financial support

Hoher Wasserstollen - höchster Stollen am Ischler Salzberg 11 a High water tunnel Stud Name: "High Water Gallery" Struck: 1689 Leave: 1766 Length: 40 m water tunnel (total drive 243 m) Altitude: 1,114m In 1689 the Hoher Wasserstollen was struck in order to be able to examine the part of the salt dome assumed to be above the Lipplesgraben tunnel. This was the highest tunnel ever driven on the Ischler Salzberg. The Hoher Wasserstollen was installed in the so-called "Fleck" at the foot of the Niederer Rosenkogel. However, since the same was built too high, the salt mountains, which do not reach far up the Lipplesgraben tunnel, were completely run over. It therefore did not live up to its purpose as a hope for salt and the tunnel soon fell into disrepair. High water tunnel, pit plan Michael Kefer, 1829, Upper Austrian Provincial Archive The main shaft was initially in gravel rock, then in gypsum and limestone, its total length was 204 rods (243.2 m). In 1757, 34 bars (40 m) of the main shaft were brought back into a navigable position and used to divert surface water. Since the daily water used was insignificant and did not increase even in heavy rain, the Hoher Wasserstollen was completely abandoned in 1766 and from that point on it was left to decay. High water tunnel, location in the slide area, 1927, Archiv Salinen Austria High water tunnel, landslide, around 1930, archive Salinen Austria The exact location of the Hoher Wasserstollen can no longer be precisely determined today, since extensive subsidence and landslides occurred in the entire area as a result of factory collapses from 1924 onwards. By 1927, an area of more than 9,500 m² was in motion. The attachment point of the high water tunnel was also affected. Sources used: Michael Kefer "Description and explanation of the main maps kk Salzberg zu Ischel", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Wirtschaftliche Lager der Salzbergarbeiter Social - economic situation of the salt workers in earlier times: Introduction: The situation of the Salzkammergut workers has always been bad and deplorable. Dependent on the salt works, they were completely in the hands of one company, which also had all the administrative and judicial power. Employment as a "Kammergutarbeiter" was associated with "certain poverty" because the wages were meager and insufficient. In addition to the low wages, the salt workers were supplied with cheap grain and lard. Nevertheless, cheap grain and lard and one-off grants were of little help in times of need, since the Hofkammer did not increase wages despite constant inflation. Salt Rack: Salt production was reserved for the emperor as a royal rule. Along with taxes, the salt shelf was by far the most important source of income for the state, which was always in financial difficulties. When the salt industry was at its peak, the salt works in Hallstatt, Ischl, Aussee, Hall in Tirol and Hallein supplied all of southern Central Europe (from Switzerland via Swabia and Bavaria to Bohemia, Moravia, western Hungary and Carniola). The rich profits from the salt mines owned by the sovereign covered up to a third of the state budget. If the emperor didn't know what to do because the state coffers were almost always empty, he simply had the price of salt increased. Complaints about the plight of the population, about the damage to cattle breeding, about outbreaks of cattle disease as a result of the increase in the price of salt were not able to prevent the price increases. As the financial capabilities of the salt rack were pushed to the extreme, any link between the cost of production and the price of salt ceased. At the beginning of the 19th century, the production costs for a salt barrel were between 24 and 30 kr, depending on the location of the salt works. However, the Hofkammer was able to sell a salt barrel for 11 fl 40 kr, which corresponded to 700 kr. Thus, the sales price was more than 25 times higher than the manufacturing costs!!! The increasing need for the financial exploitation of the salt monopoly was not limited to increasing prices and reducing the cost of transporting and selling salt, but also worked towards reducing production costs with ever more intensified methods. Since wage costs were the main part of production costs, wages were practically not increased over long periods of time, despite constant inflation. Privileges of chamber estate workers: In addition to their wages, the salt workers also had important benefits that were unknown outside of the Kammergut. They were exempt from military service and from military billeting, paid no taxes or levies unless they were homeowners, they had free medical treatment in the event of illness and constant care in old age. The Kammergutarbeiter needed to not worry about the future of their sons. As late as the first half of the 18th century, every able-bodied man from the Kammergütler found a suitable job at the Salzamt. In order not to raise wages, which Vienna stubbornly resisted, attempts were made to reduce the cost of living for the working population as much as possible, to keep food prices down in every way and to prevent their rise as far as possible in times of rising prices. Hofkorn and Hofschmalz: For this purpose, the Salzamt supplied the residents of the Kammergut with grain and lard. The bread grain was brought cheaply to the Kammergut as return freight on the emptied Salzzillen, because as imperial goods it was exempt from all taxes during transport. The sale of grain was strictly regulated, no official was allowed to trade in it, the selling price was strictly regulated for the grain traders, mostly citizens of Gmunden, Ischl, Laufen and Hallstatt. The Salt Office had to ensure that there was always a sufficient supply of grain stored in the official storerooms, the "grain boxes". The beneficiaries always received the grain below the market price and the cost price, which not only strengthened the bond between the crew and the imperial work, but also freed the government from the otherwise indispensable wage increase. As coveted as the meat was, it never became the staple food for the people of the Kammergut because of its unaffordable price. The farm grain had accustomed them to the flour diet, to which they could not do without lard as an added fat. This was more important to them than the meat. The inner Salzkammergut sourced most of its lard from the Abtenau region, whose inhabitants traded it vigorously in exchange for salt, grain and wine. The meat prices were also fixed by the authorities and the butchers were supported with subsidies so that they were able to keep prices low even in difficult times. The civil servants, master craftsmen and workers employed in salt boiling have always received as much salt as they needed in the household, free of charge. The miners and woodcutters and then all the other inhabitants of the chamber estate who were in the service of the sovereign joined the boilers to obtain the free salt. The allocation was generous and fully sufficient for the needs of a small farm. According to an approximate calculation, a Kammergut resident in the 17th century received 30 pounds (16.8 kg) of “mandatory salt” per year for one head of his family, i.e. more than double the actual requirement. Those entitled to “mandatory salt”, who numbered in the thousands, usually had no better use of what was left over in the household than to sell it. The Gmundner weekly market, among other things, offered a good opportunity for this. For the longest time, the Salt Office watched this trade, which noticeably affected its own consumption of salt, without doing anything. It was not until 1706 that the Hofkammer took up the matter and, much to the opposition of those concerned, restricted the "must salt purchase" to 12 pounds (6.72 kg) for each family member per year. First uprising 1392: In 1392, the citizens of Lauffen and Hallstatt "revolted" together with the cooper, shipmen and hermits. They wrote a petition to the sovereign and complained about the officials, especially the salt official, because their wages were too low or wages were withheld. The uprising was crushed bloodily, the "rebels" were severely punished, the ringleaders, if they had not escaped, imprisoned, blinded or even hanged. The penalties corresponded to the legal practice of the time. In the document of Duke Albrecht III. of September 5, 1392, with which he gave Ischl the trading rights, he expressly emphasized that the people of Ischl had not participated in the uprising. Wages of chamber farm workers: According to the 1st Reformation Dragonfly of 1524, the Salt Office was obliged to provide the workers with a decent salary from which they could subsist. In the 2nd Reformation Libel of 1563, the wages of the chamber estate workers were set numerically. For example, the wage for a male day laborer was 6 kr. and for a worker 3.5 kr. 100 years later, at the time of the 3rd Reformation Dragonfly of 1656, an ordinary day laborer got 10 kr. and a “female” 5 kr. In addition, the workers, with little increased wages, still had small allowances, which did not make much difference. A comparison of 1656 with the wages fixed in the second Libellus of 1563 shows that the daily earnings of skilled miners have remained fairly unchanged, while those of day laborers and other unskilled laborers have increased by about 50%. Under the pressure of economic hardship, the government had to at least improve the wages of the lower classes in order to keep them viable and able to work. The wages of the salt workers were still meager. Employment conditions in the rest of Upper Austria were significantly more favorable. A journeyman and a day laborer earned a good 50% more than a salt worker. For the imperial authorities, it was an irrefutable maxim that nothing could be changed in wages. In times of hardship and high prices, people preferred to resort to all sorts of temporary help and support than to raise wages. Temporary help was temporary, but wage increases were very difficult to get rid of. It is also interesting that the miners in Ischl were paid much better than those in Hallstatt, so their economic situation was more favourable. Unfortunately, the historical sources do not reveal the reasons for the unequal treatment of the two companies. The difference is all the more striking as the other provisions of the Reformation dragonfly are almost identical for both salt mountains. Pledging of the chamber property: In 1622 the Kammergut and all of Upper Austria was pledged to the Electors in Bavaria, where it remained until 1628. In 1623 there was a great famine in the Kammergut, as prices rose enormously. Grain became so expensive that people were forced to grind grummet and straw and bake it under the bread. Under the impression of great hardship and high prices, the electoral officials, ignorant of or disregarding the old imperial rule, granted the salt workers a wage increase. After returning to the imperial administration, the consequences of this new way of thinking were hastened to be undone, and on May 23, 