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Interessengemeinschaft Mitterbergstollen IGM IGM - I nteresseng emeinschaft M itterbergstollen Gesamtarbeitsaufwand Stollenportale restaurieren Errichtung Themenweg Via Salis 1 + 2 Wiederauffahrung Moosbergstollen Errichtung Dorfplatz Errichtung Themenweg Via Salis 3 - Soleleitung Errichtung Via Salis Schaustelle Maria Theresiastollen Erweiterung Via Salis Schaustelle Maria Theresiastollen - Kreiselwipper + Versturzgleis Renovierung Bergsäge Maria Theresia Stollen Aktivitäten 2025: Bergsäge Überdachung Kreiselwipper Aktivitäten 2024: 8.4.2024: A GMIATLICHE STUND 09-05-24 Max Neuböck 00:00 / 1:00:24 9.5.2024: 13.5.2024: Arbeiten 2023: Presse ViaSalis 2023.pdf Juli 2023 - Ischler Woche: Dunkle Momente am Ischler Salzberg - Kunstgüterbergung 1944/45 DMIS May 2022 - Upper Austrian news: IGM members were awarded the cultural honor certificate by the city of Bad Ischl Arbeiten 2022: Arbeiten 2021: July 7, 2021: New showroom "brine streak" May 12, 2021: "Pink Waterfalls" May 2021: The memory of the Salzkammergut June 2020: New shows on the VIA SALIS June 2020: Report on the 1920 Sandling landslide 2020 Tunnel mouth Elisabeth watering pit was uncovered for the VIA SALIS: 2020: 3rd season for "VIA SALIS" 26.10.2019 Ischl hiking day 26.10.2019 Opening ceremony 7.9.2019 Impressions of the opening ceremony VIA SALIS and village square Maria Theresia information board 2021 Various works Via Salis 2021 Work showroom brine pipeline 2021 Rosa's Waterfalls 2021 Repair village square 2020 Saw 2020 Elisabeth watering scour 2020 Mitterberg Tunnel 2013 Ludovica tunnel 2014 Lipplesgraben tunnel 2015 Women's wooden stollen 2016 Neuberg tunnel 2016 New Steinberg tunnel 2017 Marterl 2021 Cut free Maria Theresia Staircase 2021 Clearing Kirchenfeld 2021 Concrete element from Rinnwerk bergen 2020 Drainage 2020 Johannes tunnel 2014 Mathias tunnel 2014 Elisabeth tunnel 2016 Josefstollen 2016 Old Steinberg tunnel 2017 Rabenbrunn Tunnel 2017 Moosberg Tunnel 2018 Details work performance Moosbergstollen 2018 VIA SALIS path works Via Salis theme trail 2018 VIA SALIS press 11.2019 | culture report Upper Austria

Ischl and the salt The blessing of the coveted mineral salt lay over the entire Salzkammergut. Hence the name, which is made up of the words Kammergut and Salz. A chamber estate is a region that is directly owned by the sovereign, in this case the archdukes of the House of Habsburg. In contrast to Hallstatt and Bad Aussee, the salt deposits in Bad Ischl were discovered relatively late. Of course, the area around Ischl had long been recognized as being salt-prone, but there was a special economic need to open up the mining. In July 1563 the foundation stone was laid for the start of salt mining in Ischl. The first tunnel was opened in the village of Perneck. The more favorable location for transport, as well as the untouched forest occurrences and the probable inability of the Hallstatt Salt Mine forced the Ischl Salt Mine to be founded. 8 years later, in 1571, the first brewhouse for salt processing was founded in Bad Ischl. For generations of people from Ischl, salt became the most important economic basis. In addition to the previous transport, now also in direct production in the Salzberg Perneck. In 1595 the then Emperor Rudolf II commissioned the construction of a brine pipeline from Hallstatt via Goisern to Bad Ischl. Forty kilometers long and perfectly adapted to the terrain, this was the world's first pipeline. In the 17th and 18th centuries there was a crisis in the salt trade in the Salzkammergut. At the beginning of the 19th century, salt began to be used for health purposes. So it happened that in 1821 a medical delegation from Vienna, headed by Dr. Wirer, after Ischl to Dr. Goetz travelled. Together they decided to found a health resort. As the most important remedy, in addition to sulfur from a spring in the Salzberg and mud, the main focus was on the Ischl salt. For example, one method of respiratory recovery was saline inhalation. For this purpose, galleries were built for the spa guests over steaming salt pans.

How long has mining been around? The question "When did mining start?" is not easy to answer, since written records go back barely 1 millennium. To answer the question "What was before?" one has to rely on archaeologists and often on dedicated miners who are looking for traces of the past. People have known how to use the natural resources of the Alps for at least 6000 years . That's how old Austria's oldest mine is in Mauer near Vienna , where flint was mined. 12 m deep shafts, stretches and cross passages as well as large heaps still bear witness to the activities of Stone Age miners. A number of copper mines from Schwaz in Tyrol via the Kelchalm near Kitzbühel to Mühlbach am Hochkönig were already in operation in the Bronze Age 4000 years ago . A total of 3.3 million tons of raw ore were extracted and around 50,000 tons of copper were smelted. Eastern Alpine copper production was of European importance. 3000 years ago, salt was mined in Hallstatt . And in Roman times, Noric iron from Carinthia and Tauern gold were coveted trade products. Evidence of early mining activity is the glacier man "Ötzi" . Extremely high concentrations of copper and nickel were found in the hair of the man who died 5,300 years ago. This suggests that Ötzi worked in ore smelting . In addition, Ötzi was armed with an East Alpine copper ax. Also in other parts of the world there are interesting, sometimes much, much older traces of mining. The oldest pit map, for example, dates from the time of the Egyptian ruler Ramses IV, who lived 3,300 years ago. It shows roads, gold mines and miners' dwellings. In North America from 3000 - 1200 B.C. About 500,000 tons of copper ore were mined by an unknown people on the Isle Royale in Michigan. However, the associated copper was never found. Where the not inconsiderable amount of copper went to will probably remain a great mystery of archeology. The world's oldest traces of mining can be found where mankind originated - namely in Africa. Unfortunately, much of the past lies in the dark on the black continent. Records from the pre-colonial period are practically non-existent. Most finds of prehistoric mining were only made in the course of modern large-scale mining. The roots of classic mining lie in southern Africa in the Ngwenya Mountains in today's Swaziland. It is home to one of the oldest underground mines in the world, dating back an incredible 43,000 years . The object of the extensive mining, which reached a depth of up to 30m, was hematite in the form of silvery micaceous iron mica. The iron ore was crushed in stone mortars and probably used for cultic-cosmetic purposes. There is no doubt that the Stone Age hunters rubbed their faces, hands and bodies with mineral paints and then made the cave paintings, which are still colorful today. During the nearly 20,000-year mining period, several thousand tons of ore were mined in the Ngwenya Mountains. As a last example, I would like to mention the discovery of a Rhodesia man, a 200,000-year-old early human form . Bones and teeth of this early human have been discovered in a limestone cave opened up by mining at Broken Hill in Zambia. The living space of this man was unique: Zinc and lead phosphate crystals literally littered the ceiling of his den. So there is a suspicion that he really is the oldest miner in the world! Mining has shaped the fortunes of people for thousands of years. Without it, progress and prosperity would be unthinkable. Miners can rightly be proud of having inherited a profession that is thousands of years old.

