkauf im Land und die sonstigen Einnahmen. Dem Einnehmeramt fiel außerdem noch die Verrechnung mit den Salzfertigern und die Abrechnung der Salzdeputate zu. Der nach dem Einnehmer gereihte Mautner und sein Gegenschreiber besorgten den Fuderlverkauf im Land, leiteten die Salzausfuhr bis nach Stadel und die Verbauungsarbeiten an der Traun. Dem Mautamt waren auch alle Instandhaltungsarbeiten an den Amtsgebäuden und sonstigen Baulichkeiten überantwortet. Dem Hofkastner oblag die Gebarung mit dem Getreide, er hatte auch die Salzaufschütt und die Salzzähler über das in Gmunden einlangende Fudersalz und das durch die Seeklause abgehende Kufen- und Fasselsalz zu beaufsichtigen. Das Großkufenhandelsamt umfasste die Erzeugung und Ablieferung des böhmischen Salzbedarfes an großen Kufen und Zentnerfassel bis zu den Ladstätten in Linz, Mauthausen und St. Johannes. Die Amtsregistratur, deren Anfänge auf Maximilian I. zurückreichen, bestand für das Kanzleiwesen und das Archiv. Abgesehen von dem Stab an Beamten und Meistern, die jedes der genannten Ämter besaß, gehörten dem Salzamt noch der Medikus für das Sanitätswesen an, dann der Forstmeister für Wald und Jagd, der Fischmeister für die Fischerei und ein meist in Linz wohnhafter „Advocatus Fisci“ als Berater in Rechtsfragen und Vertreter des Salzamtes vor Gericht. Dem Salzamtmann unterstanden unmittelbar das Hofschreiberamt in Hallstatt und die Verwesämter in Ischl und Ebensee, dann die Grafschaft Ort und die Pflegschaft Wildenstein; mittelbar aber auch alle Ortsgemeinden. Damit war der Salzamtmann der oberste kaiserliche Beamte im Kammergut geworden, der nur der Hofkammer in Wien unterstand und verantwortlich war. Der Salzamtmann war verpflichtet, die Verwesämter in Hallstatt, Ischl und Ebensee in gewissen Zeitabständen zu besuchen und sich über die dortigen Betriebsverhältnisse an Ort und Stelle zu erkundigen. Diese Visitationen fanden in der Regel einmal im Jahr statt und erforderten zusammen etwa 3 Monate. Die Visitationen wurden für den Amtmann zu einer einträglichen Abwechslung des Dienstablaufes. Die Untersuchungen blieben zumeist an der Oberfläche der Dinge haften und waren daher den Verwesamtsleuten auch nicht gefährlich. Bereits 1598 war „das Gmundtnerische Kammerguetswesen“ mit einer jährlichen „Nutzung von etlich“ 100.000 Gulden ein „solches Stuckh und Regale, dergleichen in den österreichischen Landen keines oder doch nit darüber zu finden“, und auch in der Folge bildete das oberösterreichische Salzwesen das einträglichste aller „Kameralgüter“ (Staatsgüter). Zeit zwischen dem zweiten und dritten Reformationslibell: In die Zeit zwischen dem zweiten und dritten Reformationslibell 1656 fällt die durch Luther hervorgerufene gewaltige religiöse Bewegung in Deutschland und Österreich und die Ausbreitung des Protestantismus, der im Salzkammergut überzeugte und treue Anhänger fand. Der Salinenbetrieb litt unter diesen Wirren verhältnismäßig wenig. Die Arbeiter freilich hatten unter der wachsenden Teuerung und den Drangsalen der militärischen Besetzung schrecklich zu leiden. 1622 kam Österreich unter bayrische Pfandherrschaft. Das Erneuern der alten Salzordnung und die Herausgabe eines neuen Libells waren schon lange notwendig geworden, weil die Vermehrung der Salinenbetriebe im Kammergut wesentliche Veränderungen in der Salzerzeugung, der Waldwirtschaft und dem Salztransport im Gefolge hatte und der neue Bergbau in Ischl wie die Pfannhäuser in Ischl und Ebensee einer eigenen Ordnung bedurften. Die Hofkammer hatte schon im Jahre 1620 die Absicht dazu gehabt, war aber durch die böhmischen Unruhen daran gehindert worden. Dann folgte von 1622 bis 1628 die bayrische Pfandherrschaft über das Salzkammergut und auch die kriegerischen Zeiten bis zum westfälischen Frieden im Jahre 1648 waren zur Vornahme einer so umfassenden Verwaltungsreform nicht geeignet. Nun aber konnte die Überprüfung der alten Vorschriften von 1563 und deren Angleichung an die so vielfach geänderten Verhältnisse nicht länger mehr hinausgeschoben werden. Das Salzkammergut war durch die langjährigen Wirrnisse religiöser und wirtschaftlicher Natur und die unerträgliche Teuerung aller Lebensbedürfnisse im Innersten aufgewühlt und dessen Verwaltung, durch die in allen Betriebszweigen eingerissene Unordnung und Unbotmäßigkeit völlig zerrüttet. Besonders während der Amtszeit von Salzamtmann Georg Prugglacher rutschten die Verhältnisse zunehmend ins Arge. Dem von 1625 bis 1653 tätigen Manager war das Heft weitestgehend entglitten, Schlendrian und Misswirtschaft blühten, seine maßlose, egoistische und herrische Art stiftete Unfrieden und Zwietracht. Eine weitreichende Korruptions- und Veruntreuungsaffäre brach ihm schließlich das Genick und führte zu seiner Absetzung. Mit der Resolution vom 25. August 1651 wurde die Erneuerung des alten Reformationslibells beschlossen, doch dauerte es noch weitere drei Jahre, bis die zu ihrer Verfassung erforderliche Hauptvisitationskommission am 20. Juni 1654 ernannt wurde. Zu den auswärtigen Mitgliedern der Kommission zählten der hochbefähigte Hofkammerrat Clement von Radolt als Leiter, Hofkammersekretär Adolf Merpold und Buchhalterei – Raitrat Wolfgang Spitzel. Von Gmunden nahmen noch Teil der Salzamtmann Achaz von Seeau und der Einnehmer Friedrich Streubl. An der ersten Beratung der Kommission am 17. Juli 1654 waren auch Vertreter des böhmischen Deputiertenamtes anwesend, da die Lieferansprüche der Salzversorgung Böhmens von 50.000 auf 70.000 bis 100.000 große Kufen jährlich erhöht werden sollte. Es war dies noch immer nicht der Salzabsatz von der Zeit vor dem Dreißigjährigen Krieg, unter dessen Nachwirkungen Böhmen litt, hatte es doch während desselben die Hälfte seiner Bevölkerung und seines Viehbestandes verloren. Das Kammergut war für eine solche Erhöhung der Salzerzeugung nicht gerüstet, dazu fehlte es vor allem an Holz für die Pfannen, die Kufenanfertigung und den Schiffbau. Die Forste waren verwahrlost, viel Windwurf vermoderte unaufgearbeitet, die Aufforstung war unterblieben, es fehlte an der Kontrolle der Holzerzeugung und Abgabe sowie an einem ordentlichen Betriebsplan, weil das Salzamt verabsäumt hatte, die schon längst nötig gewordene Waldbeschau vorzunehmen. Drittes Reformationslibell 1656: Das jüngere dritte Reformationslibell 1656 führt den Titel: „Reformierte Ordnung des Salzwesens zu Gmunden, Hallstatt, Yschl und Ebensee. Angefangen Anno 1655 und geendet im Jahr 1656.“ Im Gegensatz zu den Angaben des Titels ist das Einführungsdekret vom 2. Jänner 1659 datiert, also drei Jahre später als der Druckvermerk. Das hängt mit dem Regierungswechsel 1657 zusammen. Am Beginn des Dekrets erscheint noch Kaiser Ferdinand III. als dessen Aussteller. Erst unter seinem Sohn Kaiser Leopold I. am 26. Jänner 1669 erfolgte durch die kaiserliche Bestätigung die Ratifizierung. Das dritte Libell stimmt auf weite Strecken mit dem zweiten Libell wortwörtlich überein. Die Abweichungen hängen hauptsächlich mit der Eröffnung des Ischler Salzbergbaues (1563) und der Errichtung der Sudanlage in Ebensee (1607) zusammen: Es enthält eine neue Waldordnung auf Grund der Generalwaldbeschau 1630 – 1634. Ganz neu ist die Ordnung im „Ischlerischen Salzwesen“, die sich in ihrer Anlage ganz an die bisherigen Libelle anschließt; dasselbe gilt bezüglich des Ebenseer Pfannhauses. Der dadurch vielfach verstärkte Betrieb erforderte nunmehr auch eine neue, sehr umfangreiche Fertigerinstruktion (1657) und die Regelung des Großkufenhandels und der Kufenanfertigung, sowie die der verschiedenen Entlohnungen bei der Kufenabfuhr nach Linz und Mauthausen. Auch die zu ansehnlicher Höhe gediehenen Salzbezugsrechte verschiedener Art wurden neu geordnet. Die Beziehungen zwischen dem Salzamt und der Stadt Gmunden wurden wiederum reguliert. Außerdem passte man die Instruktion des Schreibers am Stadl bei Lambach den neuen Verhältnissen an. Entfallen ist gegenüber dem zweiten Libell die Salzbereitung (Überwachung des Salzhandels), die wohl zum Teil in den neuen Institutionen aufgegangen ist. Die bisher bestandenen Vorschriften über die Pflichten der Beamten und Arbeiter wie über die Ordnung am Salzberg wurden im dritten Reformationslibell 1656 nicht abgeändert, dagegen haben die Löhne seit dem zweiten Libell eine erhebliche Steigerung erfahren, die durch die inzwischen stark gesunkene Kaufkraft des Geldes und die allenthalben herrschende Teuerung voll begründet war. Die im dritten Libell enthaltene eigene Ordnung für den Ischler Salzberg lehnte sich in den Grundzügen an jene für Hallstatt an. Nunmehr bestanden schon Grubenkarten von beiden Salzbergen, welche die bedeutende Entwicklung derselben während des 90jährigen Betriebes nach dem zweiten Libell erkennen lassen. Die Schöpfbaue waren zwar noch nicht verschwunden, doch stand ihnen in Hallstatt schon eine gleich große Anzahl von Dammwehren gegenüber. Von einer technischen Entwicklung des Salzbergbau- und Sudhüttenwesens ist im 17. Jahrhundert noch nichts zu merken, die Betriebe verblieben in den von alters her eingefahrenen Geleisen. Der Wiener Hofkammer fehlten die nötigen Fachkenntnisse, um auf die eigenartigen Betriebsverhältnisse der Kammergutsalinen fördernden Einfluss ausüben zu können. Der Salzamtmann wurde neuerlich ausdrücklich verpflichtet, die Verwesämter in Hallstatt, Ischl und Ebensee in gewissen Zeitabständen zu besuchen und sich über die dortigen Betriebsverhältnisse an Ort und Stelle zu unterrichten. Diese Visitationen fanden in der Regel einmal im Jahre statt und erforderten zusammen etwa drei Monate. Die Untersuchungen blieben zumeist an der Oberfläche der Dinge haften und waren daher auch den Verwesamtsleuten nicht gefährlich. Die Klagen über die Saumseligkeit der Ämter in der Vorlage der Jahresrechnungen hörten nicht auf, die angedrohten Strafen blieben aus und um die Verweise der Hofkammer kümmerte man sich wenig. Im dritten Reformationslibell taucht der Begriff „Salzkammergut“ im Jahr 1656 zum ersten Mal auf. Mit dem Reformationslibell von 1656 wurde gleichzeitig die Abschottung der Region nach außen festgeschrieben. Die Saline konkurrierte auf dem internationalen Markt, man wollte tunlichst seine Betriebsgeheimnisse wahren. Die Verfügung formulierte das viel zitierte Betretungsverbot des Salzkammergutes. Die Region war für Fremde fortan weitestgehend abgeschlossen, wer sie bereisen wollte, der musste sich beim Salzoberamt in Gmunden oder beim Verwesamt in Hallstatt einen Pass besorgen. Dieser Anachronismus wurde erst 1825 mit dem aufkommenden Bäderwesen abgeschafft. Mit Fug und Recht konnte man die Reformationslibelle von 1524, 1563 und 1656 auch als Grundgesetz, als „Verfassung des Salzkammergutes“, bezeichnen. Diese Bücher waren eine Rechtskodifikation im weitesten Sinn, die zivil- und strafrechtliche Belange, ökonomische, arbeitsrechtliche, buchhalterische, betriebstechnische Angelegenheiten usw. regelte. Somit haben wir es hier auch mit einer fortlaufenden Gesetzessammlung, einer Betriebs-, Geschäfts- und Hausordnung, einem Lohn- und Preisabkommen etc. zu tun. Diese „Betriebsanleitung für die Firma Salzkammergut“ war die Basis allen Zusammenlebens, eine Art Regelwerk, das immer wieder herangezogen wurde. Zeit nach dem dritten Reformationslibell: Im Jänner 1707 erfolgte durch den neuen Hofkammerpräsidenten Gundacker Thomas Graf Starhemberg die Ankündigung einer neuerlichen Hauptvisitation des oberösterreichischen und steirischen Salzwesens unter der Leitung von ihm und dem Buchhaltereiraitrat Schickmayr. Die Kommission, welche ihre Aufgabe sehr ernst nahm und gründlich vorging, fand in allen Verwaltungszweigen eine erschreckende Unordnung