1633 all wage increases were canceled and the old wages were reintroduced. The situation of the workers did not correspond to what one would have expected from a social, state administration. The supreme and sole concern of the imperial court chamber was to keep wages unchanged for more than a century, after the increase introduced by the Bavarian administration, unfamiliar with Austrian tradition, had been abolished. Everything went up in price, only wages remained low, unchanged. And all because they had calculated that even the slightest increase in wages would be more expensive than the support given when the workers were starving. Poverty in the Kammergut: In the 17th century, a worker needed around 100 Kreuzer per week for grain, meat, lard, eggs, milk, beets, turnips, cabbage and candles for himself and his family. A miner's wage of an average of 50 - 60 Kreuzer per week was just enough for the essential food needs of a household. The salt workers had no other choice when it came to buying clothes, linen and shoes, so they were forced and usually able to earn an additional income from woodwork or from the finishers. At the end of the 17th century, the state finances were particularly bad because of the "War of the Spanish Succession", and going into debt became the norm. Neither the income from the salt regime nor the tax revenue was sufficient to satisfy the empire's financial needs. All available means were necessary to maintain the empire and the army. Even for the operation of the salt works in the Kammergut, the necessary cash was sometimes still lacking. Going into debt had become the norm in Austria in order to get over the current shortage of money. The year 1696 was one of the saddest in the eventful history of the Salzamt. The Imperial War Pay Office claimed all of his receipts immediately. The Salzamt treasury was temporarily completely empty. In some cases, the Salt Office could not pay wages to workers and officials. They feared national bankruptcy and the loss of good faith among the people. The emperor himself urged the salt office to send money to Gmunden so that the Gmunden office could pay the interest and pay the workers. In 1693 the Kammergutarbeiter sent an emergency cry to the Court Chamber for grain; In Ebensee, Ischl and Hallstatt there was hunger and dysentery, the pans could no longer be operated, the deteriorating coinage had devalued the money. The buyers, shipwrights and Stadlinger who worked in the manufacturing sector suffered even more than the imperial workers. In a petition written in Ischl, they complained that they had nothing left on their bodies and nothing to eat, in Lauffen some had already died of hunger and the rest were about to emigrate with their wives and children and go begging. The manufacturers were also impoverished and could no longer pay their workers wages. In 1714, the Salt Office refused to take responsibility for the imperial authorities in Vienna if the workers were to “crepe out of famine”. In 1715 the Salzamt wrote to Vienna again that the need was increasing and that people had to “crepe”. The workers could not buy clothes and were so exhausted that they could no longer do difficult work. There was fear that the people in the Kammergut could no longer be held back. But as is well known, help did not come so quickly from Vienna. On March 27, 1715, the Gmundner Salzamt reported to Vienna that the workers, who had been driven to despair, wanted to go to Vienna themselves in large numbers to ask for help there. The desperate salt workers only allowed themselves to be deterred from this plan by being granted an extra grain advance. In 1717 scurvy broke out among the Aussee workers, and only then was the danger recognized in Vienna. This time, orders were immediately given to give the sick workers free medical treatment and medicines. In 1718 it was reported from Aussee that the wives and children of the workers were already going out to beg. The misery in the Salzkammergut was an almost regular occurrence. The officials were helpless, their hands were tied by the Vienna Hofkammer. The workers' petitions often found support from the Gmundner Salzamt, but none from the Hofkammer. And with the misery and overpopulation of the Salzkammergut came the workers' unrest. As long as people trembled for every worker, as long as every worker was valuable for securing the imperial work, as long as everything was used for salt works, the Salzkammergut was not without poverty and hunger, but without workers' unrest. In 1731, the Viennese Court Chamber issued a sharp reprimand to the salt offices. A survey of the age structure of the employees showed that among the 2,156 workers from Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee, 1,134 were under the age of 18, of whom 355 were even between 7 and 12 years old, were accepted into the imperial service. According to the opinion of the Hofkammer, the young lads marry as soon as they earn a piece of bread, and so the Kammergut becomes "too populess", and that's not all, the young lads are clumsy and careless at work, are often "damaged", and it costs the treasury only doctor's salaries and commissions. Such young people are therefore no longer allowed to work. The Salt Office was strictly instructed to encourage young people to do anything other than salt work, to remove immigrant foreigners from the country, to restrict marriages, and to hand over "stubborn elements" to the militia as recruits. The rationalization measures that began in the 18th century, combined with the reduction in the number of workers, the dismissal of older, weaker workers, cuts in pensions (“commissions”) and doctor’s wages, led to unrest and hard conflicts. The officials in the Salzkammergut were no friends of this new economic trend, but their hands were tied. Ischl Shrove Tuesday - Revolt 1733: From 1733 things started to ferment among the workers. On February 23, 1733, the Verwesamt reports on a revolt by the Ischl workers. Since time immemorial, workers in Ischl have been given the day off at 12 noon on Shrove Tuesday and have been paid the whole day. Now that the greatest economy was ordered, they didn't think they had the right to do so, because it would amount to 36 fl. for 470 people, and the workers were not allowed to go home. Despite this, the angry workers left their work earlier, gathered in front of the office building, and "made their complaints with unvoiced and punishable freedom". In times of the greatest famine, it remained calm in the Kammergut, and now there was a revolt because of 36 fl. But in the meantime, the much more serious religious unrest was caused in the Salzkammergut, and the situation was so dangerous that Salzamtmann Graf Seeau not only refrained from punishing the ringleaders, but even released Shrove Tuesday afternoon. This is how the unnecessarily conjured up Shrove Tuesday revolt of the Ischl workers ended. This was the first workers' revolt in the Salzkammergut that had endured 23 years of terrible hardship without the workers daring to do anything more than the most humble begging, and yet they were starving. But at least they saw the good intentions of the officials, and from time to time a small gift of grace came from Vienna. The petty savings, the abolition of old customs irritated, the restrictions on commissions and doctor's wages embittered, and when Sternbach came along with his innovations, a revolt broke out that no longer ended like a carnival joke. Uprising of the Ebensee woodworkers in 1746: In May 1746, the news came to Vienna that the woodcutters and shipbuilders in Ebensee, through "punitive defiance and the tumultuous proceedings" had forced the Salzamtmann Sternbach to sign the earlier, now forbidden "excesses and negligence" again. The Ischl servitude desired the same. After long pleas, the Ebensee woodworkers strictly rejected Sternbach's innovations on May 1, 1746. About 300 of them gathered and impetuously demanded their piece of bread from the salt clerk who was present in the vicarage. They also horribly beat various "wood watchers" employed by the Salzamt. The woodcutters also demanded that the woodruff be dismissed and that several of them should get the farm grain again. They presented all demands loudly and very impetuously. People were no longer satisfied with verbal promises, "as if they had often been promised something but never kept it". The salt official had to put his promise in writing, threatening to meet again if the promise was not kept. In Vienna people were extremely upset about this incident. An investigative commissioner with 300 men on foot and 30 on horseback was ordered to the Salzkammergut to ensure law and order. The culprits should be punished and Sternbach's new guidelines should be implemented quickly. Every worker was to submit to the new regulations, every meeting of workers was to be prevented and the "rioters" were to be punished with corporal punishment. Some officials were accused of taking sides with the workers and should be punished without any leniency. The rebellion of the workers had become dangerous because some of the officials felt that the harsh actions of the Viennese Hofkammer were disadvantageous for them too, which is why the officials openly or secretly sided with the workers and abetted the rebellion. The criminal investigations in Ischl and Ebensee yielded nothing. All the woodcutters answered in the same voice that only "sheer necessity" had driven them to the unrest. It was impossible to identify the instigators of the riot. The crime report also gives the causes of the riots. Salzamtmann Sternbach had abolished the previous system for supplying wood by eliminating the woodworkers and creating lumberjacks as "imperial lumberjack parties" who were supposed to work on piecework wages. He wanted to eliminate the numerous fraudulent machinations in the timber industry. But the woodcutters and master woodworkers did not put up with this. The investigating commissioner reported that as early as August 1746, most of the workers had returned to work repentant. When the military finally withdrew in April 1749, this was done with an explicit warning to the workers to continue to behave docilely and to follow the orders of the salt official at all costs. Sternbach had found employment in Hallein in Salzburg, in Hungary and in Lower Austria for the superfluous people who were able to work, but the workers did not want this. Nobody wanted to go there, they didn't even want to go to work from one detention center in the Kammergut to another. The Salzkammergut workers were used to having their own way, and they didn't like the stricter discipline that was in use today. They were tied to the Salzkammergut for centuries, they were artificially brought up to the point that they shouldn't even think of moving away, and now, against their will, they are to be dragged onto the foreign market as work goods. weekly rate: Until 1753, the salt workers were regularly paid their wages on Saturdays after the “weekly rait”. Files report that in Ischl it was customary not to work on