25 The mine locomotive: The Ruhrthal mine locomotive with serial no. 2947, Type G 22, service weight 5,160 kg was made in 1951 by the Ruhrthaler Maschinenfabrik in Mülheim an der Ruhr / Germany built. On February 8, 1952, it was delivered to ÖSAG in Bad Ischl and then pulled up from the Au with several teams of oxen and the entire Salzberg workforce to the Maria Theresia tunnel. Until the Jenbacher mine locomotive was purchased in 1982, the Ruhrthaler was the only locomotive in use both for transporting materials and for visiting the Maria Theresia tunnel. From 1982 until the cessation of foreign traffic in 2000, the Ruhrthaler served exclusively as a reserve machine. In August 2009 I was able to buy the Ruhrthal mine locomotive that had been parked for 9 years at the station in the Maria Theresia tunnel. After a thorough restoration, it is now operational on my property. I managed to save this rare piece from scrapping and make it accessible to the public. Good luck for Eric Ramsauer Technical details:

Pressestimmen zur Bergsäge Pressestimmen zur Bergsäge beim Maria Theresia Stollen

Mountain houses near Empress Maria Theresia – tunnels After the attack on the Empress Maria Theresia Stollen, which was called Kaiser Franz Stollen until 1808, with great solemnity on September 26, 1775, the kk Ministerial - Banko - Hof - Deputation approved the construction of a mountain house on Steinbalfen with a resolution of February 25, 1782 , the later so-called "Old Mountain House". The building, which was built in 1783, originally contained one large and two small servants' rooms and a kitchen on the ground floor, on the first floor two master rooms, a kitchen and a room with a chamber for one spectator. The construction costs were 2,693 fl 30 kr. (in 2020 approx. €53,900 monetary value according to the “Historical Currency Calculator”, www.eurologische.at ). The core substance of the Old Theresia Berghaus took up a floor plan area of 15.2 x 9.8 m, reached an eaves height of 6.9 m and a ridge height of 10.7 m. The double roof truss was covered with larch boards and in the eaves area with sheet metal strips . The living conditions can be illustrated by the fact that 24 servants slept on the ground floor on 44.5 m², while the viewer alone had a 18.5 m² bedroom at his disposal. As early as 1784, the mountain forge was built as the second mountain building directly at the mouth of the Maria Theresia tunnel.

Gasthaus zum Salzberg Monday/Tuesday rest day

Frauen- und Kinderarbeit im Salzberg Women and child labor in salt mining

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sprengmittellagerung

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Wirtschaftliche Lager der Salzbergarbeiter Social - economic situation of the salt workers in earlier times: Introduction: The situation of the Salzkammergut workers has always been bad and deplorable. Dependent on the salt works, they were completely in the hands of one company, which also had all the administrative and judicial power. Employment as a "Kammergutarbeiter" was associated with "certain poverty" because the wages were meager and insufficient. In addition to the low wages, the salt workers were supplied with cheap grain and lard. Nevertheless, cheap grain and lard and one-off grants were of little help in times of need, since the Hofkammer did not increase wages despite constant inflation. Salt Rack: Salt production was reserved for the emperor as a royal rule. Along with taxes, the salt shelf was by far the most important source of income for the state, which was always in financial difficulties. When the salt industry was at its peak, the salt works in Hallstatt, Ischl, Aussee, Hall in Tirol and Hallein supplied all of southern Central Europe (from Switzerland via Swabia and Bavaria to Bohemia, Moravia, western Hungary and Carniola). The rich profits from the salt mines owned by the sovereign covered up to a third of the state budget. If the emperor didn't know what to do because the state coffers were almost always empty, he simply had the price of salt increased. Complaints about the plight of the population, about the damage to cattle breeding, about outbreaks of cattle disease as a result of the increase in the price of salt were not able to prevent the price increases. As the financial capabilities of the salt rack were pushed to the extreme, any link between the cost of production and the price of salt ceased. At the beginning of the 19th century, the production costs for a salt barrel were between 24 and 30 kr, depending on the location of the salt works. However, the Hofkammer was able to sell a salt barrel for 11 fl 40 kr, which corresponded to 700 kr. Thus, the sales price was more than 25 times higher than the manufacturing costs!!! The increasing need for the financial exploitation of the salt monopoly was not limited to increasing prices and reducing the cost of transporting and selling salt, but also worked towards reducing production costs with ever more intensified methods. Since wage costs were the main part of production costs, wages were practically not increased over long periods of time, despite constant inflation. Privileges of chamber estate workers: In addition to their wages, the salt workers also had important benefits that were unknown outside of the Kammergut. They were exempt from military service and from military billeting, paid no taxes or levies unless they were homeowners, they had free medical treatment in the event of illness and constant care in old age. The Kammergutarbeiter needed to not worry about the future of their sons. As late as the first half of the 18th century, every able-bodied man from the Kammergütler found a suitable job at the Salzamt. In order not to raise wages, which Vienna stubbornly resisted, attempts were made to reduce the cost of living for the working population as much as possible, to keep food prices down in every way and to prevent their rise as far as possible in times of rising prices. Hofkorn and Hofschmalz: For this purpose, the Salzamt supplied the residents of the Kammergut with grain and lard. The bread grain was brought cheaply to the Kammergut as return freight on the emptied Salzzillen, because as imperial goods it was exempt from all taxes during transport. The sale of grain was strictly regulated, no official was allowed to trade in it, the selling price was strictly regulated for the grain traders, mostly citizens of Gmunden, Ischl, Laufen and Hallstatt. The Salt Office had to ensure that there was always a sufficient supply of grain stored in the official storerooms, the "grain boxes". The beneficiaries always received the grain below the market price and the cost price, which not only strengthened the bond between the crew and the imperial work, but also freed the government from the otherwise indispensable wage increase. As coveted as the meat was, it never became the staple food for the people of the Kammergut because of its unaffordable price. The farm grain had accustomed them to the flour diet, to which they could not do without lard as an added fat. This was more important to them than the meat. The inner Salzkammergut sourced most of its lard from the Abtenau region, whose inhabitants traded it vigorously in exchange for salt, grain and wine. The meat prices were also fixed by the authorities and the butchers were supported with subsidies so that they were able to keep prices low even in difficult times. The civil servants, master