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Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sprengmittellagerung

Historische Bergsäge beim Maria Theresia Stollen Erhaltungsverein Bergsäge Maria Theresia Stollen Die ehemalige Bergsäge am Pernecker Salzberg bei Bad Ischl ist ein montanhistorisches Denkmal ersten Ranges: • Sie ist das letzte vollständig erhaltene Relikt des Pernecker Salzbergs. • Sie wurde als erste Säge der k:k: Monarchie mit einem Riemenantrieb ausgestattet, der bis heute vollständig erhalten ist. • Sie ist die letzte aus dieser Zeit stammende Säge im inneren Salzkammergut. Zum Erhalt dieser Säge wurde im März 2025 der gemeinnützige „Erhaltungsverein Bergsäge Maria Theresia Stollen“ gegründet. Ziel der Mitglieder und Unterstützer dieses Vereines ist es, dieses einzigartige Objekt zu sanieren und im Zuge von Führungen auf den Pernecker „Via Salis Themenwegen“ der interessierten Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen. Gemeinsam können wir die traditionsreiche Bergsäge wieder in Schwung bringen, wir freuen uns auf Ihre Anfragen! Der „Erhaltungsverein Bergsäge Maria Theresia Stollen“ Hans Kranabitl: Tel. +43664 73118978, Mail kranabitl@aon.at Horst Feichtinger: Tel. +43677 61168967, Mail horst.feichtinger@gmx.at Vereinskonto: Sparkasse Bad Ischl AT14 2031 4055 0006 0693 Via Salis ways of salt Weiterlesen » Via Salis ways of salt Weiterlesen » Via Salis ways of salt Weiterlesen » No posts published in this language yet Once posts are published, you’ll see them here.

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Aus‐ und Vorrichtung

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Ernährung Social – Nutrition: The need and poverty of the salt workers is repeatedly emphasized in all dragonflies and ordinances and mitigated by various privileges. The workers were exempt from paying any taxes, fines were not allowed to be imposed and transgressions were only punished by imprisonment in the tower with water and bread. It was also forbidden for the nursing court in Wildenstein to sentence people connected with the salt industry without the knowledge of the officials in Gmunden. A particularly valuable benefit for the residents of the Kammergut during the warlike times of the time was the exemption from military quarters, which spared them the usually high burden of requisitions that the rest of Upper Austria often had to bear. In order not to raise wages, which was stubbornly resisted in Vienna, efforts were made to reduce the cost of living for the working population as far as possible, to keep food prices down in every way and to prevent their rise as far as possible in times of rising prices. In the 17th century, a worker needed around 100 Kreuzer per week for grain, meat, lard, eggs, milk, beets, turnips, cabbage and candles for himself and his family. A miner from Hallstatt, unless he was an Eisenhauer, could cover the absolutely essential food needs for the household with his wages, he had nothing left for clothes, linen and shoes, he was therefore forced and usually also able to earn an extra income woodwork or from the salt makers. The poverty of the Kammergut population at this time can also be seen from the amount of food, which corresponds to the value of a week's wages then and now. The worker could/can buy for his weekly wages: grain (flour) ……………………………… 41.5kg 1524 …………………………. 348kg 2016 clarified butter ………………………………. 4.8kg 1524 …………………………. 50kg 2016 beef ……………………………… 19.3kg 1524 …………………………. 35kg 2016 At the time of the first Reformation Libel around 1524, meat was only twice as expensive as it is today, but bread and fat cost around ten times more. The Kammergut could not feed itself and, with the exception of fish, had to obtain all important food from abroad. After the grain, it was primarily the meat that was an important goal for the sovereign government to procure adequately and cheaply. The bread grain was brought cheaply to the Kammergut as return freight on the emptied Salzzillen, because as imperial goods it was exempt from all taxes during transport. The sale of grain was strictly regulated, no official was allowed to trade in it, the sellers, mostly citizens of Gmunden, Ischl, Laufen and Hallstatt, were not allowed to make more profit than 6 Kreuzer per Metzen (62 l) grain. The Salt Office had to ensure that there was always a sufficient supply of grain stored in the official warehouses. In order to better secure the grain supply of the Salzkammergut, the area between the Traun and the mountains behind Kremsmünster was freed and banned "that nobody from this Hofmark sell grain elsewhere, but bring everything directly to the Gmunden market". In order to protect the buyers against cheating, standard measures were kept in the court clerk's office and a quarterly inspection was ordered from the merchants "so that the poor workers are not cheated." The grain purchased by the Salzamt was only given to the imperial servants, the other residents were dependent on the supply of the Gmundner weekly market and on their own purchases. The beneficiaries always received the grain below the market price and the cost price, which