Saturdays or Sundays in the imperial salt mines. Instead of the miners using Saturday for their domestic work in order to rest on the following Sunday to strengthen themselves for the exertions of the coming week, on Saturday evenings they exhaust their last strength and usually their hard-earned maternity pay in the inns. On Monday, exhausted and usually without money, they began their arduous day's work all over again. The Kammergut in general, but Hallstatt in particular, was always considered the most expensive part of the country before it was opened up for traffic. In addition, the cost of living had risen steadily since the mid-eighteenth century, but wages had risen only imperceptibly, if at all. For example, in Hallstatt around 1788, a pound of smoked meat cost 19 kr. At that time a bricklayer earned only 19 kr, an ordinary worker only 17 kr. during the day. Paper money or “bank note”: Four wars lost within a decade (Peace of Campo Formio 1797, of Luneville 1801, of Preßburg 1805 and of Vienna 1809) had not only costs, but also losses on land and thus tax revenues, and finally also the loss of maritime trade , and the "Continental Blockade" imposed by Napoleon on Europe severely damaged the Austrian economy. Nevertheless, the state had to continue to arm and to manage the proceeds from its salt business as one of its last secure incomes as stingily as possible. The tense economic situation led to a shortage of money and devaluation. As a countermeasure, paper coupons were put into circulation as a substitute for coins as early as 1761. From the beginning, the population did not enjoy it because it was constantly declining in value and the misery of the workers increased again. In the years 1808 and 1809 the imperial printing press produced more and more paper money. By 1810 this had almost entirely replaced cash. As a result, the paper currency fell so badly that the Austrian financial system almost collapsed. On December 11, 1810, Austria stopped cash payments entirely, the bank notes were confiscated and replaced by new "redemption slips" with a fifth of the previous nominal value. The money suddenly lost 80% of its value! It was not until 1816, with the establishment of the National Bank, that the Austrian monetary economy began to rebuild. From now on, only the National Bank was authorized to issue banknotes and obliged to redeem the current bills. This quickly led to a stabilization of the monetary value. French occupation in the Kammergut: Austria's struggle against Napoleon required the utmost exertion of all forces and suppressed all other considerations. The imperial patent of October 25, 1804 granted exemption from military service only to the most important management bodies and the most distinguished workers in the mines. With the strict application of this regulation, the Salt Office would have had to stop all operations that were not allowed to be interrupted because of the salt supply of the Reich. The salt office and the administration offices made constant efforts to get their people free from conscription, but the recruitment commission instructed by the court war council made no exception for the chamber estate and called up 183 men from the chamber estate in July 1805. After the Salt Office objected, the recruiting commission from the Kammergut only held back 41 men. The long period of war, with its insatiable demands on men fit for arms, had eliminated the old privilege of the salt workers, who had also become conscripts and were subject to military laws. Naturally, the Salzamt was concerned with freeing people from military service who were indispensable for the company or who were difficult to replace. A joint commission consisting of representatives of the district office, the salt office and the military district command was to determine the categories desired for military liberation. The deliberations revealed that out of a total of 5,530 employees, only 1,385 men were suitable for temporary exemption. Continuing operations was such an almost impossible task for the Salzamt. The period of French rule from 1809 onwards was downright catastrophic for the salt industry. The income from the sale of salt in the country flowed into the coffers of the occupying power, so the Salt Office could neither pay the wages of the salt workers nor procure the food they needed to feed themselves. During the summer months of 1809, Hallstatt workers waited seven weeks for their wages. Hundreds of them marched in front of the office building in Lahn and threatened to make money with the salt from the magazines if help didn't come soon. Revolution 1848: The winter of 1847 increased the misery of the workers unbearably again. The people sold their livestock, got into debt, couldn't get flour from the millers in advance, lost their strength and didn't have enough to clothe themselves. At the beginning of 1848, the Ischl workers ganged up to take violent action against the bakers and millers and to force a reduction in the price of flour and semolina. As a result, in January 1848 the Court Chamber set about working out a new wage system that was intended to bring the workers a substantial improvement in their income. The new wage regulation that came into force at the end of 1848 contained notable concessions to the workers, who were agitated in the year of the revolution and suffering from inflation. In addition to a general wage increase for all service classes, the court grain and lard purchases were increased and their prices reduced at the same time. In addition, all restrictions on the purchase of farm grain have been lifted. In 1848, the Court Chamber set the 48-hour week for all miners equally and wanted to break it down into six eight-hour shifts. However, she only found the approval of the Ausseer miners, while those in Hallstatt and Ischl insisted on the six-hour pit shift that had been granted to them in 1771. Mining lasted from Monday to Friday, leaving Saturday to take care of the household chores. The low-wage miners preferred to work short shifts because it gave them the opportunity to earn extra income. There was no real uprising movement in the Kammergut, but fears of such a movement prompted the authorities to take some precautionary measures. The Saline Ebensee had set up a fire station for a short time. A section of the National Guard had taken up position in Ischl. In October 1848, due to a shortage of firearms, the Board of Directors of the National Guard requested that the Salt Oberamt make 120 pikes (polearm or spear) and contribute to the uniforming of the poor guards from the working class. The Salzoberamt had no objection to the production of pikes in the Ebensee court smithy, the saltworks actually supplied the National Guard with 60 pikes. But she refused the uniform expenses, the workers should draw on the brother shop's assets. Limit provisions: The salt workers in the Kammergut also received a "limito provision", a certain amount of lard and grain, which could be obtained at reduced prices. On the other hand, the basic wage of the salt workers in the 19th century was always below that of the skilled factory workers. The system of “safe poverty” thus continued into the 19th century. Working as a stable miner or salt worker was secure employment even in times of crisis, but cuts in pay had to be accepted. If an enemy invasion was to be feared, the administrative offices were not only allowed to give the workers their wages and farm grain, but also limito lard for a quarter of a year in advance. From 1789 onwards, the purchase of Hofkorn was extended to all family members. Annually the following was given out: for men 350 kg, for women 200 kg and for each child under 12 years 100 kg. The delivery of the farm grain to the workers entitled to receive it took place monthly at first, then every six weeks. The limit value of the grain received was then deducted from the wages when the next payment was made. In 1815, almost 3,200 tons of grain were imported into the Kammergut from the Salzoberamt and made available to the workers at a limit price, which was usually even below the cost price. Grain gathering took place alternately every six and seven weeks eight times a year. The year 1848 brought the staff a notable improvement in the purchase of lard. A full worker weighed 20.2 and 33.9 kg annually, depending on his wage grade and category. The distribution in the era's lard cellars took place at the same time as that of the Hofkorn, the limit price was deducted from the wages of the workers. Workers with their own farms, which enabled them to keep three cows, were excluded from purchasing lard. It was almost always clarified butter that was handed out, only in exceptional cases, and only as emergency help, were the workers also given pork bacon. The wage deduction for these groceries was 48 Kr. for 1 Metzen Korn and 10 Kr. for 1 Pound of Lard, ie for the former a third and for the latter half of the usual market price. In certain cases, however, discounts were still made on these wage deductions, which were introduced in place of the monetary allowances that had been customary in times of inflation. In 1873, the supply of food was finally stopped and wages increased accordingly. Only the deputat salt and a preferential purchase of firewood remained in kind. The purchase of wood was only intended for personal use, selling it to third parties was strictly forbidden. Officials and those workers who were unable to get the wood in the forest could get it at the Aufsatzplatz or from the drift. A fee had to be paid for the deputate wood. After the Law on Associations passed in 1867, it was possible to set up workers' support associations. The miners and smelters of the Aussee, Altaussee, Hallstatt and Ebensee saltworks founded their own consumer associations to improve the food situation. Social situation of the miners around 1868: In 1868, the annual need for money for a family of workers (man, woman, two children) in Upper Austria was around 250 guilders. This roughly corresponded to the annual earnings of a hewer in a salt mine. Of this amount, around 20-40 guilders went to rent for small apartments. Those workers who were not themselves smallholders mostly lived in rented accommodation in villages close to the factory. The family apartment often consisted of a single, low room. Since this was also used for cooking and washing, and for reasons of economy it was often not aired for weeks in winter, the rooms were damp and moldy. The often numerous family members lived here in a small room huddled together without separating the sexes, sometimes even unmarried workers were sublet. About 13 - 15 guilders had to be spent on heating the small apartments, despite the preferential purchase of firewood. Besides his work clothes, the worker usually has better clothes for Sunday. The average annual outlay for clothing was between 20 and 30 guilders, depending on the size of the family. In general, the mining families subsisted on pastries prepared with lard, vegetables and legumes, and meat was very rarely on the table. In 1868 