und grobe Missbräuche. Fahrlässigkeit, Bestechlichkeit und Betrug waren die gewohnte Mittel geworden, deren sich die Beamten bedienten, um sich den Dienst zu erleichtern und ihr Einkommen zu erhöhen. Was war natürlicher, als dass die Meister und Arbeiter dem Beispiel ihrer Vorgesetzten folgten und sich in ähnlicher Weise Vorteile auf Kosten des Werkes zu verschaffen suchten. Die hierüber erstatteten Befehle machen den Beamten die genaueste Beachtung des Reformationslibells, aller Hofkammerbefehle, Kommissions- und Amtsverordnungen zur strengsten Pflicht. Die Beamten sollen die sie betreffenden Weisungen abschriftlich besitzen und sie dem Amtsnachfolger übergeben, damit sich künftig niemand mit der Unkenntnis der Verordnungen ausreden könne. Der energische Hofkammerpräsident Graf Starhemberg lies es bei dem ersten Eingriff in die Verwaltungszustände des Salzamtes nicht bewenden, sondern dehnte das Säuberungswerk auch auf die Verwesämter und sonstigen Betriebszweige aus. Im März 1709 verlangte er vom Salzamt die Vornahme einer Untersuchung über alle Personalangelegenheiten und die Absendung eines Berichtes zu seinen eigenen Händen. Über Auftrag der Hofkammer fand 1710 eine Beratung über die geplante Wirtschaftsreform des Salzwesens statt, an welcher jedoch der Salzamtmann Graf von Seeau nicht teilnehmen konnte. Viel kam hierbei nicht heraus. Gründung der Ministerial - Bankodeputation 1703: Mit der 1703 gegründeten Banco del Giro, die 1706 von der Wiener Stadtbank abgelöst wurde, ging die Oberleitung des Salzwesens im Kammergut an die Ministerial - Bankodeputation als Mittlerstelle zwischen der Bank und der Regierung über. Die erste amtliche Mitteilung über diese Neuerung langte in Gmunden aber erst im Jahre 1715 ein. In der Zeit von 1713 bis 1723 fand eine weitere Umbildung der Zentralverwaltung durch die Schaffung der Bankalität und des Bankalguberniums statt. Der Einfluss dieser Neuordnung auf die Verwaltung des Salzwesens im Kammergut äußerte sich lediglich in finanzpolitischer und administrativer Hinsicht, die betriebstechnische Seite des Salzwesens blieb nach wie vor der Hofkammer überlassen. Mit dem Übergang der staatlichen Geldwirtschaft an die Wiener Stadtbank unter Aufsicht der Ministerial - Bankodeputation war auch das Gmundner Salzamt der neuen Zentralstelle Ende Juni 1724 in allem angegliedert worden. Vom 1. Juli 1724 an kamen die Erträge des Salzverkaufes der Wiener Stadbank zugute, diese hatte aber alle nötigen Ausgaben für die Salzproduktion zu tragen. Die 1705 erfolgte Vereinigung der Hofkammern in Innsbruck und in Graz mit der Wiener Hofkammer, durch welche das ganze Salzwesen in Österreich unter eine gemeinsame Oberleitung gestellt wurde, brachte für das Gmundner Salzamt keine sichtbare Änderung; das benachbarte Verwesamt in Aussee behielt auch weiterhin seine selbstständige Stellung. Erst 1741 wurde das Hallamt in Aussee in das Gmundner Salzamt eingegliedert. Reformen des Salzamtmannes v. Sternbach: 1743 übernahm Johann Georg Freiherr von Sternbach, der große Reformer des oberösterreichischen Salinenwesens, die Leitung des Gmundner Salzamtes. Die Überfüllung des Mannschaftsstandes blieb auf die Holzarbeit nicht beschränkt, auch auf den Salzbergen und in den Pfannhäusern waren viel zu viele Arbeiter angestellt, allerorts herrschte Unwirtschaft und Verschwendung. Die von Sternbach in wenigen Jahren durchgeführte Verringerung des Personalstandes auf das wirtschaftlich gerechtfertigte Ausmaß war seine schwierigste Leistung; außerdem erneuerte er die veralteten Einrichtungen in den Betrieben, modernisierte das Markscheidewesen auf den Salzbergen, wandelte das Einnehmer- und Mautamt in eine zeitgemäße Buchhaltung und Kassa um. Sternbachs Reformen stießen begreiflicherweise vielfach auf Widerstand, am erbittertsten waren die Holzarbeiter über die zahlreichen Entlassungen und die erhöhten Leistungsanforderungen. Es kam zu einem Aufstand der Holzknechte in Ischl und zu offenem Aufruhr in Ebensee, der von den betroffenen Holzmeistern und Beamten geschürt wurde. Die wenigen, dem Salzamtmann ergebenen Beamten wurden tätlich angegriffen und misshandelt. Da griff die Regierung mit aller Schärfe ein, sie entsandte eine Untersuchungskommission mit ausgedehnten Vollmachten nach Gmunden und gab ihr 300 Mann Infanterie und 30 Mann zu Pferd als Unterstützung mit. Der Widerstand der Arbeiter war bald gebrochen, sie unterwarfen sich der neuen Ordnung. Sternbachs Reformeifer lies nichts unberührt. Um die drei Salzwerke in Ischl, Hallstatt und Ebensee auch nach außen hin einander gleichzustellen, wurde der bisherige Titel „Hofschreiber und Verweser“ in „Pfannhaus- und Bergverwalter“ abgeändert; die Gegenschreiberstellen wurden aufgelassen und deren Dienst in Hallstatt, Ischl und Ebensee den dortigen „Fuderzählern“ übertragen. Die Vereinigung des Einnehmeramtes mit dem Mautamt in ein Kassenamt ersparte nicht bloß die laufenden Regieausgaben, sondern auch Gehaltsforderungen, da Buchhalter und Kassier wesentlich geringere Bezüge hatten wie früher der Einnehmer und Mautner. 1745 wurde das Gmundner Salzamt zum Oberamt erhoben. Noch 1745 wurde das Salzamt verpflichtet, bei der Aufnahme von Beamten den Einheimischen den Vorzug zu geben. Die Söhne der Amtsangehörigen hatten begreiflicherweise den nächsten Anspruch und genossen alle Förderung durch Stipendien und sonstige Hilfe, doch fanden auch Fertiger- und Bürgersöhne Aufnahme in den Salzdienst. Eine Ausnahme machten nur die Ärzte, die von auswärts geholt werden mussten. Der Mangel an anderweitigen geistigen Berufen im Salzkammergut, der seinen Bewohnern anerzogene Drang nach der sicheren Versorgung im kaiserlichen Dienst und die wachsende Überbevölkerung führten zu einer Häufung der Angebote auf Beamtenstellen, die den Bedarf beträchtlich überschritten. Es folgte ein Wettstreit der Bewerber, die durch möglichst hohe, dem Salzamt angebotene Darlehen den Vorrang bei Personalentscheidungen zu erringen suchten. Die stets geldbedürftige Hofkammer nahm die Darlehen gerne an und gewährte in den meisten Fällen zwar nicht die angestrebte Stelle selbst, sondern bloß die unverbindliche Anwartschaft auf eine solche, ohne sich über den Zeitpunkt der Ernennung, den Dienstort und die Besoldung zu äußern. Diese Anwärter mussten oft Jahre lang auf ihre Anstellung warten und dienten anfänglich meist unentgeltlich, bevor sie auf eine wirkliche Beamtenstelle eingereiht wurden. Der Charakter des Darlehens als Kaution bestand bereits zu Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts, zum klaren Ausdruck kommt er aber erst in einer Resolution Kaiser Leopold I. vom 13. Oktober 1657. Die Kaution war von den anzustellenden Beamten zu erlegen und diente zur Deckung des Salzamtes für eventuelle Verluste aus dem Verschulden des Darlehengebers. Sie blieb im Amt ruhen, wenn der Sohn dem Vater im Dienst folgte oder wurde den Erben nach abgeschlossener Rechnungsprüfung und nach Abzug der allfälligen Restschuld rückerstattet. Die Kaution blieb dauernd an die Dienststelle gebunden und war vom Nachfolger einzulösen. Darlehen über das Kautionsausmaß hinaus wurden auch in der Hoffnung gegeben, die angestrebte Stelle dauern behalten zu dürfen. Die kautionspflichtigen Beamten hatten überdies für sich und die Frau Verzichtsrevers zu unterfertigen, mit denen sie das Salzamt ermächtigten, sich mit der Kaution für alle materiellen Nachteile zu entschädigen, die diesem während der Dienstzeit des Beamten aus seinem Verschulden erwachsen waren. Der Rechtsanspruch des Ärars bezog sich sowohl auf Hab und Gut des Mannes wie auf das Eigentum der Frau und deren künftig, zu erwerbenden Güter. Die dritte und letzte Bedingung, welche der neuernannte Beamte außer der Kautionsleistung und der Ausstellung der Verzichtsrevers noch vor dem Antritt des Dienstes zu erfüllen hatte, war die Ablegung des Gelübdes in die Hände des Salzamtmannes. Erst unter Baron Sternbach wurde mit dem System der Darlehen endgültig gebrochen und die Besetzung der offenen Stellen auf Grund der vom Salzamt zu erstattenden Dreiervorschläge ausnahmslos vorgenommen. 1776 wurden die Salzfertigerrechte den Berechtigten im Salzkammergut gegen eine jährliche Entschädigung von je 300 Gulden C. M. abgenommen. Ideen der Aufklärung Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts: Das Salzkammergut als Staat im Staate geriet mit Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts zunehmend ins Kreuzfeuer der Kritik. Vor allem den Aufklärern, die für einen „logischen Staatsaufbau“ und gegen jegliche Sonderregelung kämpften, waren die Reformationslibelle ein Dorn im Auge, weil sie „jede Transparenz, Nachvollziehbarkeit und Gleichheit mit anderen Einheiten vermissen“ ließen. Besonders die Linzer Behörden stießen sich an der „exempten“ (= rechtsfreien) Landschaft im Süden, die Wien quasi als Exklave unterstellt war. 1757 gelang es der Linzer Landeshauptmannschaft, die dritte Instanz der Rechtsprechung von der Hofkammer an sich zu ziehen, mit dem Argument, dass das Beschreiten dieses Rechtsweges für viele Salzkammergutbewohner wegen des weiten Weges nach Wien faktisch unmöglich sei. Trotzdem bestätigte Maria Theresia das Grundgesetz – die Reformationslibelle – nochmals ausdrücklich. Die Integration nach Oberösterreich und das Ende des Staates im Staate waren indes nicht mehr aufzuhalten. Schon in den 1770er – Jahren wanderten das Polizei- und Steuerwesen nach Linz. Der letzte landesfürstliche Eigentümer des Salzkammergutes war Kaiser Josef II., der 1780 die Alleinherrschaft über die österreichischen Erbländer übernahm. Aufhebung der Reformationslibelle unter Josef II.: Josef II. erbte durch den Tod seines Vaters im Jahre 1765 ein Riesenvermögen von ungefähr 18 Mio. Gulden. 12 Mio. davon brachte er in den fast bankrotten Staatshaushalt ein, für die restliche Summe wurde ein Familienversorgungsfonds eingerichtet, der von nun an das „Erzhaus“ finanziell vom Staat unabhängig machte. Am 10. Juli 1782 wurde das Salzkammergut von Josef II. dem Staat überantwortet. Kaiser Josef II. hatte damit die alte Kammergutverfassung aufgehoben und unterstellte 1783 diese Region politisch der Landeshauptmannschaft ob der Enns. Als Abschluss dieses Rechtsaktes erfolgte 1786 die Aufhebung der Reformationslibelle. Gründung der ärarischen Salzproduktion: Bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt war zwischen dem Besitz des Monarchen und dem Staatsbesitz nicht unterschieden worden, beides bildete eine Einheit. Nun differenzierte man, und damit erlosch der alte, ursprüngliche Rechtsbegriff vom „Privatbesitz“ des Monarchen. Die Region wandelte sich vom „Kammergut“ zum „Ärar“ (von lateinisch „aerarium“ = Bezeichnung für Staatskassa und Staatsvermögen). Mit der Eingliederung des Kammergutes in das übrige Oberösterreich endete auch das uralte Recht der Salzarbeiter auf Befreiung vom Militärdienst. Unter Leopold II. wurde 1791 die Gerichtsbarkeit an den Magistrat Gmunden übertragen und endgültig dem Salzoberamt entzogen. Damit war der letzte Rest der alten Verfassung des Kammergutes endgültig beseitigt worden. Organisation des Gmundner - Salzamtes im 19. Jahrhundert: Zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts waren im Gmundner Salzoberamt 70 Beamte beschäftigt, an deren Spitze der Salzoberamtmann stand. Ihm beigestellt waren 5 bis 7 Salzoberamtsräte als Abteilungsleiter für das Berg- und Hüttenwesen, die Wald- und Landwirtschaft, den Salzverschleiß und Transport, und noch verschiedene andere Angelegenheiten wie Provisionen, Vogtei und Stiftungen. Der Salzoberamtmann und seine Räte bildeten zusammen das Oberamtsgremium, dem auch der erste Buchhalter angehörte. Diesem Gremium unterstanden in weiterer Folge die Salzerzeugungs- (Verwes-) ämter, zuerst nur von Ebensee, Ischl und Hallstatt. Vom Jahre 1826 an kam auch Aussee dazu, dass bis dahin ein eigenes Oberamt gewesen war. Am 1. Juli 1831 ging die Oberleitung der Saline Hallein an das Salzoberamt in Gmunden über. Am 1. November 1849 wurde die Salzburger Berg-, Salinen- und Forstdirektion gegründet und das Gmundner Oberamt musste die Leitung der Saline Hallein wieder abgeben. Der geringe Rest an politischen, gerichtlichen und wirtschaftlichen Einfluss im Kammergut, der dem Salzamt im 19. Jahrhundert noch geblieben war, ging im Revolutionsjahr 1848 verloren, das mit den herrschaftlichen Rechten aufräumte und den Untertanenverband löste. An die Stelle der veralteten Pflegämter traten die Bezirkshauptmannschaft, die Bezirksgerichte und die Steuerämter, der Wirkungskreis des Salzoberamtes blieb auf das Salz- und Forstwesen beschränkt. Das Salzoberamt blieb bis zum Jahre 1850, also über ein Jahrhundert bestehen. 