not only strengthened the bond between the crew and the imperial work, but also freed the government from the otherwise indispensable wage increase. It was particularly important for the salt industry that the grain that had reached the Kammergut was consumed there and not exported across the border again. The strict export bans, mainly aimed at Salzburg, did not receive enough attention for good reasons, nor did they prevent grain smuggling via the Gschütt Pass. There was a lively exchange between Abtenau and Hallstatt early on; the people of Hallstatt needed lard and cheese because they could not keep cattle, whereas the people of Abtenau needed salt and grain. The grain was of great value in mountainous Salzburg and became the subject of a flourishing smuggling trade. The massive smuggling of grain to Salzburg caused the price of grain to rise at the Gmunden weekly market and made living more expensive, which the Salzamt could not remain indifferent to. It then tackled the smugglers energetically, erected a guard hut and a barrier on the road to Gosau in 1700, prohibited the authorities from issuing passports on their own and increased the monitoring of prohibited trade. However, the smuggling to Salzburg continued; In 1739 the Schwärzers came in gangs to the border and gave bloody battles to the border guards, who had been augmented by the Ischl team. According to the market regulations newly issued in 1742, grain could only be traded on the open market, but not in inns or in the suburbs. Before the flag was unfurled at the Gmunden weekly market, no one was allowed to buy grain, then it was the turn of the Gmundner, Hallstätter, Laufner, Ischler and Ebenseer, while the people from Wolfgang, St. Gilgner and the other foreign market visitors grain only after the flag had been lowered were allowed to buy. The grain purchased by the Salzamt was stored in the Gmundner Hofkasten, whose management was assigned to the Hofkastner. Annual sales depended on the number of beneficiaries and increased to an average of 24,000 hundredweight in the 18th century. The Hofkorn was initially distributed weekly, at the request of the workers, who lost a lot of time doing so, monthly from 1654 onwards. In 1720 there were a total of 1,910 people who were entitled to farm grain and received around 3/10 Metzen (18.5 l) of grain per week. In contrast to the official grain management, the purchase and slaughtering of the cattle was left to the local butchers, but the Court Chamber secured a decisive influence on the level of the sales price by granting subsidies, which enabled the butchers to make do with the officially set prices to find. As coveted as the meat was, it did not become the staple food for the population of the Kammergut. The farm corn accustomed them to the flour diet, to which they could not do without lard as an added fat, which is why it was more important to them than meat. The inner Salzkammergut sourced most of its lard from the Abtenau region, whose inhabitants traded it vigorously in exchange for salt, grain and wine. As long as the court clerk's office was solely responsible for bartering with Abtenau, the workers had no shortage of lard, and soon the citizens of Hallstatt were also involved in this lucrative trade, without taking the needs of the local population into account. Abtenauer lard also went to Laufen and Ischl, but they were able to cover their need for butter and lard at the Gmundner weekly market, where it was traded freely. The Salzamtmann, who was also the highest official of the Wildenstein court, had to take care of all branches of the economy in the Kammergut, the brewery in Ort, which supplied the beer for the taverns in Ebensee, he decided on the purchase of wine and forbade it Distilling brandy when there was a shortage of grain. Finally, the Salt Office also had an influence on middle-class trade in favor of the workers The civil servants, master craftsmen and workers employed in salt boiling have always received as much salt as they needed in the household, free of charge. The miners and woodcutters and then all the other inhabitants of the chamber estate who were in the service of the sovereign joined the boilers to obtain the free salt. The allocation was generous and fully sufficient for the needs of a small farm. According to an approximate calculation, a Kammergut resident in the 17th century received 30 pounds of must salt per head of his family per year, i.e. more than double the actual requirement. The name "Mußsalz" comes from the recipient's obligation to serve the salt industry in the Kammergut. Those entitled to Mußsalz, and their number ran into the thousands, usually had nothing better to do with the leftovers that were not used in the household than to sell them, for which the Gmundner weekly market, among other things, offered them a good opportunity. For the longest time, the Salt Office watched this trade, which noticeably affected their own consumption of salt, inactively. It was not until 1706 that the court chamber took up the matter and, much to the resistance of those affected, restricted the purchase of compulsory salt to 12 pounds