a family spent 150 - 180 guilders on food in Upper Austria. Housing situation of the salt workers: Around 1870 there were 22 company-owned workers' living quarters or dormitories at the saltworks in the Kammergut. The latter, which were in the immediate vicinity of the workplace, were used as accommodation during the working days by the workers living away from the mine, who could only return to their families once a week. Only at the end of the 19th century, small apartments were newly built for the salt workers, which brought a big improvement. The typical worker's apartment consisted of an almost 10 m² kitchen, an approximately 20 m² heated room and an almost 10 m² cabinet without heating. Only 10% of wages were retained as rent. Outlook: A regular system of privileges and disciplining shaped the everyday work and life of the salt workers. In return for social security, the state expected a special loyalty and the preservation of the honor of the group of salt workers even outside of working hours. When you were hired, you not only had to provide birth certificates and certificates of origin, but also a “certificate of morality”. Service regulations from 1899 not only regulated behavior during working hours. Avoiding "violence and bickering", "appearing at the work place at the appointed time" or the prohibition on leaving the work place without permission can still be understood as regulations that were necessary for a functioning workflow. The ban on "smoking tobacco" outdoors, on the other hand, points to an almost patriarchal control, as do the reasons for dismissal in the case of "reasonable suspicion of poaching", in the case of secret or open "incitement against official orders" or "essential breaches of duty in relation to loyalty, diligence and due respect and obedience to superiors”. The system of privileges and disciplining, in which workers and employers entered into a close symbiosis, should not lead to a glorified picture of exclusive harmony. There have always been conflicts between the salt workers and the state as the employer. In the 19th century, however, the forms of protest changed. Until then, the close ties between the salt workers and the state had favored cooperative conflict resolution mechanisms. The strike as a form of protest only came into use in the early 20th century; before that, the salt workers tried to present their requests and claims in the form of petitions. As an employer, the state usually reacted very willingly to these “gentle” demands with concessions. After the turn of the century, the forms of protest changed. Spontaneous actions were replaced by more organized, longer-term protest movements. In the large demonstrations to obtain universal, equal and direct suffrage in 1907, the salt workers took part together with other groups of workers and marched under the red flags of social democracy, but without being clearly organized as social democrats. For the miners and smelters, there was still a long way to go, full of protests, before the hard and dangerous nature of their work was fully recognized in terms of wages and social benefits. Only during the construction period after the Second World War did the miners receive the financial compensation they were entitled to. Sources used: Gustav Brachmann "Three contributions to the history of our salt industry", Upper Austria Heimatblatt, 18th year, issue 3-4, Linz 1964 Franz Hufnagl "The toll to Gmunden", Böhlau Verlag, Vienna 2008 August Huysen "Salt Mining and Saline Operation in Austria, Styria and Salzburg", Berlin 1854 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Karel Kramar "The state wage policy and the situation of the workers in the salt pans of the Salzkammergut up to 1748", yearbook for national economy, Vienna 1896 Ewald Hiebl "Safe work and state protection" in: "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Halleiner salt works", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Volume 10, Salzburg, 1998 Anton Schauenstein "Denkbuch des austrian mining and metallurgy", Vienna 1873 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Aus‐ und Vorrichtung

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Ernährung Social – Nutrition: The need and poverty of the salt workers is repeatedly emphasized in all dragonflies and ordinances and mitigated by various privileges. The workers were exempt from paying any taxes, fines were not allowed to be imposed and transgressions were only punished by imprisonment in the tower with water and bread. It was also forbidden for the nursing court in Wildenstein to sentence people connected with the salt industry without the knowledge of the officials in Gmunden. A particularly valuable benefit for the residents of the Kammergut during the warlike times of the time was the exemption from military quarters, which spared them the usually high burden of requisitions that the rest of Upper Austria often had to bear. In order not to raise wages, which was stubbornly resisted in Vienna, efforts were made to reduce the cost of living for the working population as far as possible, to keep food prices down in every way and to prevent their rise as far as possible in times of rising prices. In the 17th century, a worker needed around 100 Kreuzer per week for grain, meat, lard, eggs, milk, beets, turnips, cabbage and candles for himself and his family. A miner from Hallstatt, unless he was an Eisenhauer, could cover the absolutely essential food needs for the household with his wages, he had nothing left for clothes, linen and shoes, he was therefore forced and usually also able to earn an extra income woodwork or from the salt makers. The poverty of the Kammergut population at this time can also be seen from the amount of food, which corresponds to the value of a week's wages then and now. The worker could/can buy for his weekly wages: grain (flour) ……………………………… 41.5kg 1524 …………………………. 348kg 2016 clarified butter ………………………………. 4.8kg 1524 …………………………. 50kg 2016 beef ……………………………… 19.3kg 1524 …………………………. 35kg 2016 At the time of the first Reformation Libel around 1524, meat was only twice as expensive as it is today, but bread and fat cost around ten times more. The Kammergut could not feed itself and, with the exception of fish, had to obtain all important food from abroad. After the grain, it was primarily the meat that was an important goal for the sovereign government to procure adequately and cheaply. The bread grain was brought cheaply to the Kammergut as return freight on the emptied Salzzillen, because as imperial goods it was exempt from all taxes during transport. The sale of grain was strictly regulated, no official was allowed to trade in it, the sellers, mostly citizens of Gmunden, Ischl, Laufen and Hallstatt, were not allowed to make more profit than 6 Kreuzer per Metzen (62 l) grain. The Salt Office had to ensure that there was always a sufficient supply of grain stored in the official warehouses. In order to better secure the grain supply of the Salzkammergut, the area between the Traun and the mountains behind Kremsmünster was freed and banned "that nobody from this Hofmark sell grain elsewhere, but bring everything directly to the Gmunden market". In order to protect the buyers against cheating, standard measures were kept in the court clerk's office and a quarterly inspection was ordered from the merchants "so that the poor workers are not cheated." The grain purchased by the Salzamt was only given to the imperial servants, the other residents were dependent on the supply of the Gmundner weekly market and on their own purchases. The beneficiaries always received the grain below the market price and the cost price, which not only strengthened the bond between the crew and the imperial work, but also freed the government from the otherwise indispensable wage increase. It was particularly important for the salt industry that the grain that had reached the Kammergut was consumed there and not exported across the border again. The strict export bans, mainly aimed at Salzburg, did not receive enough attention for good reasons, nor did they prevent grain smuggling via the Gschütt Pass. There was a lively exchange between Abtenau and Hallstatt early on; the people of Hallstatt needed lard and cheese because they could not keep cattle, whereas the people of Abtenau needed salt and grain. The grain was of great value in mountainous Salzburg and became the subject of a flourishing smuggling trade. The massive smuggling of grain to Salzburg caused the price of grain to rise at the Gmunden weekly market and made living more expensive, which the Salzamt could not remain indifferent to. It then tackled the smugglers energetically, erected a guard hut and a barrier on the road to Gosau in 1700, prohibited the authorities from issuing passports on their own and increased the monitoring of prohibited trade. However, the smuggling to Salzburg continued; In 1739 the Schwärzers came in gangs to the border and gave bloody battles to the border guards, who had been augmented by the Ischl team. According to the market regulations newly issued in 1742, grain could only be traded on the open market, but not in inns or in the suburbs. Before the flag was unfurled at the Gmunden weekly market, no one was allowed to buy grain, then it was the turn of the Gmundner, Hallstätter, Laufner, Ischler and Ebenseer, while the people from Wolfgang, St. Gilgner and the other foreign market visitors grain only after the flag had been lowered were allowed to buy. The grain purchased by the Salzamt was stored in the Gmundner Hofkasten, whose management was assigned to the Hofkastner. Annual sales depended on the number of beneficiaries and increased to an average of 24,000 hundredweight in the 18th century. The Hofkorn was initially distributed weekly, at the request of the workers, who lost a lot of time doing so, monthly from 1654 onwards. In 1720 there were a total of 1,910 people who were entitled to farm grain and received around 3/10 Metzen (18.5 l) of grain per week. In contrast to the official grain management, the purchase and slaughtering of the cattle was left to the local butchers, but the Court Chamber secured a decisive influence on the level of the sales price by granting subsidies, which enabled the butchers to make do with the officially set prices to find. As coveted as the meat was, it did not become the staple food for the population of the Kammergut. The farm corn accustomed them to the flour diet, to which they could not do without lard as an added fat, which is why it was more important to them than meat. The inner Salzkammergut sourced most of its lard from the Abtenau region, whose inhabitants traded it vigorously in exchange for salt, grain and wine. As long as the court clerk's office was solely responsible for bartering with Abtenau, the workers had no shortage of lard, and soon the citizens of Hallstatt were also involved in this lucrative trade, without taking the needs of the local population into account. Abtenauer lard also went to Laufen and Ischl, but they were able to cover their need