1850 kam es zu seiner Auflassung und an dessen Stelle zur Errichtung der kk Salinen- und Forstdirektion für Oberösterreich mit dem Sitz in Gmunden. Die kk Salinen- und Forstdirektion hatte gegenüber dem alten Salzoberamt durch die Lostrennung der politischen und gerichtlichen Befugnisse in ihrer Machtstellung bedeutend verloren. Die Salzkammergutforste wurden im Jahre 1850 vom Salinenwesen wirtschaftlich getrennt. 1868 erfolgte die Gründung der Staatsforste als selbstständiger Wirtschaftskörper. Auflösung des Gmundner - Salzamtes 1868: In weiterer Folge lies die Regierung aus finanziellen Gründen die Salinenämter direkt dem Finanzministerium zu unterstellen. Damit war die Salinen- und Forstdirektion Gmunden überflüssig geworden, ihre Auflösung erfolgte mit kaiserlicher Entschließung vom 15. Oktober 1868. In Gmunden verblieb lediglich das Salzverschleißamt. Am 1. November 1877 wurde der gesamte Salzverschleiß des Kammergutes nach Ebensee verlegt. Damit waren die letzten Reste des einst so mächtigen Salzoberamtes aus Gmunden entfernt. Bei der Unterstellung der Salinenverwaltungen unmittelbar unter das Finanzministerium wurde der Saline in Ebensee als der größten und bedeutendsten der Vorrang eingeräumt. Deren Vorstand war zugleich auch der Vorstand der übrigen Salinenverwaltungen des Salzkammergutes und stand als solcher im Rang eines Oberbergrates. Gründung der österreichischen Salinen 1925: Nach Zertrümmerung der alten Monarchie kam es zu einer Umstellung wichtiger Zweige der staatlichen Hoheitsverwaltung in kaufmännisch geleitete Unternehmungen. Die österreichischen Salinen wurden selbstständig und Anfang 1925 unter die Leitung einer Generaldirektion gestellt. 1926 errichtete das Finanzministerium die Generaldirektion der österreichischen Salinen in Wien. Im Herbst 1975 verlegte man im Zuge einer Reorganisation die Generaldirektion der österreichischen Salinen wiederum von Wien nach Bad Ischl in die Nähe der Produktionsstandorte. Gründung der österreichischen Salinen AG 1979: Am 1. Jänner 1979 wurde die historische Salinenverwaltung aufgelöst und die österreichische Salinen AG gegründet. Die österreichische Salinen AG, in welche sämtliche Betriebe und Liegenschaften des Bundesbetriebes der österreichischen Salinen übertragen wurde, befand sich zu 100 % im Besitz der Republik Österreich. Die gesetzliche Basis für diese Rechtsformänderung war das Salzmonopolgesetz 1978, das von allen drei im Parlament vertretenen Parteien einstimmig beschlossen wurde. Durch dieses Gesetz wurden auch die bis dahin noch in Geltung gestandenen Artikel der Zoll- und Staatsmonopolordnung vom 11. Juli 1835 aufgehoben. Privatisierung der österreichischen Salinen AG 1997: Am 7. Mai 1997 übernahm eine private, österreichische Käufergruppe als neuer Eigentümer in Form einer Erwerbsgesellschaft, der Salinen Beteiligungs - GmbH, die Österreichische Salinen AG mit allen ihren Gesellschaften. 2001 kam es zur Verschmelzung der Salinen Beteiligungs - GmbH mit der österreichischen Salinen AG zur Salinen Austria AG. Gleichzeitig wurde der Produktionsstandort „Salzbergbau Salzkammergut“ der Salinen Austria AG, in welchem die Salzbergbaue Altaussee, Hallstatt und Ischl zusammengeschlossen sind, gegründet. Salinen – Eigentümer und Organisation: 1449 Ablöse der Hallinger – Rechte durch Kaiser Friedrich III., Grundstein für einheitliche Verwaltung und Monopolisierung. 1835 Gesetzliche Verankerung des Salzmonopols 1850 Gmunden Salinen- und Forstdirektion 1868 kk – Finanzministerium Wien 1905 - 1926 Finanzlandesdirektion Linz 1926 - 1938 Alpenländische Salinen Wien 1938 - 1945 Ostmärkische Salinen Wien 1945 - 1975 Eigentümer Republik Österreich, Generaldirektion in Wien 1975 Ausgliederung aus dem Bundesbudget 1979 Aktiengesellschaft 1995 Wegfall des Monopols 1996 - 1997 ÖIAG Ausschreibung für Privatisierung 1997 Privatisierung an österreichische Gesellschafter Verwendete Quellen: Carl Schraml „Die Entwicklung des oberösterreichischen Salinenwesens im 16. Und 17. Jahrhundert“, Jb. des OÖ Musealvereines, 83. Bd., Linz 1930 Carl Schraml „Das oberösterreichische Salinenwesen von 1750 bis in die Zeit nach den Franzosenkriegen“, Wien 1934 Carl Schraml „Das oberösterreichische Salinenwesen von 1818 bis zum Ende des Salzamtes 1850“, Wien 1936 Carl Schraml „Vom Salzamt zur Generaldirektion“, Werkszeitung Österreichische Salinen, 4. JG, 12. H, Wien 1931 Ischler Heimatverein „Bad Ischl Heimatbuch 2004“, Bad Ischl 2004 Ferdinand Krakowizer „Geschichte des Gmundner Salzhandels“, Werkszeitung Österreichische Salinen, 3. JG, 8. + 9. H, Wien 1930 Michael Kurz „Von der Grundherrschaft zur Tourismusdestination 350 Jahre Salzkammergut“, OÖ Heimatblätter, 60. JG, 3. + 4. H, Linz 2006 Ferdinand Tremel „Die Ausseer Hallordnungen des 16. Jahrhunderts“, Veröffentlichungen Österr. Museum für Volkskunde, Bd. XVI, Wien 1975 Kurt Thomanek „Salzkörner“, Leoben 2007

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Glaube und Kirche Social – Faith and Church: A document from Duke Albrecht II from 1344 confirms that there was already a church in Ischl around 1270. Ischl originally belonged to the Frauenstift Traunkirchen, to which all churches in the "Ischlland" were subordinate. At the beginning of the 15th century, the mother church of Traunkirchen was divided. The churches of the upper Kammergut were subordinated to the parish of Goisern. Ischl became Goisern's branch church. From there the branch priests rode to their assigned places to exercise pastoral care. So Ischl did not have an independent priest until he was promoted to a pastor. May 26, 1554 was a memorable day when Ischl was elevated to an independent parish by Bishop Wolfgang Passau. This important event fell in the century of the Reformation. Luther's teachings made their way into the Kammergut as early as the first half of the 16th century. Promoted by the rural nobility and rich citizens, Protestantism also gained ground because there was a great shortage of priests and there was often a lack of good pastors. In 1568, Maximilian II (1564 – 1576) granted the Protestant Christians of the chamber estate the freedom to practice their religion, so it is not surprising that from around 1575, instead of Catholic pastors, Protestant priests appeared in Ischl. From the pastor Paul Neumayr (1602) the Catholic pastoral care in Ischl is again documented. The first pastors had a low income because they didn't have the tithe that Goisern collected and they didn't have a farm that could have contributed a subsidy. In 1609, the salt clerk Veit Spindler granted financial support at the request of the Ischl pastor "so that a learned priest and good preacher can be preserved in such a respectable community". In 1622 the monastery in Traunkirchen became a Jesuit residence. The Jesuit missionaries traveled the Kammergut and exercised the bailiwick rights intensively. In 1634 the emperor appointed the Salzamtmann to be the religious inspector and, in his own religious dragonfly, tightened the compulsion to follow the Catholic religious norms. In 1672 the population of the parish of Ischl had grown to 3,000 souls. The stormy waves of Reformation and Counter-Reformation flared up again at the end of the 17th century. The Hofkammer wanted to finally get rid of the Protestants in the Kammergut. Another means of coercion by the government was the establishment of a sovereign religious reform commission in 1712, which did not find the hoped-for support from the tolerant salt official, Count von Seeau. Therefore, the court chamber extended the powers of the commission and granted it the main inspection and supreme authority before the salt official in all religious incidents. The commission had the right to pronounce the expulsion of the Protestant partner from the country even in mixed marriages, and was only allowed to allow him to remain in the country if he did not prevent the Catholic part and the household members from worship, only married the children to Catholics, and did not spread the contradiction and no other annoyance. The religious commissioners now had a free hand and did not lack the necessary zeal for the Catholic cause. Around 1731 a new wave of reformations flooded from Salzburg into the Kammergut. The great persecution of Protestants was going on in Salzburg, many Protestants fled to their co-religionists across the border. The Salzamt strengthened the border guard because they feared a general uprising in Salzburg and its spread to the Kammergut. Count von Seeau, who understood the religious feelings of the population better than anyone else, saw the only effective means of suppressing the evangelical doctrine in expelling those residents who persisted in the new faith and were inaccessible to all attempts at conversion, following the example of the Archbishop of Salzburg. However, the government wanted to avoid this because they rightly feared disadvantages for the Salzkammergut. The government's policy was like dancing on eggshells, they wanted to make people Catholic under all circumstances, but not lose them. The Protestants who decided to emigrate in 1733, whom the religious commission described as ringleaders in a report to the secret court chancellery, were sent to Transylvania, for which the Salt Office had to provide the necessary ships. There were about 30 to 40 of them. The proceeds from their possessions of houses and land remained with the emigrants after deduction of the ten percent departure fee to be paid to the rulers. The government's hope of being able to curb Lutheran teaching through leniency and accommodation was not fulfilled; Protestantism is still widespread in the Kammergut. And since Austrian goodness didn't work, sharper tones were found in Vienna. In 1735 about 80 apostates were again allowed to emigrate, but the unmarried young boys among them who were fit for military service were to be retained and placed among the recruits; the emigrants also had to pay the shipping costs themselves. Educational contributions and alms could henceforth only be given to needy Catholics. The Salzburg emigrants who remained in the Kammergut were to be agreed to leave those who had become Catholic, but to "unfailingly abolish" the heretics; it was forbidden to include one in the work. When recruiting soldiers in the Kammergut, untamed and wanton boys were handed over to the militia by the salt office, but Lutheran ones by the religious commission itself against their will. The government issued stricter mandates to the regional courts in order to prevent the importation of non-Catholic books and