a year for each family member. From 1737 onwards there was an annual salt description in all places of the chamber estate, which had to record all beneficiaries and their marital status and was used to calculate the amount of salt to be handed out. The Salzamt's demand for Hofkorn, which by the middle of the 18th century had about 24,000 Metzen (1,100 t) in the year, increased significantly in the period that followed. The reasons for this were the increase in the number of beneficiaries, temporary grain help to non-authorized employees of the salt works, the grain tax to the Hallamt in Aussee and to Salzburg and the supply of the own and foreign military during the war years. In 1815, 72,000 butchers (3,350 tons) of grain were needed. The permanent procurement of such quantities of grain was associated with considerable difficulties. From 1700 onwards, grain imports from Hungary increasingly covered the needs of the chamber estate. Grain was brought in from Hungary on large salt ships in trains of two or three ships under the direction of the transport office, whose organs also accompanied the trains. A trip from Bratislava to Linz took 26 to 28 days. The delivery of the farm grain to the entitled workers took place monthly at the beginning, then every six weeks by a ratification (accounting) in advance; This is because the workers would otherwise have had to wait too long for the grain to be delivered when they started work. When the payment was made, the limit value (purchase price) of the grain received was deducted from the wage. If an enemy invasion was to be feared, the administrative offices were not only allowed to give the workers their wages and farm grain, but also limito lard for a quarter of a year in advance. With the onset of warlike complications towards the end of the 18th century, disruptions in trade with Salzburg and Bavaria began. The salt office often did not get any more lard from there and was forced to purchase it within the borders of the empire. In 1785 the shortage of lard in the Kammergut increased to such an extent that the population even boiled linseed oil and tallow. From 1794 onwards, the Salzamt often purchased lard from Hungary. The population in the Kammergut had grown so much by the middle of the 18th century that the number of job seekers considerably exceeded the need for workers. To compensate for this imbalance, it was considered necessary in Vienna to restrict marriages. The Salt Office was instructed to no longer issue marriage consents, without which the workers in the imperial service were not allowed to marry. The market judges were only entitled to issue marriage permits to those parties who did not serve in the salt industry and did not burden the arar with a commission. Even more precise instructions had been given to the Salt Office for issuing marriage consents to workers. The marriage could be approved at any time: 1. A resident with a dwelling who was in work and enjoying farm grain. 2. A worker without farm grain who was in constant work and owned a estate. 3. Good artisans with enough income to pay for their housing. 4. Homeless workers who enjoyed farm corn. On the other hand, Werkbuben (unskilled workers), Tschanderer (occasional workers), Kufer (coopers) and fittings (lids placed on filled salt vessels) without housing and without funds did not receive marriage licenses. The salt office warned the nursing offices against the indiscriminate granting of marriage consent, the children of such marriages would become beggars or thieves. A commission of inquiry meeting in 1763 came to the conclusion that the main reason for the frequent violations of the sixth commandment in the Kammergut was the restriction of the freedom to marry, and so it spoke out in favor of the cancellation of the marriage consent. A court chamber resolution from 1793 clearly states: "There is no ban on marriage, so marriages in the chamber estate, where so many workers are needed, should be encouraged rather than made difficult." The creation of their own hearth not only arose from the needs of the married workers, but was also an advantage for the Salt Office, which could only wish for the down-to-earth nature of the staff and which therefore promoted house building where practical. Only the erection of rental houses for third parties, i.e. not for personal use, was forbidden. In 1797 the Hofkammer recognized the urgent need for more houses in the Kammergut, but they should be built of stone to save wood. The staff was severely affected by the confiscation of the family grain for all newly married workers ordered by the Court Chamber in 1825. In the case of illness and short holidays, the purchase of the farm grain was not interrupted, but if the holiday exceeded one week, it was reduced by the corresponding quota. 