for butter and lard at the Gmundner weekly market, where it was traded freely. The Salzamtmann, who was also the highest official of the Wildenstein court, had to take care of all branches of the economy in the Kammergut, the brewery in Ort, which supplied the beer for the taverns in Ebensee, he decided on the purchase of wine and forbade it Distilling brandy when there was a shortage of grain. Finally, the Salt Office also had an influence on middle-class trade in favor of the workers The civil servants, master craftsmen and workers employed in salt boiling have always received as much salt as they needed in the household, free of charge. The miners and woodcutters and then all the other inhabitants of the chamber estate who were in the service of the sovereign joined the boilers to obtain the free salt. The allocation was generous and fully sufficient for the needs of a small farm. According to an approximate calculation, a Kammergut resident in the 17th century received 30 pounds of must salt per head of his family per year, i.e. more than double the actual requirement. The name "Mußsalz" comes from the recipient's obligation to serve the salt industry in the Kammergut. Those entitled to Mußsalz, and their number ran into the thousands, usually had nothing better to do with the leftovers that were not used in the household than to sell them, for which the Gmundner weekly market, among other things, offered them a good opportunity. For the longest time, the Salt Office watched this trade, which noticeably affected their own consumption of salt, inactively. It was not until 1706 that the court chamber took up the matter and, much to the resistance of those affected, restricted the purchase of compulsory salt to 12 pounds a year for each family member. From 1737 onwards there was an annual salt description in all places of the chamber estate, which had to record all beneficiaries and their marital status and was used to calculate the amount of salt to be handed out. The Salzamt's demand for Hofkorn, which by the middle of the 18th century had about 24,000 Metzen (1,100 t) in the year, increased significantly in the period that followed. The reasons for this were the increase in the number of beneficiaries, temporary grain help to non-authorized employees of the salt works, the grain tax to the Hallamt in Aussee and to Salzburg and the supply of the own and foreign military during the war years. In 1815, 72,000 butchers (3,350 tons) of grain were needed. The permanent procurement of such quantities of grain was associated with considerable difficulties. From 1700 onwards, grain imports from Hungary increasingly covered the needs of the chamber estate. Grain was brought in from Hungary on large salt ships in trains of two or three ships under the direction of the transport office, whose organs also accompanied the trains. A trip from Bratislava to Linz took 26 to 28 days. The delivery of the farm grain to the entitled workers took place monthly at the beginning, then every six weeks by a ratification (accounting) in advance; This is because the workers would otherwise have had to wait too long for the grain to be delivered when they started work. When the payment was made, the limit value (purchase price) of the grain received was deducted from the wage. If an enemy invasion was to be feared, the administrative offices were not only allowed to give the workers their wages and farm grain, but also limito lard for a quarter of a year in advance. With the onset of warlike complications towards the end of the 18th century, disruptions in trade with Salzburg and Bavaria began. The salt office often did not get any more lard from there and was forced to purchase it within the borders of the empire. In 1785 the shortage of lard in the Kammergut increased to such an extent that the population even boiled linseed oil and tallow. From 1794 onwards, the Salzamt often purchased lard from Hungary. The population in the Kammergut had grown so much by the middle of the 18th century that the number of job seekers considerably exceeded the need for workers. To compensate for this imbalance, it was considered necessary in Vienna to restrict marriages. The Salt Office was instructed to no longer issue marriage consents, without which the workers in the imperial service were not allowed to marry. The market judges were only entitled to issue marriage permits to those parties who did not serve in the salt industry and did not burden the arar with a commission. Even more precise instructions had been given to the Salt Office for issuing marriage consents to workers. The marriage could be approved at any time: 1. A resident with a dwelling who was in work and enjoying farm grain. 2. A worker without farm grain who was in constant work and owned a estate. 3. Good artisans with enough income to pay for their housing. 4. Homeless workers who enjoyed farm corn. On the other hand, Werkbuben (unskilled workers), Tschanderer (occasional workers), Kufer (coopers) and fittings (lids placed on filled salt vessels) without housing and without funds did not receive marriage licenses. The salt office warned the nursing offices against the indiscriminate granting of marriage consent, the children of such marriages would become beggars or thieves. A commission of inquiry meeting in 1763 came to the conclusion that the main reason for the frequent violations of the sixth commandment in the Kammergut was the restriction of the freedom to marry, and so it spoke out in favor of the cancellation of the marriage consent. A court chamber resolution from 1793 clearly states: "There is no ban on marriage, so marriages in the chamber estate, where so many workers are needed, should be encouraged rather than made difficult." The creation of their own hearth not only arose from the needs of the married workers, but was also an advantage for the Salt Office, which could only wish for the down-to-earth nature of the staff and which therefore promoted house building where practical. Only the erection of rental houses for third parties, i.e. not for personal use, was forbidden. In 1797 the Hofkammer recognized the urgent need for more houses in the Kammergut, but they should be built of stone to save wood. The staff was severely affected by the confiscation of the family grain for all newly married workers ordered by the Court Chamber in 1825. In the case of illness and short holidays, the purchase of the farm grain was not interrupted, but if the holiday exceeded one week, it was reduced by the corresponding quota. 40% of the total consumption of farm grain was family grain. The Hofkammer took measures to curb the increase in grain consumption caused by early working-class marriages. The authorization provided by the Oberamt to reduce the number of marriages, to issue marriage permits only after the economic situation of the applicant had been checked, was inadmissible under the statutory provisions. However, the Salt Office was free to determine whether and how many married and unmarried workers it wanted to employ. In 1848 the Hofkammer lifted all restrictions on the Hofkorn tax, restored the uniform normal tax of 8 Metzen (372 kg) annually for each stable worker and also approved the family grain. Of course, the grain tax now went up by leaps and bounds, according to the compilation it had risen from 1848 to 1849 for the Kammergut without Aussee from 27,000 to 44,200 Metzen (2,055 t). In order to determine the amount of farm grain to be given to the parties, a grain description was carried out every year, in which the family members entitled to receive it and the changes that had occurred during the past year due to death, provision or leaving the service and due to family growth were recorded. Grain gathering took place alternately every six and seven weeks eight times a year. The purchase of grain made the workers dependent on the millers and bakers who were needed to process the grain. Their relationship with them was not always the best, and the worse the price of grain rose, and bread became more expensive as a result. The price of bread was officially regulated and constantly monitored. In 1848 the Ischl workers ganged up to take violent action against the bakers and millers and thus force a reduction in the price of flour and semolina. The year 1848 brought the salt workers a notable improvement in the purchase of lard. A permanent worker, depending on his pay grade and category, would churn out 48-60 pounds (27-34 kg) of lard annually. The distribution in the era's lard cellars took place at the same time as that of the farm grain and within the same deadlines, the limit price was deducted from the wages of the workers. Workers with their own farms, which enabled them to keep at least three cows, were excluded from purchasing lard. It was almost always clarified butter that was handed out, only in exceptional cases, and only as emergency help, were the workers also given pork bacon. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016

15 The Mitterberg tunnel Stud Name: "Mitterberg - Stollen" as locality name Struck: 7/25/1563 Length: 130 m Altitude: 886 m Under Emperor Ferdinand I, the Mitterberg tunnel was opened on July 25, 1563 as the first and original salt tunnel on the Ischler Salzberg. A mine survey carried out on October 15, 1567 by Georg Neuhauser Salzamtmann, Balthasar Blindhammer court clerk at Hallstatt, Jakob Schmiedauer Unterpfleger at Wildenstein, with the involvement of the mine masters and other people who were familiar with the work of the salt pans at Hallstatt and Aussee, revealed that in the Mitterberg tunnel there was a shaft with 2 sinkworks in the salted mountains had been sunk. From this, great hopes were drawn of finding a salt store worth building in order to be able to set up a salt works in Ischl. For further investigation of the found salt deposit, it was decided to create a level excavation from the sinkhole sunk at 47 Stabel (56.2m) in the salted mountains and to sunk another sinkhole from the same. As the salt mountain stretched further down, a deeper tunnel was to be built at the "Hohensteg". In 1575, experts from the salt works in Aussee, Hallstatt and Ischl carried out another inspection and consultation on the Ischler Salzberg. In the Mitterberg tunnel there were two prepared pumping works, which were already being used to produce brine. The mountain master and mountain workers from Ischl, who had twice seen the salt industry in Hallein and Schellenberg, suggested driving under these structures through the Steinberg tunnel to avoid the costly brine pumping and cleaning, as was still customary with the salt pans in the Salzkammergut and convert to discharge weirs. This proposal, which was recognized as useful, was carried out, the connection was established with the nearest water dam in the Steinberg tunnel - main shaft and then in the Mitterberg tunnel the first discharge weir according to the "Schellenberger form" of the Upper Austrian salt works was put into operation. This was the start of replacing the ancient pumping stations with drainage