correspondence, such as the dealings of Protestants with the Reich. A guard house was built at the Lauffener bridge and manned by three invalids to better monitor the people passing through in matters of religion. From 1737 the government tried to get rid of the remaining Protestants entirely, supported the emigration of those who publicly professed Lutheranism in every way and made life at home difficult for them. The Salt Office visitation of December 1737 hoped to have deported the last remaining Lutherans. She was wrong, the evangelical faith had not died out in the Kammergut, its followers in the country had only become Catholics outwardly and only obeyed the commandments of the church out of necessity, because otherwise they would have lost work and bread. As late as 1742 the order was issued to suspend all workers who did not appear in the churches or left them during services. The overzealousness of the religious commission and individual missionaries even fought the Sunday work of the Pfannhauser and boatmen, but the Salt Office, which was concerned with maintaining operations, found insightful helpers in the local clergy. In Ischl, the pastor was willing to offer early mass on Sundays and public holidays to such an extent that the workers could attend the service without disturbing the order of the south. Incidentally, the church would not have had any reason to forbid work on Sundays and public holidays, since for centuries its institutions had used the healing salt of God as atonement for the profanation of Sundays. The construction of the Ischler Bergkirche, ordered by Empress Maria Theresia, also took place during this period. The chapel, built between 1747 and 1751, was intended to "serve the workers of the Ischl salt mine to perform prayer and to maintain devotion to preserve the divine blessing". The period from 1750 to the patent of tolerance in 1781 was completely under the influence of the strictly Catholic Empress Maria Theresia, who did not want to see any means left unexploited in the Kammergut to strengthen the Catholic faith in the population and to suppress the heretical evangelical doctrine. Severe penalties were meted out to all those who gave the official bodies or supervisory bodies justifiable cause for complaints. The subjects of the Wildenstein dominion who took in servants had to submit a spiritual certificate to the nursing office that they were Catholic, otherwise they had to pay a fine. As late as 1776, those who missed Sunday services had to be arrested for 24 hours with bread and water. Parties who used bacon for cooking on a fast day, as well as the innkeepers who served during the service, were arrested for 24 hours, but threatened with severe corporal punishment in the event of a repeat offense. The deportation of the Protestants to Hungary lasted until 1753, later an attempt was made to convert them in the Kremsmünster conversion house, "particularly so as not to at least teach their children the same poison in which one might secretly hope". The Hofkammer attached great importance to the distribution of Catholic books and the prevention of the importation of Protestant writings. Under the pretense of a pilgrimage, the evangelicals had often visited their co-religionists in Germany and brought Lutheran books with them. As a result, only those people were allowed to cross the border who could identify themselves with a parish certificate about their Catholic way of life. The border guards had a strict mandate to search for Lutheran books, and they exposed themselves to punishment if they left them with the owners. In the Kammergut itself, it was the task of the religious commission to search for banned books, take them away from the owners and send them to punishment. The writings found had to be taken to the salt office and were not allowed to be kept in the administration offices and chancellery. The salt office had to send the seized books immediately to the censorship commission. When Emperor Joseph II came to power in 1781, the suppression of Protestantism also came to an end in the Chamber estate and the Protestant faith gained its freedom. The Protestants from Gosau, Goisern and Hallstatt united in faith communities and built houses of prayer; Gosau and Goisern also chose pastors and built apartments for them. A prayer house and a Protestant school were established in Gosau around 1783, and a pastor and a schoolmaster were employed. The evangelical community in Goisern also had a house of prayer in 1783. In February 1802, the Goisern pastorate comprised 4000 souls, including the Hallstatt and Obertraun branches. In 1790 the evangelical community in Hallstatt had a house of prayer, but no pastor of its own and was affiliated with the pastorate in Goisern. The first half of the 19th century was a period of undisturbed development for the Protestant parishes in the Kammergut, and their equality with the Catholic parishes was based on the law. Of course, the final barriers had not yet fallen; Protestants were not allowed to teach Catholic children and, for the most part, were not allowed to rest among Catholics even in death. Goisern was the largest evangelical community in the Kammergut. The Salzamt was the patron saint of the parishes in Altmünster, Ebensee, Ischl, Laufen, Goisern, Hallstatt with Obertraun and Gosau up until the 19th century. The patronage rights and duties that accrued to the Salzamt extended its sphere of activity, but also increased the financial expenditure for church purposes. In the case of parish errands, however, the episcopal ordinariate was always involved and asked for their good opinion on the proposal for appointment. The connection between the church and the Salt Office led to the clergy being treated equally to civil servants who worked in wood, an advantage that was also given to teachers. Attending church services on Sundays and public holidays was made compulsory for civil servants up until the 19th century. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Franz Stüger, commemorative publication "400 year anniversary of the parish of Bad Ischl", Bad Ischl 1954 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sprengmittellagerung

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Aus‐ und Vorrichtung

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Ernährung Social – Nutrition: The need and poverty of the salt workers is repeatedly emphasized in all dragonflies and ordinances and mitigated by various privileges. The workers were exempt from paying any taxes, fines were not allowed to be imposed and transgressions were only punished by imprisonment in the tower with water and bread. It was also forbidden for the nursing court in Wildenstein to sentence people connected with the salt industry without the knowledge of the officials in Gmunden. A particularly valuable benefit for the residents of the Kammergut during the warlike times of the time was the exemption from military quarters, which spared them the usually high burden of requisitions that the rest of Upper Austria often had to bear. In order not to raise wages, which was stubbornly resisted in Vienna, efforts were made to reduce the cost of living for the working population as far as possible, to keep food prices down in every way and to prevent their rise as far as possible in times of rising prices. In the 17th century, a worker needed around 100 Kreuzer per week for grain, meat, lard, eggs, milk, beets, turnips, cabbage and candles for himself and his family. A miner from Hallstatt, unless he was an Eisenhauer, could cover the absolutely essential food needs for the household with his wages, he had nothing left for clothes, linen and shoes, he was therefore forced and usually also able to earn an extra income woodwork or from the salt makers. The poverty of the Kammergut population at this time can also be seen from the amount of food, which corresponds to the value of a week's wages then and now. The worker could/can buy for his weekly wages: grain (flour) ……………………………… 41.5kg 1524 …………………………. 348kg 2016 clarified butter ………………………………. 4.8kg 1524 …………………………. 50kg 2016 beef ……………………………… 19.3kg 1524 …………………………. 35kg 2016 At the time of the first Reformation Libel around 1524, meat was only twice as expensive as it is today, but bread and fat cost around ten times more. The Kammergut could not feed itself and, with the exception of fish, had to obtain all important food from abroad. After the grain, it was primarily the meat that was an important goal for the sovereign government to procure adequately and cheaply. The bread grain was brought cheaply to the Kammergut as return freight on the emptied Salzzillen, because as imperial goods it was exempt from all taxes during transport. The sale of grain was strictly regulated, no official was allowed to trade in it, the sellers, mostly citizens of Gmunden, Ischl, Laufen and Hallstatt, were not allowed to make more profit than 6 Kreuzer per Metzen (62 l) grain. The Salt Office had to ensure that there was always a sufficient supply of grain stored in the official warehouses. In order to better secure the grain supply of the Salzkammergut, the area between the Traun and the mountains behind Kremsmünster was freed and banned "that nobody from this Hofmark sell grain elsewhere, but bring everything directly to the Gmunden market". In order to protect the buyers against cheating, standard measures were kept in the court clerk's office and a quarterly inspection was ordered from the merchants "so that the poor workers are not cheated." The grain purchased by the Salzamt was only given to the imperial servants, the other residents were dependent on the supply of the Gmundner weekly market and on their own purchases. The beneficiaries always received the grain below the market price and the cost price, which not only strengthened the bond between the crew and the imperial work, but also freed the government from the otherwise indispensable wage increase. It was particularly important for the salt industry that the grain that had reached the Kammergut was consumed there and not exported across the border again. The strict export bans, mainly aimed at Salzburg, did not receive enough attention for good reasons, nor did they prevent grain smuggling via the Gschütt Pass. There was a lively exchange between Abtenau and Hallstatt early on; the people of Hallstatt needed lard and cheese because they could not keep cattle, whereas the people of Abtenau needed salt and grain. The grain was of great value in mountainous Salzburg and became the subject of a flourishing smuggling trade. The massive smuggling of grain to Salzburg caused the price of grain to rise at the Gmunden weekly market and made living more expensive, which the Salzamt could not remain indifferent to. It then tackled the smugglers energetically, erected a guard hut and a barrier on the road to Gosau in 1700, prohibited the authorities from issuing passports on their own and increased the monitoring of prohibited trade. However, the smuggling to Salzburg continued; In 1739 the Schwärzers came in gangs to the border and gave bloody battles to the border guards, who had been augmented by the Ischl team. According to the market regulations newly issued in 1742, grain could only be traded on the open market, but not in inns or in the suburbs. Before the flag was unfurled at the Gmunden weekly market, no one was allowed to buy grain, then it was the turn of the Gmundner, Hallstätter, Laufner, Ischler and Ebenseer, while the people from Wolfgang, St. Gilgner and the