40% of the total consumption of farm grain was family grain. The Hofkammer took measures to curb the increase in grain consumption caused by early working-class marriages. The authorization provided by the Oberamt to reduce the number of marriages, to issue marriage permits only after the economic situation of the applicant had been checked, was inadmissible under the statutory provisions. However, the Salt Office was free to determine whether and how many married and unmarried workers it wanted to employ. In 1848 the Hofkammer lifted all restrictions on the Hofkorn tax, restored the uniform normal tax of 8 Metzen (372 kg) annually for each stable worker and also approved the family grain. Of course, the grain tax now went up by leaps and bounds, according to the compilation it had risen from 1848 to 1849 for the Kammergut without Aussee from 27,000 to 44,200 Metzen (2,055 t). In order to determine the amount of farm grain to be given to the parties, a grain description was carried out every year, in which the family members entitled to receive it and the changes that had occurred during the past year due to death, provision or leaving the service and due to family growth were recorded. Grain gathering took place alternately every six and seven weeks eight times a year. The purchase of grain made the workers dependent on the millers and bakers who were needed to process the grain. Their relationship with them was not always the best, and the worse the price of grain rose, and bread became more expensive as a result. The price of bread was officially regulated and constantly monitored. In 1848 the Ischl workers ganged up to take violent action against the bakers and millers and thus force a reduction in the price of flour and semolina. The year 1848 brought the salt workers a notable improvement in the purchase of lard. A permanent worker, depending on his pay grade and category, would churn out 48-60 pounds (27-34 kg) of lard annually. The distribution in the era's lard cellars took place at the same time as that of the farm grain and within the same deadlines, the limit price was deducted from the wages of the workers. Workers with their own farms, which enabled them to keep at least three cows, were excluded from purchasing lard. It was almost always clarified butter that was handed out, only in exceptional cases, and only as emergency help, were the workers also given pork bacon. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte krankenversrgung Social affairs – health care: The medical services in the Kammergut were under the supervision of graduated doctors from an early stage. The first Salzamtsphysicus mentioned in the resolution books was 1628 Dr. Brown. Since 1656 (3rd Reformation Libel) free medical treatment and the free purchase of medicines have been among the most important benefits for masters and workers permanently employed in the salt industry. In the second half of the 18th century, workers who were unable to work as a result of illness received full wages for the first 14 days, then sick pay of 30 kreuzers a week until they recovered and a commission (mercy pension) in the event of permanent disability. The officials had to diligently monitor the sick worker, deal with the surgeon or barber after the end of the cure (sick leave) and submit the cost calculation to the salt office physician for review before payment was made. In order to reduce the high cost of sickness, the authorities were instructed not to pay any workers the allowance (sick pay) until they had been examined by the surgeon and found to be ill. All bathers, surgeons and surgeons of the saltworks offices, ie also the markets there, were subordinate to the salt office physician. From 1735 he inspected their activities, calculations and healing successes quarterly. He pronounced the inability to work to obtain the commissions. The official bather treated the salt people and usually also gave them the medicines. He submitted bills to the Salt Office for payment. It was often paid incompletely and it often took a long time, which is why two thirds of the accounts were paid in advance by the salt office. The Kammergut was already under the supervision of certified state doctors in the 16th century. The exercise of health care, however, was in the hands of practitioners without formal training, with bathers, surgeons or surgeons. They were also barbers, therefore craftsmen with their own craft regulations, approved by the Emperor in 1646 and confirmed in 1662. Neither the barbers and surgeons nor the pharmacists were imperial servants with a fixed salary. Their income was low, so they received aid money and often maintained era bathhouses. For the treatment of sick people there have always been two spas in Ischl and from 1711 a third spa. The barbers needed the approval of the Salt Office to practice their trade. They also had to take a vow at the market court and at the verwesamt. The Salzamt invoices also contain entries that there were two midwives in Ischl who received an annual subsidy from the market and had to take their vows before the market court. An important part of the medical system was the Kammergutapotheke in Gmunden, which was first mentioned in the Salzakten in 1616. In 1740, the reimbursement of doctor's wages and medicine costs granted from 1656 was still only available to workers in imperial service if they fell ill or were seriously injured in the course of their work and could no longer be prepared with regular household