craftsmen and workers employed in salt boiling have always received as much salt as they needed in the household, free of charge. The miners and woodcutters and then all the other inhabitants of the chamber estate who were in the service of the sovereign joined the boilers to obtain the free salt. The allocation was generous and fully sufficient for the needs of a small farm. According to an approximate calculation, a Kammergut resident in the 17th century received 30 pounds (16.8 kg) of “mandatory salt” per year for one head of his family, i.e. more than double the actual requirement. Those entitled to “mandatory salt”, who numbered in the thousands, usually had no better use of what was left over in the household than to sell it. The Gmundner weekly market, among other things, offered a good opportunity for this. For the longest time, the Salt Office watched this trade, which noticeably affected its own consumption of salt, without doing anything. It was not until 1706 that the Hofkammer took up the matter and, much to the opposition of those concerned, restricted the "must salt purchase" to 12 pounds (6.72 kg) for each family member per year. First uprising 1392: In 1392, the citizens of Lauffen and Hallstatt "revolted" together with the cooper, shipmen and hermits. They wrote a petition to the sovereign and complained about the officials, especially the salt official, because their wages were too low or wages were withheld. The uprising was crushed bloodily, the "rebels" were severely punished, the ringleaders, if they had not escaped, imprisoned, blinded or even hanged. The penalties corresponded to the legal practice of the time. In the document of Duke Albrecht III. of September 5, 1392, with which he gave Ischl the trading rights, he expressly emphasized that the people of Ischl had not participated in the uprising. Wages of chamber farm workers: According to the 1st Reformation Dragonfly of 1524, the Salt Office was obliged to provide the workers with a decent salary from which they could subsist. In the 2nd Reformation Libel of 1563, the wages of the chamber estate workers were set numerically. For example, the wage for a male day laborer was 6 kr. and for a worker 3.5 kr. 100 years later, at the time of the 3rd Reformation Dragonfly of 1656, an ordinary day laborer got 10 kr. and a “female” 5 kr. In addition, the workers, with little increased wages, still had small allowances, which did not make much difference. A comparison of 1656 with the wages fixed in the second Libellus of 1563 shows that the daily earnings of skilled miners have remained fairly unchanged, while those of day laborers and other unskilled laborers have increased by about 50%. Under the pressure of economic hardship, the government had to at least improve the wages of the lower classes in order to keep them viable and able to work. The wages of the salt workers were still meager. Employment conditions in the rest of Upper Austria were significantly more favorable. A journeyman and a day laborer earned a good 50% more than a salt worker. For the imperial authorities, it was an irrefutable maxim that nothing could be changed in wages. In times of hardship and high prices, people preferred to resort to all sorts of temporary help and support than to raise wages. Temporary help was temporary, but wage increases were very difficult to get rid of. It is also interesting that the miners in Ischl were paid much better than those in Hallstatt, so their economic situation was more favourable. Unfortunately, the historical sources do not reveal the reasons for the unequal treatment of the two companies. The difference is all the more striking as the other provisions of the Reformation dragonfly are almost identical for both salt mountains. Pledging of the chamber property: In 1622 the Kammergut and all of Upper Austria was pledged to the Electors in Bavaria, where it remained until 1628. In 1623 there was a great famine in the Kammergut, as prices rose enormously. Grain became so expensive that people were forced to grind grummet and straw and bake it under the bread. Under the impression of great hardship and high prices, the electoral officials, ignorant of or disregarding the old imperial rule, granted the salt workers a wage increase. After returning to the imperial administration, the consequences of this new way of thinking were hastened to be undone, and on May 23, 1633 all wage increases were canceled and the old wages were reintroduced. The situation of the workers did not correspond to what one would have expected from a social, state administration. The supreme and sole concern of the imperial court chamber was to keep wages unchanged for more than a century, after the increase introduced by the Bavarian administration, unfamiliar with Austrian tradition, had been abolished. Everything went up in price, only wages remained low, unchanged. And all because they had calculated that even the slightest increase in wages would be more expensive than the support given when the workers were starving. Poverty in the Kammergut: In the 17th century, a worker needed around 100 Kreuzer per week for grain, meat, lard, eggs, milk, beets, turnips, cabbage and candles for himself and his family. A miner's wage of an average of 50 - 60 Kreuzer per week was just enough for the essential food needs of a household. The salt workers had no other choice when it came to buying clothes, linen and shoes, so they were forced and usually able to earn an additional income from woodwork or from the finishers. At the end of the 17th century, the state finances were particularly bad because of the "War of the Spanish Succession", and going into debt became the norm. Neither the income from the salt regime nor the tax revenue was sufficient to satisfy the empire's financial needs. All available means were necessary to maintain the empire and the army. Even for the operation of the salt works in the Kammergut, the necessary cash was sometimes still lacking. Going into debt had become the norm in Austria in order to get over the current shortage of money. The year 1696 was one of the saddest in the eventful history of the Salzamt. The Imperial War Pay Office claimed all of his receipts immediately. The Salzamt treasury was temporarily completely empty. In some cases, the Salt Office could not pay wages to workers and officials. They feared national bankruptcy and the loss of good faith among the people. The emperor himself urged the salt office to send money to Gmunden so that the Gmunden office could pay the interest and pay the workers. In 1693 the Kammergutarbeiter sent an emergency cry to the Court Chamber for grain; In Ebensee, Ischl and Hallstatt there was hunger and dysentery, the pans could no longer be operated, the deteriorating coinage had devalued the money. The buyers, shipwrights and Stadlinger who worked in the manufacturing sector suffered even more than the imperial workers. In a petition written in Ischl, they complained that they had nothing left on their bodies and nothing to eat, in Lauffen some had already died of hunger and the rest were about to emigrate with their wives and children and go begging. The manufacturers were also impoverished and could no longer pay their workers wages. In 1714, the Salt Office refused to take responsibility for the imperial authorities in Vienna if the workers were to “crepe out of famine”. In 1715 the Salzamt wrote to Vienna again that the need was increasing and