other foreign market visitors grain only after the flag had been lowered were allowed to buy. The grain purchased by the Salzamt was stored in the Gmundner Hofkasten, whose management was assigned to the Hofkastner. Annual sales depended on the number of beneficiaries and increased to an average of 24,000 hundredweight in the 18th century. The Hofkorn was initially distributed weekly, at the request of the workers, who lost a lot of time doing so, monthly from 1654 onwards. In 1720 there were a total of 1,910 people who were entitled to farm grain and received around 3/10 Metzen (18.5 l) of grain per week. In contrast to the official grain management, the purchase and slaughtering of the cattle was left to the local butchers, but the Court Chamber secured a decisive influence on the level of the sales price by granting subsidies, which enabled the butchers to make do with the officially set prices to find. As coveted as the meat was, it did not become the staple food for the population of the Kammergut. The farm corn accustomed them to the flour diet, to which they could not do without lard as an added fat, which is why it was more important to them than meat. The inner Salzkammergut sourced most of its lard from the Abtenau region, whose inhabitants traded it vigorously in exchange for salt, grain and wine. As long as the court clerk's office was solely responsible for bartering with Abtenau, the workers had no shortage of lard, and soon the citizens of Hallstatt were also involved in this lucrative trade, without taking the needs of the local population into account. Abtenauer lard also went to Laufen and Ischl, but they were able to cover their need for butter and lard at the Gmundner weekly market, where it was traded freely. The Salzamtmann, who was also the highest official of the Wildenstein court, had to take care of all branches of the economy in the Kammergut, the brewery in Ort, which supplied the beer for the taverns in Ebensee, he decided on the purchase of wine and forbade it Distilling brandy when there was a shortage of grain. Finally, the Salt Office also had an influence on middle-class trade in favor of the workers The civil servants, master craftsmen and workers employed in salt boiling have always received as much salt as they needed in the household, free of charge. The miners and woodcutters and then all the other inhabitants of the chamber estate who were in the service of the sovereign joined the boilers to obtain the free salt. The allocation was generous and fully sufficient for the needs of a small farm. According to an approximate calculation, a Kammergut resident in the 17th century received 30 pounds of must salt per head of his family per year, i.e. more than double the actual requirement. The name "Mußsalz" comes from the recipient's obligation to serve the salt industry in the Kammergut. Those entitled to Mußsalz, and their number ran into the thousands, usually had nothing better to do with the leftovers that were not used in the household than to sell them, for which the Gmundner weekly market, among other things, offered them a good opportunity. For the longest time, the Salt Office watched this trade, which noticeably affected their own consumption of salt, inactively. It was not until 1706 that the court chamber took up the matter and, much to the resistance of those affected, restricted the purchase of compulsory salt to 12 pounds a year for each family member. From 1737 onwards there was an annual salt description in all places of the chamber estate, which had to record all beneficiaries and their marital status and was used to calculate the amount of salt to be handed out. The Salzamt's demand for Hofkorn, which by the middle of the 18th century had about 24,000 Metzen (1,100 t) in the year, increased significantly in the period that followed. The reasons for this were the increase in the number of beneficiaries, temporary grain help to non-authorized employees of the salt works, the grain tax to the Hallamt in Aussee and to Salzburg and the supply of the own and foreign military during the war years. In 1815, 72,000 butchers (3,350 tons) of grain were needed. The permanent procurement of such quantities of grain was associated with considerable difficulties. From 1700 onwards, grain imports from Hungary increasingly covered the needs of the chamber estate. Grain was brought in from Hungary on large salt ships in trains of two or three ships under the direction of the transport office, whose organs also accompanied the trains. A trip from Bratislava to Linz took 26 to 28 days. The delivery of the farm grain to the entitled workers took place monthly at the beginning, then every six weeks by a ratification (accounting) in advance; This is because the workers would otherwise have had to wait too long for the grain to be delivered when they started work. When the payment was made, the limit value (purchase price) of the grain received was deducted from the wage. If an enemy invasion was to be feared, the administrative offices were not only allowed to give the workers their wages and farm grain, but also limito lard for a quarter of a year in advance. With the onset of warlike complications towards the end of the 18th century, disruptions in trade with Salzburg and Bavaria began. The salt office often did not get any more lard from there and was forced to purchase it within the borders of the empire. In 1785 the shortage of lard in the Kammergut increased to such an extent that the population even boiled linseed oil and tallow. From 1794 onwards, the Salzamt often purchased lard from Hungary. The population in the Kammergut had grown so much by the middle of the 18th century that the number of job seekers considerably exceeded the need for workers. To compensate for this imbalance, it was considered necessary in Vienna to restrict marriages. The Salt Office was instructed to no longer issue marriage consents, without which the workers in the imperial service were not allowed to marry. The market judges were only entitled to issue marriage permits to those parties who did not serve in the salt industry and did not burden the arar with a commission. Even more precise instructions had been given to the Salt Office for issuing marriage consents to workers. The marriage could be approved at any time: 1. A resident with a dwelling who was in work and enjoying farm grain. 2. A worker without farm grain who was in constant work and owned a estate. 3. Good artisans with enough income to pay for their housing. 4. Homeless workers who enjoyed farm corn. On the other hand, Werkbuben (unskilled workers), Tschanderer (occasional workers), Kufer (coopers) and fittings (lids placed on filled salt vessels) without housing and without funds did not receive marriage licenses. The salt office warned the nursing offices against the indiscriminate granting of marriage consent, the children of such marriages would become beggars or thieves. A commission of inquiry meeting in 1763 came to the conclusion that the main reason for the frequent violations of the sixth commandment in the Kammergut was the restriction of the freedom to marry, and so it spoke out in favor of the cancellation of the marriage consent. A court chamber resolution from 1793 clearly states: "There is no ban on marriage, so marriages in the chamber estate, where so many workers are needed, should be encouraged rather than made difficult." The creation of their own hearth not only arose from the needs of the married workers, but was also an advantage for the Salt Office, which could only wish for the down-to-earth nature of the staff and which therefore promoted house building where practical. Only the erection of rental houses for third parties, i.e. not for personal use, was forbidden. In 1797 the Hofkammer recognized the urgent need for more houses in the Kammergut, but they should be built of stone to save wood. The staff was severely affected by the confiscation of the family grain for all newly married workers ordered by the Court Chamber in 1825. In the case of illness and short holidays, the purchase of the farm grain was not interrupted, but if the holiday exceeded one week, it was reduced by the corresponding quota. 40% of the total consumption of farm grain was family grain. The Hofkammer took measures to curb the increase in grain consumption caused by early working-class marriages. The authorization provided by the Oberamt to reduce the number of marriages, to issue marriage permits only after the economic situation of the applicant had been checked, was inadmissible under the statutory provisions. However, the Salt Office was free to determine whether and how many married and unmarried workers it wanted to employ. In 1848 the Hofkammer lifted all restrictions on the Hofkorn tax, restored the uniform normal tax of 8 Metzen (372 kg) annually for each stable worker and also approved the family grain. Of course, the grain tax now went up by leaps and bounds, according to the compilation it had risen from 1848 to 1849 for the Kammergut without Aussee from 27,000 to 44,200 Metzen (2,055 t). In order to determine the amount of farm grain to be given to the parties, a grain description was carried out every year, in which the family members entitled to receive it and the changes that had occurred during the past year due to death, provision or leaving the service and due to family growth were recorded. Grain gathering took place alternately every six and seven weeks eight times a year. The purchase of grain made the workers dependent on the millers and bakers who were needed to process the grain. Their relationship with them was not always the best, and the worse the price of grain rose, and bread became more expensive as a result. The price of bread was officially regulated and constantly monitored. In 1848 the Ischl workers ganged up to take violent action against the bakers and millers and thus force a reduction in the price of flour and semolina. The year 1848 brought the salt workers a notable improvement in the purchase of lard. A permanent worker, depending on his pay grade and category, would churn out 48-60 pounds (27-34 kg) of lard annually. The distribution in the era's lard cellars took place at the same time as that of the farm grain and within the same deadlines, the limit price was deducted from the wages of the workers. Workers with their own farms, which enabled them to keep at least three cows, were excluded from purchasing lard. It was almost always clarified butter that was handed out, only in exceptional cases, and only as emergency help, were the workers also given pork bacon. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Bruderlade