works. But it still took a long time to completely suppress them. In a pit plan drawn up in 1654, one can see that the Mitterberg tunnel – the main shaft after 66 5/8 Stabel (79.4m) of driving in the limestone reached the salt mountains. This was lengthened and a 99 bar (118.3 m) long side shaft, the so-called "Neue Kehr", was created. The field site of the Neue Kehr stood in deaf mountains. At the front of the Neue Kehr there was an old weir, already rotten in 1654, which was the first drainage weir, prepared in 1575 according to the Schellenberg model. Behind it was a 44 bar (52.6m) long main pit down the Steinberg tunnel, which was used for weather management and drainage. On the further continuation of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which is referred to in the Reformation Libel from 1656 as "Krechenschafftgericht" ("straight shaft"), a building was laid out on the right. This was driven under by the then Bergmeister Hanns Kalß and by the worker Wolfgang Kalß to save the expensive scooping and to reduce the costs of cleaning, through the Steinberg tunnel and also made into a weir according to the Schellenberger form. Furthermore, on the left hand side of the main shaft there was a 32 bar (38.2 m) long Ebenschurf, which was initially operated as a detection blow, then connected to the side shaft or "Neuen Kehr" by a wing site and later to a Lettendamm, the "Schwarzel Weir". called, has been devoured. When 34 ½ Stabel (41.2 m) left the salt mountains on the main shaft continuation and fresh water was built, several water openings were knocked out. In addition, the first water tunnel was created 7 Stabel (8.4m) above the Mitterberg tunnel and advanced to a length of 93 Stabel (111.1m). Due to the inexperience of the miners, who believed that the limestone in the back of their heads was a deposit, after which salt would have to come again after it had been breached, strong self-watering waters were approached, the mastering of which caused great difficulties. The total length of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which had a total gradient of 4 ¼ Stabel (5.1m or 4%), was 108 Stabel (129.1m). Only 65 of these (77.7m) were in the Hasel Mountains, the rest in dense, water-bearing limestone. The outcrops of the Hasel Mountains in the Mitterberg tunnel formed only a small, cut-off part of the main deposit, which was fully utilized by the construction of 3 barrages. The Mitterberg tunnel was already in use around 1656 and was only used to drain mine water. The collapse had already taken place in 1596 and the amount of scraped water was so large that it was able to drive a mill wheel. Despite all the effort, it had not been possible to find the place where the burglary had taken place, and in the end one had to content oneself with collecting the waste water in the main shaft and channeling it to the surface in gutters. Because of the inrush of water in 1596, the main shaft had to be maintained almost entirely in expensive timber. The Mitterberg tunnel also served to ventilate the Steinberg tunnel. In 1689 the Mitterberg tunnel was finally completely abandoned. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 B. Pillwein "History, Geography and Statistics of the Archduchy above the Enns and the Duchy of Salzburg", 2nd part Traunkreis, Linz 1828 Mitterberg - tunnels, routes and buildings, 1757, Solingen, IGM archive Plan Salzberg Bad Ischl in 1654

Kunstgüterbergung im Ischler Salzberg 1944/ 45 Dark moments at the Ischler Salzberg: art objects salvage 1944/45 Inhalt: 1. Ischler Salzberg wird Bergungsort 2. Einlagerungsorte 3. Eingelagerte Kunstschätze 4. Erste Entführung 5. Zweite Entführung 6. Sperre der Bergung im Ischler Salzberg 7. Die Befreiung Franz Juraschek, the regional conservator responsible for the Upper Danube and later the provincial conservator for Upper Austria during World War II, suggested the Ischler Salzberg as well as Aussee as a salvage site for endangered art treasures. Juraschek and Hans Dellbrügge, District President in Vienna, turned to the Erbstollen near Bad Ischl, particularly after the Aussee salt mine had become the “ Reich’s salvage site ” and especially for objects in the “ Fuhrer Museum” in Linz. wird Bergungsort Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, transport of art, 1944, archive Salinen Austria Kunstgütertransport, 1944, Archiv Salinen Austria 2. Einlagerungsorte: Für die Einlagerungen waren vorhandene und neue Bergungsräume im Erbstollen und im I. und II. Blindhorizont vorgesehen. Der I. und II. Blindhorizont wurden über den Distler Schacht vom Erbstollen und von Perneck, vom Leopoldstollen, erreicht. Aufgrund der leichteren Anlieferung zum Erbstollen wurden alle Einlagerungen über diesen durchgeführt. Einlagerungsorte Im I. Blindhorizont wurde das Werk XII mit 1100 Quadratmeter für Einlagerungen freigegeben. Plan Bergung: I. Blindhorizont 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Ein neuer Lagerraum wurde für Einlagerungen im Erbstollen bei Streckenmeter 250 ausgesprengt. Dieser war aber nicht durchlüftet und nicht im Salzstock angelegt und deshalb feucht! Dieser wäre für großformatige Einlagerungen des Sonderstabes Rosenberg, Führersammlung, vorgesehen gewesen. Reimer, Sonderbeauftragter Hitlers, verzichtete aber danach auf diese Räume und ermöglichte somit die Einlagerung der Wiener Sammlungen. Außerdem wurde das Sprengmitteldepot bei Streckenmeter 500 geräumt und für Einlagerungen freigegeben. Plan Bergung: Neue Bergungsräume und frühere Sprengmitteldepot im Erbstollen 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Im II. Blindhorizont wurde der sogenannte Bahnhof, der zum Verschub der Grubenbahn diente, für die Bergung vorbereitet. Ein vom I. zum II. Blindhorizont führender Schurf, wurde später verschüttet, damit niemand ungebeten die Lagerräume erreichen konnte. Anfang 1945 war der „Bahnhof“ so verkleidet, dass nur ein Gleis frei blieb. Der übrige Raum war für die Lagerung von Gemälden vorgesehen. Er wurde an beiden Enden mit schweren hölzernen Bohlentüren verschlossen. Das machte den Eingang absolut sicher. Nur die Lüftungsrohre blieben frei. Plan Bergung: II. Blindhorizont 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Salvage plan, 1944 Archive Salinen Austria Shaft machine Distlerschacht: All art objects were made with it transported to the second blind horizon, 1940 Archive Salinen Austria In der Endphase des Krieges wurden auch Lagerbereiche in der Ischler Saline verwendet: Zum Beispiel wurden am 27.3.1945 Bilder von Cassone aus der Sammlung Lanzkoronski hier eingelagert. Zur Vorgeschichte der Sammlung Lanzkoronski: Das Vermögen und auch die hochbedeutende Kunstsammlung des polnischen Staatsangehörigen Anton Lanzkoronski wurde unter Berufung auf eine “Verordnung über Behandlung von Vermögen der Angehörigen des ehemaligen polnischen Staates” beschlagnahmt und vom zuständigen Staatskommissar in Wien übernommen. Im ehemaligen Hotel Grüner Baum, Bad Ischl, wurden zu Kriegsende Kunstgüter aus Altausse eingelagert, um der befürchteten Zerstörung zu entgehen. Ein anderes Lager war die Villa Castiglioni am Grundlsee: hier wurde ein Teil der Bibliothek Hitlers eingelagert. Schloss Kogl bei Attersee war ein Lagerort für Kunstgüter, die Alfred Rosenberg für sich selbst reserviert hatte. From November 1944 it was decided to store the Viennese art collections and the Lichtenstein picture gallery in the Ischler Salzberg . The daily reports from Lauffen began on December 9, 1944 with the arrival of the restorers Josef Hajsinek from Vienna and Franz Sochor from Kremsmünster. The first transport arrived in Lauffen on December 12, 1944. Almost all Viennese collections relocated salvaged goods to Lauffen. Gert Adriani was appointed head of the salvage. But after a fatal mishap, he was replaced by Viktor Luithlen , head of the collection of ancient musical instruments. This remained so until the end of the repatriation in 1947. Eingelagerte Kunstschätze Gert Adriani, KHM Museum Association Viktor Luithlen , KHM Museum Association Storage of the art objects 1944/45: Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, art goods transport, 1944/45, archive Salinen Austria Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kunstgutdepot 2. Blindhorizont, 1986, Katharina Hammer Shine in the dark Valuable holdings from spiritual possessions were now also stored in the Ischler Erbstollen instead of in the Ausseer Salzberg. One transport after the other arrived from Vienna. Treasures came from almost all state collections: there were 150 boxes from the national library with manuscripts and printed works, each individual page of which is a treasure. Holdings from the Natural History Museum, the Ethnological Museum, the Museum of Decorative Arts, the Art History Museum, the Liechtenstein Gallery and the Graz State Archives were delivered. Pictures by such important artists as Rembrandt, Raffael, Brueghel, Albrecht Dürer, Jan van Eyck, Rubens and also by "modern" painters such as Munch, Monet, Klimt and Kokoschka were stored in Ischl. In addition, the gold treasure finds, ivories, vases, jewelery and statuettes from the antique collections. A small selection of the priceless art objects stored in the Ischler Salzberg: Tower of Babel Pieter Bruegel the Elder , 1563 Venus of Willendorf, around 30,000 years old peasant dance Pieter Bruegel the Elder , 1525/30 Requiem in D minor ( KV 626) from 1791 is Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart's last composition Madonna in the green Raphael Santi , 1505-1506 Tassilo chalice from the year 777 The “Tassilokelch” from Kremsmünster Abbey also had a special situation: Officially it was housed in the Aussee salvage, but after this became the official salvage location for Hitler in 1943, it was secretly stored in the Ischler Salzberg by district conservator Franz Juraschek. On April 18, 1945, a crisis team met in the general management of the saltworks to discuss the measures that were necessary to save the Ischler salvage from having to store a bomb like the one in Aussee. According to this plan, the salvage should be made completely inaccessible. The "filling point" of the Distler shaft in the Erbstollen should be completely filled up with rock, "collapsed". The elevator is to be pulled up to the ceiling of the Leopold horizon, i.e. to its highest point, and shut down there. The stairs that lead up next to the elevator, the so-called "rides", are to be torn out below and above the I. and II. underground constructions and the burial of the pit between the I. and II. underground constructions is to be strengthened. This work was completed by May 5, 1945. In the meantime, the situation in Ischl / Lauffen has also deteriorated dramatically. Between April 20 and 25, 1945, a total of 928 pictures of various origins from Kartause Gaming (Lower Austria) arrived here. On the orders of Hermann Stuppäck (General Cultural Officer of the Reich Governor Baldur von Schirach) in Gaming, the paintings had been thrown in a hurry "without any consideration and without the slightest care". Due to the "barbaric" nature of