that people had to “crepe”. The workers could not buy clothes and were so exhausted that they could no longer do difficult work. There was fear that the people in the Kammergut could no longer be held back. But as is well known, help did not come so quickly from Vienna. On March 27, 1715, the Gmundner Salzamt reported to Vienna that the workers, who had been driven to despair, wanted to go to Vienna themselves in large numbers to ask for help there. The desperate salt workers only allowed themselves to be deterred from this plan by being granted an extra grain advance. In 1717 scurvy broke out among the Aussee workers, and only then was the danger recognized in Vienna. This time, orders were immediately given to give the sick workers free medical treatment and medicines. In 1718 it was reported from Aussee that the wives and children of the workers were already going out to beg. The misery in the Salzkammergut was an almost regular occurrence. The officials were helpless, their hands were tied by the Vienna Hofkammer. The workers' petitions often found support from the Gmundner Salzamt, but none from the Hofkammer. And with the misery and overpopulation of the Salzkammergut came the workers' unrest. As long as people trembled for every worker, as long as every worker was valuable for securing the imperial work, as long as everything was used for salt works, the Salzkammergut was not without poverty and hunger, but without workers' unrest. In 1731, the Viennese Court Chamber issued a sharp reprimand to the salt offices. A survey of the age structure of the employees showed that among the 2,156 workers from Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee, 1,134 were under the age of 18, of whom 355 were even between 7 and 12 years old, were accepted into the imperial service. According to the opinion of the Hofkammer, the young lads marry as soon as they earn a piece of bread, and so the Kammergut becomes "too populess", and that's not all, the young lads are clumsy and careless at work, are often "damaged", and it costs the treasury only doctor's salaries and commissions. Such young people are therefore no longer allowed to work. The Salt Office was strictly instructed to encourage young people to do anything other than salt work, to remove immigrant foreigners from the country, to restrict marriages, and to hand over "stubborn elements" to the militia as recruits. The rationalization measures that began in the 18th century, combined with the reduction in the number of workers, the dismissal of older, weaker workers, cuts in pensions (“commissions”) and doctor’s wages, led to unrest and hard conflicts. The officials in the Salzkammergut were no friends of this new economic trend, but their hands were tied. Ischl Shrove Tuesday - Revolt 1733: From 1733 things started to ferment among the workers. On February 23, 1733, the Verwesamt reports on a revolt by the Ischl workers. Since time immemorial, workers in Ischl have been given the day off at 12 noon on Shrove Tuesday and have been paid the whole day. Now that the greatest economy was ordered, they didn't think they had the right to do so, because it would amount to 36 fl. for 470 people, and the workers were not allowed to go home. Despite this, the angry workers left their work earlier, gathered in front of the office building, and "made their complaints with unvoiced and punishable freedom". In times of the greatest famine, it remained calm in the Kammergut, and now there was a revolt because of 36 fl. But in the meantime, the much more serious religious unrest was caused in the Salzkammergut, and the situation was so dangerous that Salzamtmann Graf Seeau not only refrained from punishing the ringleaders, but even released Shrove Tuesday afternoon. This is how the unnecessarily conjured up Shrove Tuesday revolt of the Ischl workers ended. This was the first workers' revolt in the Salzkammergut that had endured 23 years of terrible hardship without the workers daring to do anything more than the most humble begging, and yet they were starving. But at least they saw the good intentions of the officials, and from time to time a small gift of grace came from Vienna. The petty savings, the abolition of old customs irritated, the restrictions on commissions and doctor's wages embittered, and when Sternbach came along with his innovations, a revolt broke out that no longer ended like a carnival joke. Uprising of the Ebensee woodworkers in 1746: In May 1746, the news came to Vienna that the woodcutters and shipbuilders in Ebensee, through "punitive defiance and the tumultuous proceedings" had forced the Salzamtmann Sternbach to sign the earlier, now forbidden "excesses and negligence" again. The Ischl servitude desired the same. After long pleas, the Ebensee woodworkers strictly rejected Sternbach's innovations on May 1, 1746. About 300 of them gathered and impetuously demanded their piece of bread from the salt clerk who was present in the vicarage. They also horribly beat various "wood watchers" employed by the Salzamt. The woodcutters also demanded that the woodruff be dismissed and that several of them should get the farm grain again. They presented all demands loudly and very impetuously. People were no longer satisfied with verbal promises, "as if they had often been promised something but never kept it". The salt official had to put his promise in writing, threatening to meet again if the promise was not kept. In Vienna people were extremely upset about this incident. An investigative commissioner with 300 men on foot and 30 on horseback was ordered to the Salzkammergut to ensure law and order. The culprits should be punished and Sternbach's new guidelines should be implemented quickly. Every worker was to submit to the new regulations, every meeting of workers was to be prevented and the "rioters" were to be punished with corporal punishment. Some officials were accused of taking sides with the workers and should be punished without any leniency. The rebellion of the workers had become dangerous because some of the officials felt that the harsh actions of the Viennese Hofkammer were disadvantageous for them too, which is why the officials openly or secretly sided with the workers and abetted the rebellion. The criminal investigations in Ischl and Ebensee yielded nothing. All the woodcutters answered in the same voice that only "sheer necessity" had driven them to the unrest. It was impossible to identify the instigators of the riot. The crime report also gives the causes of the riots. Salzamtmann Sternbach had abolished the previous system for supplying wood by eliminating the woodworkers and creating lumberjacks as "imperial lumberjack parties" who were supposed to work on piecework wages. He wanted to eliminate the numerous fraudulent machinations in the timber industry. But the woodcutters and master woodworkers did not put up with this. The investigating commissioner reported that as early as August 1746, most of the workers had returned to work repentant. When the military finally withdrew in April 1749, this was done with an explicit warning to the workers to continue to behave docilely and to follow the orders of the salt official at all costs. Sternbach had found employment in Hallein in Salzburg, in Hungary and in Lower Austria for the superfluous people who were able to work, but the workers did not want this. Nobody wanted to go there, they didn't even want to go to work from one detention center in