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Wirtschaftliche Lager der Salzbergarbeiter Social - economic situation of the salt workers in earlier times: Introduction: The situation of the Salzkammergut workers has always been bad and deplorable. Dependent on the salt works, they were completely in the hands of one company, which also had all the administrative and judicial power. Employment as a "Kammergutarbeiter" was associated with "certain poverty" because the wages were meager and insufficient. In addition to the low wages, the salt workers were supplied with cheap grain and lard. Nevertheless, cheap grain and lard and one-off grants were of little help in times of need, since the Hofkammer did not increase wages despite constant inflation. Salt Rack: Salt production was reserved for the emperor as a royal rule. Along with taxes, the salt shelf was by far the most important source of income for the state, which was always in financial difficulties. When the salt industry was at its peak, the salt works in Hallstatt, Ischl, Aussee, Hall in Tirol and Hallein supplied all of southern Central Europe (from Switzerland via Swabia and Bavaria to Bohemia, Moravia, western Hungary and Carniola). The rich profits from the salt mines owned by the sovereign covered up to a third of the state budget. If the emperor didn't know what to do because the state coffers were almost always empty, he simply had the price of salt increased. Complaints about the plight of the population, about the damage to cattle breeding, about outbreaks of cattle disease as a result of the increase in the price of salt were not able to prevent the price increases. As the financial capabilities of the salt rack were pushed to the extreme, any link between the cost of production and the price of salt ceased. At the beginning of the 19th century, the production costs for a salt barrel were between 24 and 30 kr, depending on the location of the salt works. However, the Hofkammer was able to sell a salt barrel for 11 fl 40 kr, which corresponded to 700 kr. Thus, the sales price was more than 25 times higher than the manufacturing costs!!! The increasing need for the financial exploitation of the salt monopoly was not limited to increasing prices and reducing the cost of transporting and selling salt, but also worked towards reducing production costs with ever more intensified methods. Since wage costs were the main part of production costs, wages were practically not increased over long periods of time, despite constant inflation. Privileges of chamber estate workers: In addition to their wages, the salt workers also had important benefits that were unknown outside of the Kammergut. They were exempt from military service and from military billeting, paid no taxes or levies unless they were homeowners, they had free medical treatment in the event of illness and constant care in old age. The Kammergutarbeiter needed to not worry about the future of their sons. As late as the first half of the 18th century, every able-bodied man from the Kammergütler found a suitable job at the Salzamt. In order not to raise wages, which Vienna stubbornly resisted, attempts were made to reduce the cost of living for the working population as much as possible, to keep food prices down in every way and to prevent their rise as far as possible in times of rising prices. Hofkorn and Hofschmalz: For this purpose, the Salzamt supplied the residents of the Kammergut with grain and lard. The bread grain was brought cheaply to the Kammergut as return freight on the emptied Salzzillen, because as imperial goods it was exempt from all taxes during transport. The sale of grain was strictly regulated, no official was allowed to trade in it, the selling price was strictly regulated for the grain traders, mostly citizens of Gmunden, Ischl, Laufen and Hallstatt. The Salt Office had to ensure that there was always a sufficient supply of grain stored in the official storerooms, the "grain boxes". The beneficiaries always received the grain below the market price and the cost price, which not only strengthened the bond between the crew and the imperial work, but also freed the government from the otherwise indispensable wage increase. As coveted as the meat was, it never became the staple food for the people of the Kammergut because of its unaffordable price. The farm grain had accustomed them to the flour diet, to which they could not do without lard as an added fat. This was more important to them than the meat. The inner Salzkammergut sourced most of its lard from the Abtenau region, whose inhabitants traded it vigorously in exchange for salt, grain and wine. The meat prices were also fixed by the authorities and the butchers were supported with subsidies so that they were able to keep prices low even in difficult times. The civil servants, master craftsmen and workers employed in salt boiling have always received as much salt as they needed in the household, free of charge. The miners and woodcutters and then all the other inhabitants of the chamber estate who were in the service of the sovereign joined the boilers to obtain the free salt. The allocation was generous and fully sufficient for the needs of a small farm. According to an approximate calculation, a Kammergut resident in the 17th century received 30 pounds (16.8 kg) of “mandatory salt” per year for one head of his family, i.e. more than double the actual requirement. Those entitled to “mandatory salt”, who numbered in the thousands, usually had no better use of what was left over in the household than to sell it. The Gmundner weekly market, among other things, offered a good opportunity for this. For the longest time, the Salt Office watched this trade, which noticeably affected its own consumption of salt, without doing anything. It was not until 1706 that the Hofkammer took up the matter and, much to the opposition of those concerned, restricted the "must salt purchase" to 12 pounds (6.72 kg) for each family member per year. First uprising 1392: In 1392, the citizens of Lauffen and Hallstatt "revolted" together with the cooper, shipmen and hermits. They wrote a petition to the sovereign and complained about the officials, especially the salt official, because their wages were too low or wages were withheld. The uprising was crushed bloodily, the "rebels" were severely punished, the ringleaders, if they had not escaped, imprisoned, blinded or even hanged. The penalties corresponded to the legal practice of the time. In the document of Duke Albrecht III. of September 5, 1392, with which he gave Ischl the trading rights, he expressly emphasized that the people of Ischl had not participated in the uprising. Wages of chamber farm workers: According to the 1st Reformation Dragonfly of 1524, the Salt Office was obliged to provide the workers with a decent salary from which they could subsist. In the 2nd Reformation Libel of 1563, the wages of the chamber estate workers were set numerically. For example, the wage for a male day laborer was 6 kr. and for a worker 3.5 kr. 100 years later, at the time of the 3rd Reformation Dragonfly of 1656, an ordinary day laborer got 10 kr. and a “female” 5 kr. In addition, the workers, with little increased wages, still had small allowances, which did not make much difference. A comparison of 1656 with the wages fixed in the second Libellus of 1563 shows that the daily earnings of skilled miners have remained fairly unchanged, while those of day laborers and other unskilled laborers have increased by about 50%. Under the pressure of economic hardship, the government had to at least improve the wages of the lower classes in order to keep them viable and able to work. The wages of the salt workers were still meager. Employment conditions in the rest of Upper Austria were significantly more favorable. A journeyman and a day laborer earned a good 50% more than a salt worker. For the imperial authorities, it was an irrefutable maxim that nothing could be changed in wages. In times of hardship and high prices, people preferred to resort to all sorts of temporary help and support than to raise wages. Temporary help was temporary, but wage increases were very difficult to get rid of. It is also interesting that the miners in Ischl were paid much better than those in Hallstatt, so their economic situation was more favourable. Unfortunately, the historical sources do not reveal the reasons for the unequal treatment of the two companies. The difference is all the more striking as the other provisions of the Reformation dragonfly are almost identical for both salt mountains. Pledging of the chamber property: In 1622 the Kammergut and all of Upper Austria was pledged to the Electors in Bavaria, where it remained until 1628. In 1623 there was a great famine in the Kammergut, as prices rose enormously. Grain became so expensive that people were forced to grind grummet and straw and bake it under the bread. Under the impression of great hardship and high prices, the electoral officials, ignorant of or disregarding the old imperial rule, granted the salt workers a wage increase. After returning to the imperial administration, the consequences of this new way of thinking were hastened to be undone, and on May 23, 1633 all wage increases were canceled and the old wages were reintroduced. The situation of the workers did not correspond to what one would have expected from a social, state administration. The supreme and sole concern of the imperial court chamber was to keep wages unchanged for more than a century, after the increase introduced by the Bavarian administration, unfamiliar with Austrian tradition, had been abolished. Everything went up in price, only wages remained low, unchanged. And all because they had calculated that even the slightest increase in wages would be more expensive than the support given when the workers were starving. Poverty in the Kammergut: In the 17th century, a worker needed around 100 Kreuzer per week for grain, meat, lard, eggs, milk, beets, turnips, cabbage and candles for himself and his family. A miner's wage of an average of 50 - 60 Kreuzer per week was just enough for the essential food needs of a household. The salt workers had no other choice when it came to buying clothes, linen and shoes, so they were forced and usually able to earn an additional income from woodwork or from the finishers. At the end of the 17th century, the state finances were particularly bad because of the "War of the Spanish Succession", and going into debt became the norm. Neither the income from the salt regime nor the tax revenue was sufficient to satisfy the empire's financial needs. All available means were necessary to maintain the empire and the army. Even for the operation of the salt works in the Kammergut, the necessary cash was sometimes still lacking. Going into debt had become the norm in Austria in order to get over the current shortage of money. The year 1696 was one of the saddest in the eventful history of the Salzamt. The Imperial War Pay Office claimed all of his receipts immediately. The Salzamt treasury was temporarily completely empty. In some cases, the Salt Office could not pay wages to workers and officials. They feared national bankruptcy and the loss of good faith among the people. The emperor himself urged the salt office to send money to Gmunden so that the Gmunden office could pay the interest and pay the workers. In 1693 the Kammergutarbeiter sent an emergency cry to the Court Chamber for grain; In Ebensee, Ischl and Hallstatt there was hunger and dysentery, the pans could no longer be operated, the deteriorating coinage had devalued the money. The buyers, shipwrights and Stadlinger who worked in the manufacturing sector suffered even more than the imperial workers. In a petition written in Ischl, they complained that they had nothing left on their bodies and nothing to eat, in Lauffen some had already died of hunger and the rest were about to emigrate with their wives and children and go begging. The manufacturers were also impoverished and could no longer pay their workers wages. In 1714, the Salt Office refused to take responsibility for the imperial authorities in Vienna if the workers were to “crepe out of famine”. In 1715 the Salzamt wrote to Vienna again that the need was increasing and that people had to “crepe”. The workers could not buy clothes and were so exhausted that they could no longer do