the transport, numerous paintings "were perforated, torn off, damp or otherwise damaged in Bad Ischl/Lauffen. But that was not all, Stuppäck arrived in Bad Ischl on April 25 with orders from Schirach to move the salvaged goods kept in Lauffen further west without delay. At first Luithlen successfully resisted the order, but the arrival of officers and soldiers from the "Fabian Combat Unit" from the SS Panzer Division "Großdeutschland" on the evening of May 1st made any further delay impossible. Captain Reinhardt and Lieutenant Kahles would not be put off. Bergrat Lepez refused the SS commander to provide the mine locomotive, the winding machine and the miners on the pretext that there was no corresponding clear written order from the Waffen SS command. Under threat of the use of weapons, the captain drove furiously to Gmunden to obtain the necessary powers of attorney. This saved valuable time again. On May 3rd, however, the 184 paintings desired by Schirach and Stuppäck - including all paintings by Rembrandt, P. Bruegel the Elder, had to be handed over. Ä., Titians and Velazquez, 49 tapestry sacks and two crates are loaded onto trucks. It turned out that a whole series of the main pieces from the Viennese picture gallery were to be kidnapped in this way. Among them were Bruegel's "Peasant Wedding" and "Peasant Fair", "Carnival Games", "Tower of Babel", "Homecoming of the Herd", "Storm at Sea", "Bird Thief" and "Pauli's Conversion", 6 Velasquez -Pictures, 7 Titians, including the cherries and the Gypsy Madonna, as well as the portrait of Jacopo della Strada, the two well-known self-portraits and the reading Titus by Rembrandt, and finally the "All Saints' Day" and "Emperor Maximilian" by Dürer. So you can safely say, not only the most valuable, but also a number of the most popular pictures in their gallery. You worked late into the night. The marching orders were given on May 4th. At 4 a.m. the convoy with the restorers Hajsinek and Sochor left Bad Ischl in the direction of Mittersill. In the evening of the same day, the convoy arrived in Bramberg in the Pinzgau region of Salzburg, where Stuppäck was already awaiting the transport. But the odyssey of the art treasures was not over yet. The very next day, Major Fabian ordered the paintings, boxes and tapestry sacks to be loaded onto the trucks. The transport could only be accompanied by officers. Franz Sochor and Josef Hajsinek stayed in Bramberg, where they contacted the advancing American army and reported the incident. All cultural assets were then found by the Americans in St. Johann in Tirol. The final result of the Ischl salvage was: 8 figures, 1428 paintings, 122 sacks with tapestries, 278 folder boxes with cadastral maps and 728 boxes. A total of 150 tons of salvage. On May 13, 1945, US troops arrived in Bad Ischl and took control of the salvage site. On June 1, 1945, with the permission of the occupiers, the work to uncover the treasures in the salt mine could also begin, namely in the Erbstollen and in Plant XII in the I. underground construction. The II. civil engineering was initially still buried, but its opening was tackled soon afterwards. On June 13, 1945, the main salvage at the "Bahnhof" in II. Civil Engineering was accessible again. The salvage proved to be in excellent condition, with the exception of a lost painting, a bouquet of flowers by Jan Brueghel the Elder. Ä., which later reappeared in a private apartment in Munich and returned to the Kunsthistorisches Museum in 1959 after a court decision. Rosenberg Erste Entführung Zweite Entführung Sperre Befreiung Am 11. Juli 1945 erschien „Monuments Man“ Lieutenant Frederick Shrady in Bad Ischl und kündigte an, dass die im ehemaligen Hotel Grüner Baum , Grazerstraße Nr. 39, und in der Kaiservilla gelagerten Objekte, nach München zum „Central Collection Point“ gebracht werden würden. Lieutenant Frederick Shrady, Internet On August 7, 1946, the first major transport back from Ischl to Vienna for an exhibition in Switzerland took place. On April 25, 1947, the last large transport of art goods left the Ischl salt mine. After checking the rooms in the presence of the gendarmerie commander, the final commissioning took place and the salt works management took over sole supervision of the mountain again. The salvage in Lauffen took place without any major losses or damage. Only the loss of 7 paintings for the Kunsthistorisches Museum had to be lamented, which are still considered lost today: Landscape by Nicolaes Berchem (GG 623), The Painter Jan Wildens by Anthonis van Dyck (GG 694), A Female Portrait by Peter Paul Rubens (GG 711), Hoffnung by Maerten van Heemskerck (GG 1946) and Faith (GG 1953.), a Venetian ceiling sketch (GG 6398), and a loan were still available at the general inspection on April 26, 1945. Sources used: Katharina Hammer "Shine in the Dark", Altaussee 1996 Franz Juraschek "Heimatblatt Oberösterreich", Linz 1947 British information service "World Press", 9 July 1947 Salzkammergut newspaper, January 6, 1946 Vienna Courier, November 19, 1945 Sabine Loitfellner, Pia Schölnberger "Salvage of cultural property under National Socialism: Myths - Background - Effects", April 18, 2016 Theodor Brückler, Art theft, art recovery and restitution in Austria 1938 to the present, 1999

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte krankenversrgung Social affairs – health care: The medical services in the Kammergut were under the supervision of graduated doctors from an early stage. The first Salzamtsphysicus mentioned in the resolution books was 1628 Dr. Brown. Since 1656 (3rd Reformation Libel) free medical treatment and the free purchase of medicines have been among the most important benefits for masters and workers permanently employed in the salt industry. In the second half of the 18th century, workers who were unable to work as a result of illness received full wages for the first 14 days, then sick pay of 30 kreuzers a week until they recovered and a commission (mercy pension) in the event of permanent disability. The officials had to diligently monitor the sick worker, deal with the surgeon or barber after the end of the cure (sick leave) and submit the cost calculation to the salt office physician for review before payment was made. In order to reduce the high cost of sickness, the authorities were instructed not to pay any workers the allowance (sick pay) until they had been examined by the surgeon and found to be ill. All bathers, surgeons and surgeons of the saltworks offices, ie also the markets there, were subordinate to the salt office physician. From 1735 he inspected their activities, calculations and healing successes quarterly. He pronounced the inability to work to obtain the commissions. The official bather treated the salt people and usually also gave them the medicines. He submitted bills to the Salt Office for payment. It was often paid incompletely and it often took a long time, which is why two thirds of the accounts were paid in advance by the salt office. The Kammergut was already under the supervision of certified state doctors in the 16th century. The exercise of health care, however, was in the hands of practitioners without formal training, with bathers, surgeons or surgeons. They were also barbers, therefore craftsmen with their own craft regulations, approved by the Emperor in 1646 and confirmed in 1662. Neither the barbers and surgeons nor the pharmacists were imperial servants with a fixed salary. Their income was low, so they received aid money and often maintained era bathhouses. For the treatment of sick people there have always been two spas in Ischl and from 1711 a third spa. The barbers needed the approval of the Salt Office to practice their trade. They also had to take a vow at the market court and at the verwesamt. The Salzamt invoices also contain entries that there were two midwives in Ischl who received an annual subsidy from the market and had to take their vows before the market court. An important part of the medical system was the Kammergutapotheke in Gmunden, which was first mentioned in the Salzakten in 1616. In 1740, the reimbursement of doctor's wages and medicine costs granted from 1656 was still only available to workers in imperial service if they fell ill or were seriously injured in the course of their work and could no longer be prepared with regular household remedies. Only the unprejudiced and philanthropic physician Dr. In 1746 Lebzelter found the courage to openly declare that internal illnesses required treatment just as much as external illnesses, which is why such patients should be treated free of charge. Treatment costs for workers suffering from toothache were not reimbursed in 1745. If a worker fell ill with the French plague (syphilis), he had to be examined by the surgeon, who would decide whether the illness was the result of accident or his own fault. In the latter case, the doctor's wages were paid by the office, but the costs of treatment and maintenance were deducted from the worker's wages and he was also punished. To deter others, a salt worker from Ischl was dismissed from his work in 1738. In 1746 Dr. Lebzelter was one of the brightest minds of his time in the Salzamt. In order to make it easier for the salt workers to drink milk, which is indispensable for better nutrition for the children, Dr. Despite all resistance, Lebzelter managed to get the general ban on grazing for goats, which was issued to protect the forest stock and whose milk he declared curative against scurvy, partially lifted and raising was permitted wherever the animals could not damage the grazing culture. He recognized the inexpediency of the workers' vegetable-poor diet, which consisted almost entirely of flour, semolina, lard, and the daily Schott soup, and he was a zealous advocate of the cultivation of potatoes, which he considered to be of great value as a supplement to the diet. Through his efforts, the Salzamt also improved and expanded the unhealthy, unclean and cramped sleeping quarters in the miners' houses on the Salzbergen. From time immemorial, free medical treatment and sick pay were only due to workers directly employed by the era, and in 1777 the Court Chamber renewed the ban on granting these advantages to woodcutters employed by the entrepreneurs. However, as early as 1778, she softened this harsh provision to the extent that the salt office was allowed to pay the doctor's wages if such workers had an accident or fell ill while on duty. Provisional workers were long excluded from any sickness allowance; only from 1790 onwards did the Salt Office replace their doctor's wages. The Salzkammergut was not entirely spared from the risk of epidemics. The plague claimed larger numbers of victims in 1625, 1675 and at the beginning of the 18th century. The plague was probably brought in from Lower Austria, despite the border closure that was imposed on the country when it first appeared. The Kammergut was closed to all through traffic and the border crossings were strictly guarded. Every epidemic required an expansion of the old cemetery, which was located directly