the Kammergut to another. The Salzkammergut workers were used to having their own way, and they didn't like the stricter discipline that was in use today. They were tied to the Salzkammergut for centuries, they were artificially brought up to the point that they shouldn't even think of moving away, and now, against their will, they are to be dragged onto the foreign market as work goods. weekly rate: Until 1753, the salt workers were regularly paid their wages on Saturdays after the “weekly rait”. Files report that in Ischl it was customary not to work on Saturdays or Sundays in the imperial salt mines. Instead of the miners using Saturday for their domestic work in order to rest on the following Sunday to strengthen themselves for the exertions of the coming week, on Saturday evenings they exhaust their last strength and usually their hard-earned maternity pay in the inns. On Monday, exhausted and usually without money, they began their arduous day's work all over again. The Kammergut in general, but Hallstatt in particular, was always considered the most expensive part of the country before it was opened up for traffic. In addition, the cost of living had risen steadily since the mid-eighteenth century, but wages had risen only imperceptibly, if at all. For example, in Hallstatt around 1788, a pound of smoked meat cost 19 kr. At that time a bricklayer earned only 19 kr, an ordinary worker only 17 kr. during the day. Paper money or “bank note”: Four wars lost within a decade (Peace of Campo Formio 1797, of Luneville 1801, of Preßburg 1805 and of Vienna 1809) had not only costs, but also losses on land and thus tax revenues, and finally also the loss of maritime trade , and the "Continental Blockade" imposed by Napoleon on Europe severely damaged the Austrian economy. Nevertheless, the state had to continue to arm and to manage the proceeds from its salt business as one of its last secure incomes as stingily as possible. The tense economic situation led to a shortage of money and devaluation. As a countermeasure, paper coupons were put into circulation as a substitute for coins as early as 1761. From the beginning, the population did not enjoy it because it was constantly declining in value and the misery of the workers increased again. In the years 1808 and 1809 the imperial printing press produced more and more paper money. By 1810 this had almost entirely replaced cash. As a result, the paper currency fell so badly that the Austrian financial system almost collapsed. On December 11, 1810, Austria stopped cash payments entirely, the bank notes were confiscated and replaced by new "redemption slips" with a fifth of the previous nominal value. The money suddenly lost 80% of its value! It was not until 1816, with the establishment of the National Bank, that the Austrian monetary economy began to rebuild. From now on, only the National Bank was authorized to issue banknotes and obliged to redeem the current bills. This quickly led to a stabilization of the monetary value. French occupation in the Kammergut: Austria's struggle against Napoleon required the utmost exertion of all forces and suppressed all other considerations. The imperial patent of October 25, 1804 granted exemption from military service only to the most important management bodies and the most distinguished workers in the mines. With the strict application of this regulation, the Salt Office would have had to stop all operations that were not allowed to be interrupted because of the salt supply of the Reich. The salt office and the administration offices made constant efforts to get their people free from conscription, but the recruitment commission instructed by the court war council made no exception for the chamber estate and called up 183 men from the chamber estate in July 1805. After the Salt Office objected, the recruiting commission from the Kammergut only held back 41 men. The long period of war, with its insatiable demands on men fit for arms, had eliminated the old privilege of the salt workers, who had also become conscripts and were subject to military laws. Naturally, the Salzamt was concerned with freeing people from military service who were indispensable for the company or who were difficult to replace. A joint commission consisting of representatives of the district office, the salt office and the military district command was to determine the categories desired for military liberation. The deliberations revealed that out of a total of 5,530 employees, only 1,385 men were suitable for temporary exemption. Continuing operations was such an almost impossible task for the Salzamt. The period of French rule from 1809 onwards was downright catastrophic for the salt industry. The income from the sale of salt in the country flowed into the coffers of the occupying power, so the Salt Office could neither pay the wages of the salt workers nor procure the food they needed to feed themselves. During the summer months of 1809, Hallstatt workers waited seven weeks for their wages. Hundreds of them marched in front of the office building in Lahn and threatened to make money with the salt from the magazines if help didn't come soon. Revolution 1848: The winter of 1847 increased the misery of the workers unbearably again. The people sold their livestock, got into debt, couldn't get flour from the millers in advance, lost their strength and didn't have enough to clothe themselves. At the beginning of 1848, the Ischl workers ganged up to take violent action against the bakers and millers and to force a reduction in the price of flour and semolina. As a result, in January 1848 the Court Chamber set about working out a new wage system that was intended to bring the workers a substantial improvement in their income. The new wage regulation that came into force at the end of 1848 contained notable concessions to the workers, who were agitated in the year of the revolution and suffering from inflation. In addition to a general wage increase for all service classes, the court grain and lard purchases were increased and their prices reduced at the same time. In addition, all restrictions on the purchase of farm grain have been lifted. In 1848, the Court Chamber set the 48-hour week for all miners equally and wanted to break it down into six eight-hour shifts. However, she only found the approval of the Ausseer miners, while those in Hallstatt and Ischl insisted on the six-hour pit shift that had been granted to them in 1771. Mining lasted from Monday to Friday, leaving Saturday to take care of the household chores. The low-wage miners preferred to work short shifts because it gave them the opportunity to earn extra income. There was no real uprising movement in the Kammergut, but fears of such a movement prompted the authorities to take some precautionary measures. The Saline Ebensee had set up a fire station for a short time. A section of the National Guard had taken up position in Ischl. In October 1848, due to a shortage of firearms, the Board of Directors of the National Guard requested that the Salt Oberamt make 120 pikes (polearm or spear) and contribute to the uniforming of the poor guards from the working class. The Salzoberamt had no objection to the production of pikes in the Ebensee court smithy, the saltworks actually supplied the National Guard with 60 pikes. But she refused the uniform expenses, the workers should draw on the brother shop's assets. Limit provisions: The salt workers in the