difficult work. There was fear that the people in the Kammergut could no longer be held back. But as is well known, help did not come so quickly from Vienna. On March 27, 1715, the Gmundner Salzamt reported to Vienna that the workers, who had been driven to despair, wanted to go to Vienna themselves in large numbers to ask for help there. The desperate salt workers only allowed themselves to be deterred from this plan by being granted an extra grain advance. In 1717 scurvy broke out among the Aussee workers, and only then was the danger recognized in Vienna. This time, orders were immediately given to give the sick workers free medical treatment and medicines. In 1718 it was reported from Aussee that the wives and children of the workers were already going out to beg. The misery in the Salzkammergut was an almost regular occurrence. The officials were helpless, their hands were tied by the Vienna Hofkammer. The workers' petitions often found support from the Gmundner Salzamt, but none from the Hofkammer. And with the misery and overpopulation of the Salzkammergut came the workers' unrest. As long as people trembled for every worker, as long as every worker was valuable for securing the imperial work, as long as everything was used for salt works, the Salzkammergut was not without poverty and hunger, but without workers' unrest. In 1731, the Viennese Court Chamber issued a sharp reprimand to the salt offices. A survey of the age structure of the employees showed that among the 2,156 workers from Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee, 1,134 were under the age of 18, of whom 355 were even between 7 and 12 years old, were accepted into the imperial service. According to the opinion of the Hofkammer, the young lads marry as soon as they earn a piece of bread, and so the Kammergut becomes "too populess", and that's not all, the young lads are clumsy and careless at work, are often "damaged", and it costs the treasury only doctor's salaries and commissions. Such young people are therefore no longer allowed to work. The Salt Office was strictly instructed to encourage young people to do anything other than salt work, to remove immigrant foreigners from the country, to restrict marriages, and to hand over "stubborn elements" to the militia as recruits. The rationalization measures that began in the 18th century, combined with the reduction in the number of workers, the dismissal of older, weaker workers, cuts in pensions (“commissions”) and doctor’s wages, led to unrest and hard conflicts. The officials in the Salzkammergut were no friends of this new economic trend, but their hands were tied. Ischl Shrove Tuesday - Revolt 1733: From 1733 things started to ferment among the workers. On February 23, 1733, the Verwesamt reports on a revolt by the Ischl workers. Since time immemorial, workers in Ischl have been given the day off at 12 noon on Shrove Tuesday and have been paid the whole day. Now that the greatest economy was ordered, they didn't think they had the right to do so, because it would amount to 36 fl. for 470 people, and the workers were not allowed to go home. Despite this, the angry workers left their work earlier, gathered in front of the office building, and "made their complaints with unvoiced and punishable freedom". In times of the greatest famine, it remained calm in the Kammergut, and now there was a revolt because of 36 fl. But in the meantime, the much more serious religious unrest was caused in the Salzkammergut, and the situation was so dangerous that Salzamtmann Graf Seeau not only refrained from punishing the ringleaders, but even released Shrove Tuesday afternoon. This is how the unnecessarily conjured up Shrove Tuesday revolt of the Ischl workers ended. This was the first workers' revolt in the Salzkammergut that had endured 23 years of terrible hardship without the workers daring to do anything more than the most humble begging, and yet they were starving. But at least they saw the good intentions of the officials, and from time to time a small gift of grace came from Vienna. The petty savings, the abolition of old customs irritated, the restrictions on commissions and doctor's wages embittered, and when Sternbach came along with his innovations, a revolt broke out that no longer ended like a carnival joke. Uprising of the Ebensee woodworkers in 1746: In May 1746, the news came to Vienna that the woodcutters and shipbuilders in Ebensee, through "punitive defiance and the tumultuous proceedings" had forced the Salzamtmann Sternbach to sign the earlier, now forbidden "excesses and negligence" again. The Ischl servitude desired the same. After long pleas, the Ebensee woodworkers strictly rejected Sternbach's innovations on May 1, 1746. About 300 of them gathered and impetuously demanded their piece of bread from the salt clerk who was present in the vicarage. They also horribly beat various "wood watchers" employed by the Salzamt. The woodcutters also demanded that the woodruff be dismissed and that several of them should get the farm grain again. They presented all demands loudly and very impetuously. People were no longer satisfied with verbal promises, "as if they had often been promised something but never kept it". The salt official had to put his promise in writing, threatening to meet again if the promise was not kept. In Vienna people were extremely upset about this incident. An investigative commissioner with 300 men on foot and 30 on horseback was ordered to the Salzkammergut to ensure law and order. The culprits should be punished and Sternbach's new guidelines should be implemented quickly. Every worker was to submit to the new regulations, every meeting of workers was to be prevented and the "rioters" were to be punished with corporal punishment. Some officials were accused of taking sides with the workers and should be punished without any leniency. The rebellion of the workers had become dangerous because some of the officials felt that the harsh actions of the Viennese Hofkammer were disadvantageous for them too, which is why the officials openly or secretly sided with the workers and abetted the rebellion. The criminal investigations in Ischl and Ebensee yielded nothing. All the woodcutters answered in the same voice that only "sheer necessity" had driven them to the unrest. It was impossible to identify the instigators of the riot. The crime report also gives the causes of the riots. Salzamtmann Sternbach had abolished the previous system for supplying wood by eliminating the woodworkers and creating lumberjacks as "imperial lumberjack parties" who were supposed to work on piecework wages. He wanted to eliminate the numerous fraudulent machinations in the timber industry. But the woodcutters and master woodworkers did not put up with this. The investigating commissioner reported that as early as August 1746, most of the workers had returned to work repentant. When the military finally withdrew in April 1749, this was done with an explicit warning to the workers to continue to behave docilely and to follow the orders of the salt official at all costs. Sternbach had found employment in Hallein in Salzburg, in Hungary and in Lower Austria for the superfluous people who were able to work, but the workers did not want this. Nobody wanted to go there, they didn't even want to go to work from one detention center in the Kammergut to another. The Salzkammergut workers were used to having their own way, and they didn't like the stricter discipline that was in use today. They were tied to the Salzkammergut for centuries, they were artificially brought up to the point that they shouldn't even think of moving away, and now, against their will, they are to be dragged onto the foreign market as work goods. weekly rate: Until 1753, the salt workers were regularly paid their wages on Saturdays after the “weekly rait”. Files report that in Ischl it was customary not to work on Saturdays or Sundays in the imperial salt mines. Instead of the miners using Saturday for their domestic work in order to rest on the following Sunday to strengthen themselves for the exertions of the coming week, on Saturday evenings they exhaust their last strength and usually their hard-earned maternity pay in the inns. On Monday, exhausted and usually without money, they began their arduous day's work all over again. The Kammergut in general, but Hallstatt in particular, was always considered the most expensive part of the country before it was opened up for traffic. In addition, the cost of living had risen steadily since the mid-eighteenth century, but wages had risen only imperceptibly, if at all. For example, in Hallstatt around 1788, a pound of smoked meat cost 19 kr. At that time a bricklayer earned only 19 kr, an ordinary worker only 17 kr. during the day. Paper money or “bank note”: Four wars lost within a decade (Peace of Campo Formio 1797, of Luneville 1801, of Preßburg 1805 and of Vienna 1809) had not only costs, but also losses on land and thus tax revenues, and finally also the loss of maritime trade , and the "Continental Blockade" imposed by Napoleon on Europe severely damaged the Austrian economy. Nevertheless, the state had to continue to arm and to manage the proceeds from its salt business as one of its last secure incomes as stingily as possible. The tense economic situation led to a shortage of money and devaluation. As a countermeasure, paper coupons were put into circulation as a substitute for coins as early as 1761. From the beginning, the population did not enjoy it because it was constantly declining in value and the misery of the workers increased again. In the years 1808 and 1809 the imperial printing press produced more and more paper money. By 1810 this had almost entirely replaced cash. As a result, the paper currency fell so badly that the Austrian financial system almost collapsed. On December 11, 1810, Austria stopped cash payments entirely, the bank notes were confiscated and replaced by new "redemption slips" with a fifth of the previous nominal value. The money suddenly lost 80% of its value! It was not until 1816, with the establishment of the National Bank, that the Austrian monetary economy began to rebuild. From now on, only the National Bank was authorized to issue banknotes and obliged to redeem the current bills. This quickly led to a stabilization of the monetary value. French occupation in the Kammergut: Austria's struggle against Napoleon required the utmost exertion of all forces and suppressed all other considerations. The imperial patent of October 25, 1804 granted exemption from military service only to the most important management bodies and the most distinguished workers in the mines. With the strict application of this regulation, the Salt Office would have had to stop all operations that were not allowed to be interrupted because of the salt supply of the Reich. The salt office and the administration offices made constant efforts to get their people free from conscription, but the recruitment commission instructed by the court war council made no exception for the chamber estate and called up 183 men from the chamber estate in July 1805. After the Salt Office objected, the recruiting commission from the Kammergut only held back 41 men. The long period of war, with its insatiable demands on men fit for arms, had eliminated the old privilege of the salt workers, who had also become conscripts and were subject to military laws. Naturally, the Salzamt was concerned with freeing people from military service who were indispensable for the company or