next to the Ischl church. The fire in the Hallstatt market in 1750 also destroyed the Salinenspital. The new building, which was only started in 1770 and completed in 1772, was no longer built in the market square, but in the Lahn like the Sud- and Amtshaus. The new hospital was dimensioned for the accommodation of 16 patients of both sexes, from among whom the court clerk entrusted with the overall management and supervision chose a hospital father and a hospital mother. These two, as well as the other patients, received a weekly benefice and were obliged to spin or knit according to their strength for the needs of the hospital. The beneficiaries were free to live with their relatives; in this case they were entitled to a payment of the weekly hostel rate. The interest on the assets was initially available to the hospital administration to cover current expenses. In addition, there were annual co-payments by the erar. With the growing knowledge of the causes of diseases and the means of combating them from the end of the 18th century, the medical service not only increased in size and prestige, but also the demands on the people responsible for the immediate treatment of the sick had increased. From 1790 onwards, the Court Chamber demanded Magistri and Doctors who had already been examined and approved at the University of Vienna for vacant barber positions, but there were still no such applicants for the Chamber estate. The bathing and barber trades, which used to be left almost entirely to the practice of treatment, lost more and more importance compared to the better trained and certified surgeons, of whom there were a few in every larger town. The salt workers were free to choose their bathers and surgeons, which is why they preferred the more competent ones and thus also contributed to raising the status of healers. The protection smallpox vaccination discovered in 1796 had already found its way into the Kammergut in 1802; from 1802 to 1806, 1,261 children had already been vaccinated free of charge by the saline surgeons. In 1807 the Court Chamber assigned the Gmunden pharmacist the establishment and operation of a branch pharmacy in Ischl, which became independent from 1821. In 1807 a saline physics department was created in Ischl. The former regimental doctor Dr. Josef Götz was in charge of the inner Kammergut and the forest districts around Mondsee and Attersee. From 1826, stable workers had to obtain spa certificates from the office in the event of illness, on the basis of which they were entitled to free medical treatment. Free treatment was excluded if a worker injured himself off duty. After six months of illness, the erar's obligation to provide medical assistance was ended, and the office then had to decide whether the worker was to be commissioned for a certain period of time or permanently. From 1827 onwards, dependent or interim workers enjoyed free medical treatment for injuries sustained on the job, but not for internal illnesses. In general, however, they were not entitled to sick pay. Seriously ill or injured Ischl salt workers could be accommodated in the hospital operated by the market community. For this purpose, the salt works management had 2 rooms available for 8 sick salt workers in return for an annual fee of 16 Rachel firewood. Here the saline workers were treated by the Ischl saline physician, and the erar paid the subsistence costs directly to the market town. The Ischl "infirmary" was first mentioned in 1586. This house was built for the sick, not for the old and poor. Around the middle of the 17th century it stood behind the church. When the hospital disappeared at the end of 1770 when the church was enlarged, the sick were accommodated in an old barracks outside the keep. Through an agreement with the saltworks, a new house was built on the so-called Pfarrwiesen and put into operation around 1800. In Ischl there was a second private hospital in Eglmoos in the village of Ahorn from 1827, where the sick received medical treatment and care for a certain fee. The health of the workforce was an important concern for the saltworks. At the turn of the century, workers' bathrooms were available for employees. In the mining industry, there were hot kitchens to give the workers the opportunity to eat regularly and healthily. Spiritual nourishment was available to the saline workers in their own saline libraries. However, the libraries were not used very actively, about one book per worker and year was borrowed. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

Historische Bergsäge beim Maria Theresia Stollen Erhaltungsverein Bergsäge Maria Theresia Stollen Die ehemalige Bergsäge am Pernecker Salzberg bei Bad Ischl ist ein montanhistorisches Denkmal ersten Ranges: • Sie ist das letzte vollständig erhaltene Relikt des Pernecker Salzbergs. • Sie wurde als erste Säge der k:k: Monarchie mit einem Riemenantrieb ausgestattet, der bis heute vollständig erhalten ist. • Sie ist die letzte aus dieser Zeit stammende Säge im inneren Salzkammergut. Zum Erhalt dieser Säge wurde im März 2025 der gemeinnützige „Erhaltungsverein Bergsäge Maria Theresia Stollen“ gegründet. Ziel der Mitglieder und Unterstützer dieses Vereines ist es, dieses einzigartige Objekt zu sanieren und im Zuge von Führungen auf den Pernecker „Via Salis Themenwegen“ der interessierten Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen. Gemeinsam können wir die traditionsreiche Bergsäge wieder in Schwung bringen, wir freuen uns auf Ihre Anfragen! Der „Erhaltungsverein Bergsäge Maria Theresia Stollen“ Hans Kranabitl: Tel. +43664 73118978, Mail kranabitl@aon.at Horst Feichtinger: Tel. +43677 61168967, Mail horst.feichtinger@gmx.at Vereinskonto: Sparkasse Bad Ischl AT14 2031 4055 0006 0693 Via Salis ways of salt Weiterlesen » Via Salis ways of salt Weiterlesen » Via Salis ways of salt Weiterlesen » No posts published in this language yet Once posts are published, you’ll see them here.

14 The Neuberg tunnel Stud Name: "Neuberg - Stollen" as a new uphill climb below the Obernberg - Stollen, the later "Lipplesgraben - Stollen" Struck: 1586 Leave: 1879 Length: 994 m Altitude: 909 m Emperor Rudolph II set up a commission to stop widespread abuses in the chamber property and to ensure the implementation of the provisions laid down in the Reformation - Libelle of 1563. Therefore, in 1586, a mountain inspection was carried out at the Ischler Salzberg. The mining inspection recommended, for the required increase in salt production, the opening of a new tunnel, the Neuberg tunnel. Since the salt could be detected over the entire planned thickness of the mountain through the exploratory digging carried out by Archduke Matthias - tunnel, the tunneling of the Neuberg - tunnel began in 1586. The Neuberg tunnel was already being considered in the north-facing steep terrain of the Mitterberg. This would have made the main shaft much shorter than when driving from the west. The construction of a 300 bar (357.6 m) long section in hard limestone, the difficulty of delivering timber and the construction of a slag heap in the steep terrain were important reasons for starting the exploration from the west. In addition, the required pit and pole wood could be delivered effortlessly from the Steinberg saw. It was also possible to connect inexpensively to the Strehn, which had already been built by Archduke Matthias to drain off the brine extracted in the Obernberg tunnel. In order to speed up the exploration work, in 1589 a counter-construction was initiated from a pit sunk from the Matthias tunnel. However, great difficulties were encountered with this opposing structure, which was located in water-bearing limestone. The tunneling came to a standstill when 160 rods (191.2m) still had to be driven to the point of breakthrough. In 1590 further driving of the opposite building was even supposed to be stopped, but the Ischl mountain championship successfully resisted this. Until the breakthrough, however, the inflowing water and the rock that had been thrown out had to be drawn up into the Archduke Mathias tunnel using a hand reel, which was expensive. Situation of the Schöpfbaue in the Neuberg tunnel around 1654: A total of 11 pumping stations; Eder, Wildenhofer, Wolkenstainer, Daniman, Preuner, Wangner, Hintersteiner, Rossner, Urschenbeck, Lichensteiner and Mondseer or Manser - construction. In the continuation of the Neuberg tunnel - main shaft there were 11 burrows. As early as 1648, the Eder, Wildenhofer, Wolkensteiner, Daniman and Preuner buildings were united under one sky and had 22 rooms (2,490.4m³) of brine content, 11 bars (13.2m) down to the sole of the Neuberg - stollen to dry up. The cut burrows were driven under with a weir furnace in the Frauenholz tunnel, could be emptied via a discharge dam and were referred to as Graf Preuner weir. The Wagner and Hintersteiner buildings were also under the same sky, were prepared for an outlet weir and then combined with the five previous buildings in the Preuner and Raßfeldner weirs. The Roßner - Bau also united with the mentioned buildings in the Preuner and Raßfelner - weir. In 1730 the Graf Preuner weir broke through to the Rassfelner weir in the Frauenholz tunnel. After the now combined Preuner and Raßfellner weir had been provided with new dams in 1733 and new discharge boxes in 1734, it could now be leached up to the Matthias tunnel. To facilitate the cleaning, a cleaning pit was sunk from the Matthias tunnel. In 1744 the Preuner and Raßfellner weir had to be abandoned because it had come dangerously close to the overlying rock. The Preuner and Raßfellner weir then served for some time as an impact work for the Zierler weir located in the St. Johannes tunnel. The Urschenbeck, Lichtensteiner and Mansen The building also stood under one sky, contained 12 rooms (1,358.4 m³) of brine, and could be emptied as a weir with an outlet dam, the Klementen weir, through the Frauenholz tunnel. The Klementen weir was only watered down in the Neuberg horizon and left before 1800. Behind the Manser building there was still a drainage pit down the Frauenholz tunnel. The Neuberg tunnel – main shaft was also driven too far into the footing and had hit fresh water in the limestone air. After water ingress in 1641, a Lettendamm was built, the fresh water was collected and safely guided to the surface in wooden tubes. In 1707, the Neuberg tunnel contained 11 barrages divided into three groups, which were still operated as 3 dam weirs, but not much was to be expected from them. Situation of the weirs in the Neuberg tunnel around 1850: A total of 4 weirs, all pronounced dead around 1850; Seeauer - Weir, Lang - weir, Klementen - weir, Paul Müller - weir. In 1840 the first pit linings were carried out on the Ischler Salzberg in the Ritschner - conversion of the Neuberg - tunnel. Until 1933, the Albrechten conversion, the Ritschner conversion and the Schwind Schurf were kept open in the rear part of the Neuberg tunnel for the drainage path into the lower-lying horizons. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018

Salztransport auf der Traun