Kammergut also received a "limito provision", a certain amount of lard and grain, which could be obtained at reduced prices. On the other hand, the basic wage of the salt workers in the 19th century was always below that of the skilled factory workers. The system of “safe poverty” thus continued into the 19th century. Working as a stable miner or salt worker was secure employment even in times of crisis, but cuts in pay had to be accepted. If an enemy invasion was to be feared, the administrative offices were not only allowed to give the workers their wages and farm grain, but also limito lard for a quarter of a year in advance. From 1789 onwards, the purchase of Hofkorn was extended to all family members. Annually the following was given out: for men 350 kg, for women 200 kg and for each child under 12 years 100 kg. The delivery of the farm grain to the workers entitled to receive it took place monthly at first, then every six weeks. The limit value of the grain received was then deducted from the wages when the next payment was made. In 1815, almost 3,200 tons of grain were imported into the Kammergut from the Salzoberamt and made available to the workers at a limit price, which was usually even below the cost price. Grain gathering took place alternately every six and seven weeks eight times a year. The year 1848 brought the staff a notable improvement in the purchase of lard. A full worker weighed 20.2 and 33.9 kg annually, depending on his wage grade and category. The distribution in the era's lard cellars took place at the same time as that of the Hofkorn, the limit price was deducted from the wages of the workers. Workers with their own farms, which enabled them to keep three cows, were excluded from purchasing lard. It was almost always clarified butter that was handed out, only in exceptional cases, and only as emergency help, were the workers also given pork bacon. The wage deduction for these groceries was 48 Kr. for 1 Metzen Korn and 10 Kr. for 1 Pound of Lard, ie for the former a third and for the latter half of the usual market price. In certain cases, however, discounts were still made on these wage deductions, which were introduced in place of the monetary allowances that had been customary in times of inflation. In 1873, the supply of food was finally stopped and wages increased accordingly. Only the deputat salt and a preferential purchase of firewood remained in kind. The purchase of wood was only intended for personal use, selling it to third parties was strictly forbidden. Officials and those workers who were unable to get the wood in the forest could get it at the Aufsatzplatz or from the drift. A fee had to be paid for the deputate wood. After the Law on Associations passed in 1867, it was possible to set up workers' support associations. The miners and smelters of the Aussee, Altaussee, Hallstatt and Ebensee saltworks founded their own consumer associations to improve the food situation. Social situation of the miners around 1868: In 1868, the annual need for money for a family of workers (man, woman, two children) in Upper Austria was around 250 guilders. This roughly corresponded to the annual earnings of a hewer in a salt mine. Of this amount, around 20-40 guilders went to rent for small apartments. Those workers who were not themselves smallholders mostly lived in rented accommodation in villages close to the factory. The family apartment often consisted of a single, low room. Since this was also used for cooking and washing, and for reasons of economy it was often not aired for weeks in winter, the rooms were damp and moldy. The often numerous family members lived here in a small room huddled together without separating the sexes, sometimes even unmarried workers were sublet. About 13 - 15 guilders had to be spent on heating the small apartments, despite the preferential purchase of firewood. Besides his work clothes, the worker usually has better clothes for Sunday. The average annual outlay for clothing was between 20 and 30 guilders, depending on the size of the family. In general, the mining families subsisted on pastries prepared with lard, vegetables and legumes, and meat was very rarely on the table. In 1868 a family spent 150 - 180 guilders on food in Upper Austria. Housing situation of the salt workers: Around 1870 there were 22 company-owned workers' living quarters or dormitories at the saltworks in the Kammergut. The latter, which were in the immediate vicinity of the workplace, were used as accommodation during the working days by the workers living away from the mine, who could only return to their families once a week. Only at the end of the 19th century, small apartments were newly built for the salt workers, which brought a big improvement. The typical worker's apartment consisted of an almost 10 m² kitchen, an approximately 20 m² heated room and an almost 10 m² cabinet without heating. Only 10% of wages were retained as rent. Outlook: A regular system of privileges and disciplining shaped the everyday work and life of the salt workers. In return for social security, the state expected a special loyalty and the preservation of the honor of the group of salt workers even outside of working hours. When you were hired, you not only had to provide birth certificates and certificates of origin, but also a “certificate of morality”. Service regulations from 1899 not only regulated behavior during working hours. Avoiding "violence and bickering", "appearing at the work place at the appointed time" or the prohibition on leaving the work place without permission can still be understood as regulations that were necessary for a functioning workflow. The ban on "smoking tobacco" outdoors, on the other hand, points to an almost patriarchal control, as do the reasons for dismissal in the case of "reasonable suspicion of poaching", in the case of secret or open "incitement against official orders" or "essential breaches of duty in relation to loyalty, diligence and due respect and obedience to superiors”. The system of privileges and disciplining, in which workers and employers entered into a close symbiosis, should not lead to a glorified picture of exclusive harmony. There have always been conflicts between the salt workers and the state as the employer. In the 19th century, however, the forms of protest changed. Until then, the close ties between the salt workers and the state had favored cooperative conflict resolution mechanisms. The strike as a form of protest only came into use in the early 20th century; before that, the salt workers tried to present their requests and claims in the form of petitions. As an employer, the state usually reacted very willingly to these “gentle” demands with concessions. After the turn of the century, the forms of protest changed. Spontaneous actions were replaced by more organized, longer-term protest movements. In the large demonstrations to obtain universal, equal and direct suffrage in 1907, the salt workers took part together with other groups of workers and marched under the red flags of social democracy, but without being clearly organized as social democrats. For the miners and smelters, there was still a long way to go, full of protests, before the hard and dangerous nature of their work was fully recognized in terms of wages and social benefits. Only during the construction period after the Second World War did the miners receive the financial compensation they were entitled to. Sources used: Gustav Brachmann "Three contributions to the history of our salt industry", Upper Austria Heimatblatt, 18th year, issue 3-4, Linz 1964 Franz Hufnagl "The toll to Gmunden", Böhlau Verlag, Vienna 2008 August Huysen "Salt Mining and Saline Operation in Austria, Styria and Salzburg", Berlin 1854 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Karel Kramar "The state wage policy and the situation of the workers in the salt pans of the Salzkammergut up to 1748", yearbook for national economy, Vienna 1896 Ewald Hiebl "Safe work and state protection" in: "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Halleiner salt works", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Volume 10, Salzburg, 1998 Anton Schauenstein "Denkbuch des austrian mining and metallurgy", Vienna 1873 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Altersversorgung Social affairs – pension scheme: The second Reformation Dragonfly of 1563 contains information about the old age pension of the employees of the salt works for the first time. The commissions (pensions) were quite good for the time and amounted to around 2/3 of the normal wages for masters and workers and half the salary of the deceased man for widows. The Salinenspital in Hallstatt was also well endowed, in which the members of the Salinen from Ischl were admitted in the case of weakness, old age, frailty and illness. It had a secure annual income of 898 guilders, which was made up of foundation funds from Maximilian I and salt dedications. In the Salinenspital Hallstatt not only poor, sick and old members of the salt industry in the Kammergut found accommodation and food, up to 50 people in need of care not working in the salt industry were also supported with benefices and financial aid. The exercise of religious duties was strictly regulated in the Salinenspital; the beneficiaries (pensioners) had to attend the daily mass and include requests for the emperor and the imperial house in their prayers. The hospital manager had to encourage the residents to pray, also make sure that they take communion several times and "that they, as true believers in Christ, always stand in the fear of God". The beneficiaries were not badly fed, they received a pound of beef and 2 pounds of bread every meat day, and a pint of wine on holidays and communion day; they also received 2 pairs of shoes every year and a “dress” every two years. Up until the middle of the 16th century, salt workers in old age were only dependent on care in the Salinenspital in Hallstatt; they only received a commission (grace pension) from princely funds after the second Reformation Libel from 1563. Around 1593, the commission of a dismissed worker was 15 to 30 kreuzers a week, but many were only dealt with with a one-off gift of 10 to 12 guilders and otherwise referred to the hospital catering. The amount of all gifts was based on wages, length of service and behavior. This practice continued into the 17th century, since commissions remained mere pleas for clemency and were not bound to any specific amount. The low old-age pension, which for widows was only half of the husband’s commission, was hardly sufficient to prolong bare life in times of rising prices, which is why the Hofkammer then gave particularly needy workers and their widows, in addition to the commission, one-off grace payments of varying amounts as emergency help approved. The workers in the private service of finishers, master woodworkers and shipwrights were excluded from commissions. Persons outside the right to supply could be granted support by the Salzamt as a mercy in the case of particular need and worthiness. The old-age pension due to the workers directly employed by the Salt Office had, under certain conditions, almost become a gamble. Above all, the worker applying for the commission had to be permanently unable to work according to the determination of the saline physician and his official behavior had not given cause for complaint. However, the commission could also be refused for other reasons. In 1751, the Salzamtmann Sternbach withdrew a worker's commission "because of the respect that the officials were not shown by not removing their hat". Even in 1792, the servants did not yet have an undisputed right to the commission. At that time, the Court Chamber declared commissions in the amount of the last active salary "as a supreme grace, which not only presupposes a long period of service but, what is most important, good and useful service and therefore excellent merits". Every three months there were presentations of the commissioners, including those who had completed their 40th year of service and were entitled to full wages as commission, in which case the Chamber Gutsphysicus had to examine them to see whether they were actually capable of no work, even light work. According to the resolution of February 8, 1770, the entitlement to commission began after 8 years of service, counted from the age of 15, and reached full wages as a maximum with the 40th year of service. Workers who were unable to work before their 8th year of service generally only received severance pay equal to one year's wages. However, when they left work, the provisionists also lost their claim to the farm grain. It was therefore not uncommon, and was even encouraged by the Hofkammer for reasons of economy, for workers to remain in the plant after their 40th year of service as “semi-jubilees” and then had to do lighter tasks for the earlier wages. The commissions of widows and orphans were almost always paid out with an increase, because the extremely low commission contributions would not have been enough to support them. Either the Hofkammer approved an increase in the normal commission, or they added a weekly alms to it. Fatherless orphans also received a weekly commission and often a quarterly allowance. The reference ended at the age of 12, from 1800 onwards at the age of 14. Illegitimate children only acquired the ability to receive a commission through the subsequent marriage of their parents, otherwise the manorial system had to take care of them. For the jubilee (retirement), the court chamber demanded proof of medical incapacity to work by means of a certificate, which had to be signed by the responsible doctor as well as by the district physician. 40 years of service were not enough for the court chamber to celebrate. The reasons for the inability to work were often cited by the doctors at the salt works as nonsense, but also weakness of nerves, paralysis, deafness, pulmonary addiction, epilepsy, goiter, crippling and scrofula (glandular disease). The frightening frequency of these physical defects was a consequence of rather alarming signs of degeneration. Most of these were certainly the aftermath of the famine years of the French era. In addition, the inappropriate and poorly varied diet and the seclusion of the chamber estate, which led to inbreeding, were also to blame. Cretinism, which was particularly widespread in Hallstatt, only disappeared at the end of the 19th century. Malicious gossips once claimed that the construction of the railway in the 1970s, which brought many strangers to the country, had had a positive effect on the next generation. Provisionists between the ages of 60 and 65, whom the Physician found suitable for lighter work, were obliged to work 1 to 3 shifts a week for free in the 13th to 39th quarter, i.e. 1 to 3 shifts a week and to do road work, shoveling snow, sand