who were difficult to replace. A joint commission consisting of representatives of the district office, the salt office and the military district command was to determine the categories desired for military liberation. The deliberations revealed that out of a total of 5,530 employees, only 1,385 men were suitable for temporary exemption. Continuing operations was such an almost impossible task for the Salzamt. The period of French rule from 1809 onwards was downright catastrophic for the salt industry. The income from the sale of salt in the country flowed into the coffers of the occupying power, so the Salt Office could neither pay the wages of the salt workers nor procure the food they needed to feed themselves. During the summer months of 1809, Hallstatt workers waited seven weeks for their wages. Hundreds of them marched in front of the office building in Lahn and threatened to make money with the salt from the magazines if help didn't come soon. Revolution 1848: The winter of 1847 increased the misery of the workers unbearably again. The people sold their livestock, got into debt, couldn't get flour from the millers in advance, lost their strength and didn't have enough to clothe themselves. At the beginning of 1848, the Ischl workers ganged up to take violent action against the bakers and millers and to force a reduction in the price of flour and semolina. As a result, in January 1848 the Court Chamber set about working out a new wage system that was intended to bring the workers a substantial improvement in their income. The new wage regulation that came into force at the end of 1848 contained notable concessions to the workers, who were agitated in the year of the revolution and suffering from inflation. In addition to a general wage increase for all service classes, the court grain and lard purchases were increased and their prices reduced at the same time. In addition, all restrictions on the purchase of farm grain have been lifted. In 1848, the Court Chamber set the 48-hour week for all miners equally and wanted to break it down into six eight-hour shifts. However, she only found the approval of the Ausseer miners, while those in Hallstatt and Ischl insisted on the six-hour pit shift that had been granted to them in 1771. Mining lasted from Monday to Friday, leaving Saturday to take care of the household chores. The low-wage miners preferred to work short shifts because it gave them the opportunity to earn extra income. There was no real uprising movement in the Kammergut, but fears of such a movement prompted the authorities to take some precautionary measures. The Saline Ebensee had set up a fire station for a short time. A section of the National Guard had taken up position in Ischl. In October 1848, due to a shortage of firearms, the Board of Directors of the National Guard requested that the Salt Oberamt make 120 pikes (polearm or spear) and contribute to the uniforming of the poor guards from the working class. The Salzoberamt had no objection to the production of pikes in the Ebensee court smithy, the saltworks actually supplied the National Guard with 60 pikes. But she refused the uniform expenses, the workers should draw on the brother shop's assets. Limit provisions: The salt workers in the Kammergut also received a "limito provision", a certain amount of lard and grain, which could be obtained at reduced prices. On the other hand, the basic wage of the salt workers in the 19th century was always below that of the skilled factory workers. The system of “safe poverty” thus continued into the 19th century. Working as a stable miner or salt worker was secure employment even in times of crisis, but cuts in pay had to be accepted. If an enemy invasion was to be feared, the administrative offices were not only allowed to give the workers their wages and farm grain, but also limito lard for a quarter of a year in advance. From 1789 onwards, the purchase of Hofkorn was extended to all family members. Annually the following was given out: for men 350 kg, for women 200 kg and for each child under 12 years 100 kg. The delivery of the farm grain to the workers entitled to receive it took place monthly at first, then every six weeks. The limit value of the grain received was then deducted from the wages when the next payment was made. In 1815, almost 3,200 tons of grain were imported into the Kammergut from the Salzoberamt and made available to the workers at a limit price, which was usually even below the cost price. Grain gathering took place alternately every six and seven weeks eight times a year. The year 1848 brought the staff a notable improvement in the purchase of lard. A full worker weighed 20.2 and 33.9 kg annually, depending on his wage grade and category. The distribution in the era's lard cellars took place at the same time as that of the Hofkorn, the limit price was deducted from the wages of the workers. Workers with their own farms, which enabled them to keep three cows, were excluded from purchasing lard. It was almost always clarified butter that was handed out, only in exceptional cases, and only as emergency help, were the workers also given pork bacon. The wage deduction for these groceries was 48 Kr. for 1 Metzen Korn and 10 Kr. for 1 Pound of Lard, ie for the former a third and for the latter half of the usual market price. In certain cases, however, discounts were still made on these wage deductions, which were introduced in place of the monetary allowances that had been customary in times of inflation. In 1873, the supply of food was finally stopped and wages increased accordingly. Only the deputat salt and a preferential purchase of firewood remained in kind. The purchase of wood was only intended for personal use, selling it to third parties was strictly forbidden. Officials and those workers who were unable to get the wood in the forest could get it at the Aufsatzplatz or from the drift. A fee had to be paid for the deputate wood. After the Law on Associations passed in 1867, it was possible to set up workers' support associations. The miners and smelters of the Aussee, Altaussee, Hallstatt and Ebensee saltworks founded their own consumer associations to improve the food situation. Social situation of the miners around 1868: In 1868, the annual need for money for a family of workers (man, woman, two children) in Upper Austria was around 250 guilders. This roughly corresponded to the annual earnings of a hewer in a salt mine. Of this amount, around 20-40 guilders went to rent for small apartments. Those workers who were not themselves smallholders mostly lived in rented accommodation in villages close to the factory. The family apartment often consisted of a single, low room. Since this was also used for cooking and washing, and for reasons of economy it was often not aired for weeks in winter, the rooms were damp and moldy. The often numerous family members lived here in a small room huddled together without separating the sexes, sometimes even unmarried workers were sublet. About 13 - 15 guilders had to be spent on heating the small apartments, despite the preferential purchase of firewood. Besides his work clothes, the worker usually has better clothes for Sunday. The average annual outlay for clothing was between 20 and 30 guilders, depending on the size of the family. In general, the mining families subsisted on pastries prepared with lard, vegetables and legumes, and meat was very rarely on the table. In 1868 a family spent 150 - 180 guilders on food in Upper Austria. Housing situation of the salt workers: Around 1870 there were 22 company-owned workers' living quarters or dormitories at the saltworks in the Kammergut. The latter, which were in the immediate vicinity of the workplace, were used as accommodation during the working days by the workers living away from the mine, who could only return to their families once a week. Only at the end of the 19th century, small apartments were newly built for the salt workers, which brought a big improvement. The typical worker's apartment consisted of an almost 10 m² kitchen, an approximately 20 m² heated room and an almost 10 m² cabinet without heating. Only 10% of wages were retained as rent. Outlook: A regular system of privileges and disciplining shaped the everyday work and life of the salt workers. In return for social security, the state expected a special loyalty and the preservation of the honor of the group of salt workers even outside of working hours. When you were hired, you not only had to provide birth certificates and certificates of origin, but also a “certificate of morality”. Service regulations from 1899 not only regulated behavior during working hours. Avoiding "violence and bickering", "appearing at the work place at the appointed time" or the prohibition on leaving the work place without permission can still be understood as regulations that were necessary for a functioning workflow. The ban on "smoking tobacco" outdoors, on the other hand, points to an almost patriarchal control, as do the reasons for dismissal in the case of "reasonable suspicion of poaching", in the case of secret or open "incitement against official orders" or "essential breaches of duty in relation to loyalty, diligence and due respect and obedience to superiors”. The system of privileges and disciplining, in which workers and employers entered into a close symbiosis, should not lead to a glorified picture of exclusive harmony. There have always been conflicts between the salt workers and the state as the employer. In the 19th century, however, the forms of protest changed. Until then, the close ties between the salt workers and the state had favored cooperative conflict resolution mechanisms. The strike as a form of protest only came into use in the early 20th century; before that, the salt workers tried to present their requests and claims in the form of petitions. As an employer, the state usually reacted very willingly to these “gentle” demands with concessions. After the turn of the century, the forms of protest changed. Spontaneous actions were replaced by more organized, longer-term protest movements. In the large demonstrations to obtain universal, equal and direct suffrage in 1907, the salt workers took part together with other groups of workers and marched under the red flags of social democracy, but without being clearly organized as social democrats. For the miners and smelters, there was still a long way to go, full of protests, before the hard and dangerous nature of their work was fully recognized in terms of wages and social benefits. Only during the construction period after the Second World War did the miners receive the financial compensation they were entitled to. Sources used: Gustav Brachmann "Three contributions to the history of our salt industry", Upper Austria Heimatblatt, 18th year, issue 3-4, Linz 1964 Franz Hufnagl "The toll to Gmunden", Böhlau Verlag, Vienna 2008 August Huysen "Salt Mining and Saline Operation in Austria, Styria and Salzburg", Berlin 1854 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Karel Kramar "The state wage policy and the situation of the workers in the salt pans of the Salzkammergut up to 1748", yearbook for national economy, Vienna 1896 Ewald Hiebl "Safe work and state protection" in: "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Halleiner salt works", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Volume 10, Salzburg, 1998 Anton Schauenstein "Denkbuch des austrian mining and metallurgy", Vienna 1873 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936