extraction, light wood production, cleaning the work gear, Geimeln (house caretaker in the miner's house) and other work. Because of the low value of the provisionist work, the unwillingness with which it was done and the cumbersome supervision by the administrative offices, the ministry abolished the jubilee shifts again in 1849 without replacement. The basis for calculating weekly commissions dates back to 1768. Of course, commissions of such small magnitude were no longer sufficient in the 19th century, but the court chamber nevertheless stuck to the system and, as with wages, made do with provisional measures, Cost-of-living grants and quarterly grants. A widow became entitled to the normal commission only after her husband had served eight years. If her husband had died earlier, she was only entitled to a one-time severance payment equal to his last quarterly salary. Only if the worker had a fatal accident before reaching the eighth year of service did the Hofkammer grant the widow a simple commission. As a result of the state bankruptcy in 1811, the Salinenspital in Hallstatt had lost almost all of its assets invested in securities and then no longer had the means to fulfill its obligations. However, through the greatest reduction in expenditure and the support of the Court Chamber, it was gradually able to recover to the point where it was able to provide for the statutory number of beneficiaries and cover the operating costs. In 1847 the hospital's assets were already so strong that the full number of 24 beneficiaries could be fed and 39 orphans could receive educational grants and 95 cases of support totaling 1,300 guilders. Like the Salinenspital in Hallstatt, the Holy Spirit Hospital in Aussee served to house and feed poor, veteran imperial workers, their widows and orphans, for which purpose it received 800 guilders a year from the Salt Office. In 1815, 15 beneficiaries lived in the hospital. The benefactor's house (poor house) in Ischl was not a princely institution, but the property of the market community, but had the obligation to accommodate eight employees of the salt works and, moreover, to keep two rooms available at all times to accommodate seriously ill workers. In 1844, the municipality intended to vacate the prebendary's house, which was located between the post office and the theatre, i.e. in the liveliest and most frequented area of the seaside resort, and to create a replacement building in a quieter area. The postmaster Franz Koch agreed to buy a building plot in the east of the market square in exchange for the old prebendary house and to build the new prebendary house on it at his own expense. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

mining saint The activities of miners have always been associated with many problems, stresses and dangers. That is why the veneration of special “professional saints” plays a major role in the tradition of the miners. The outstanding mining saints of the Alpine region are Barbara and Daniel. Both are extraordinarily different in meaning in faith. That's why they complement each other quite well. Saint Daniel , as one of the most important prophets of the Old Testament, was the most important mining patron of the Middle Ages. His three-day stay in the lions' den and his visionary abilities soon made him popular with everyone pit saints. A legend says that in a dream Daniel was told that there would be treasure in the branches of a tree. Daniel was looking for this nest with the silver eggs in vain in the treetops. Suddenly an angel appeared to Daniel. This referred him to the subterranean tangle of the tree where Daniel actually found a rich deposit of silver. Because of this story, Daniel was recognized by the miners as a discoverer of mining and as a teacher in searching and mining find worshiped. The importance that Daniel was given is also shown in detail in the early mining textbooks. These books are already more than 500 years old. However, with the growth of mining science, the worship of Daniel became less and less important. For the miners of the Age of Enlightenment, there were no longer any higher powers to call upon when searching for and finding deposits. The decline of From around 1620, the cult of Daniel gave way to the growing veneration of St. Barbara. The martyr Barbara was invoked for help in times of threat, need or danger. in the rough In the male world, she embodied the female element that promised security and mercy. Two factors determined Barbara's popularity among miners: First, she was the saint against the sudden death that miners have always faced. In addition, according to legend, a Berg opened when Barbara fled from her father. Perhaps even the miners' greeting "Glück Auf" goes back to this event. some think that "Glück Auf" in the sense of "God, open the gaps!" can be interpreted. In contrast to the "arch-pointer" Daniel, Barbara was and is above all a "patron saint" against the dangers in mining. Despite her popularity, the Vatican removed Barbara from the Roman holiday calendar in 1969. Only after long, tough negotiations was it reinstated in the German regional calendar in 1972. 40 years ago, that would have almost meant the end of the Barbara celebrations that are so popular today. Interestingly, in addition to these two main saints, there were several dozen other mining saints. These can be divided into four groups: metal saints water saint fire saint Saints with special tasks Anna is considered the classic metal saint. As the mother of Mary, Anna was seen as the donator of the silver. Many places where silver was found and mined are therefore still called Annaberg today. As a prisoner, Saint Leonhard had to carry a heavy iron chain. That is why he is revered by the iron miners and journeyman blacksmiths. Miners were constantly threatened by flooding in their underground work. St. Christopher , bathed in water, granted appropriate protection. As a fire saint, Saint Florian was also of great importance in mining. In earlier times, the rock was often mined by means of bonfires. Fires heated the mountains, which could then be mined more easily with mallets and irons. The occurring gases however frequently lead to serious poisoning of the miners. Saint Laurentius had to endure a particularly difficult fate. He was executed as a martyr on a red-hot gridiron. This impressed the smelters so much that they still celebrate him as their patron saint. Now for the mining saints with special tasks. Such was the apostle Andrew . In particular, he was regarded as the protector of the mine entrances. Its attribute, the St. Andrew's cross made of two diagonally crossed sticks of wood, can still be found today as a barrier in front of old tunnels and routes as well as in front of level crossings. Saint Briccius was considered a protector from avalanches. He died in an avalanche on his way back from Byzantium with an ampoule of holy blood. As the name suggests, this event happened in Heiligenblut in Carinthia. Since the old gold mines in the Tauern were operated at more than 3000 m above sea level, avalanches were a constant danger. Finally, the story of a saint with a rather strange area of responsibility, namely that of Saint Vitus or Vitus. Vitus also died as a martyr in torment in a cauldron filled with boiling oil. As a mining saint, Vitus had to ensure that the miners did not oversleep their shift work. Presumably some trades wished their bruising squires the torments of Vitus!!!