remedies. Only the unprejudiced and philanthropic physician Dr. In 1746 Lebzelter found the courage to openly declare that internal illnesses required treatment just as much as external illnesses, which is why such patients should be treated free of charge. Treatment costs for workers suffering from toothache were not reimbursed in 1745. If a worker fell ill with the French plague (syphilis), he had to be examined by the surgeon, who would decide whether the illness was the result of accident or his own fault. In the latter case, the doctor's wages were paid by the office, but the costs of treatment and maintenance were deducted from the worker's wages and he was also punished. To deter others, a salt worker from Ischl was dismissed from his work in 1738. In 1746 Dr. Lebzelter was one of the brightest minds of his time in the Salzamt. In order to make it easier for the salt workers to drink milk, which is indispensable for better nutrition for the children, Dr. Despite all resistance, Lebzelter managed to get the general ban on grazing for goats, which was issued to protect the forest stock and whose milk he declared curative against scurvy, partially lifted and raising was permitted wherever the animals could not damage the grazing culture. He recognized the inexpediency of the workers' vegetable-poor diet, which consisted almost entirely of flour, semolina, lard, and the daily Schott soup, and he was a zealous advocate of the cultivation of potatoes, which he considered to be of great value as a supplement to the diet. Through his efforts, the Salzamt also improved and expanded the unhealthy, unclean and cramped sleeping quarters in the miners' houses on the Salzbergen. From time immemorial, free medical treatment and sick pay were only due to workers directly employed by the era, and in 1777 the Court Chamber renewed the ban on granting these advantages to woodcutters employed by the entrepreneurs. However, as early as 1778, she softened this harsh provision to the extent that the salt office was allowed to pay the doctor's wages if such workers had an accident or fell ill while on duty. Provisional workers were long excluded from any sickness allowance; only from 1790 onwards did the Salt Office replace their doctor's wages. The Salzkammergut was not entirely spared from the risk of epidemics. The plague claimed larger numbers of victims in 1625, 1675 and at the beginning of the 18th century. The plague was probably brought in from Lower Austria, despite the border closure that was imposed on the country when it first appeared. The Kammergut was closed to all through traffic and the border crossings were strictly guarded. Every epidemic required an expansion of the old cemetery, which was located directly next to the Ischl church. The fire in the Hallstatt market in 1750 also destroyed the Salinenspital. The new building, which was only started in 1770 and completed in 1772, was no longer built in the market square, but in the Lahn like the Sud- and Amtshaus. The new hospital was dimensioned for the accommodation of 16 patients of both sexes, from among whom the court clerk entrusted with the overall management and supervision chose a hospital father and a hospital mother. These two, as well as the other patients, received a weekly benefice and were obliged to spin or knit according to their strength for the needs of the hospital. The beneficiaries were free to live with their relatives; in this case they were entitled to a payment of the weekly hostel rate. The interest on the assets was initially available to the hospital administration to cover current expenses. In addition, there were annual co-payments by the erar. With the growing knowledge of the causes of diseases and the means of combating them from the end of the 18th century, the medical service not only increased in size and prestige, but also the demands on the people responsible for the immediate treatment of the sick had increased. From 1790 onwards, the Court Chamber demanded Magistri and Doctors who had already been examined and approved at the University of Vienna for vacant barber positions, but there were still no such applicants for the Chamber estate. The bathing and barber trades, which used to be left almost entirely to the practice of treatment, lost more and more importance compared to the better trained and certified surgeons, of whom there were a few in every larger town. The salt workers were free to choose their bathers and surgeons, which is why they preferred the more competent ones and thus also contributed to raising the status of healers. The protection smallpox vaccination discovered in 1796 had already found its way into the Kammergut in 1802; from 1802 to 1806, 1,261 children had already been vaccinated free of charge by the saline surgeons. In 1807 the Court Chamber assigned the Gmunden pharmacist the establishment and operation of a branch pharmacy in Ischl, which became independent from 1821. In 1807 a saline physics department was created in Ischl. The former regimental doctor Dr. Josef Götz was in charge of the inner Kammergut and the forest districts around Mondsee and Attersee. From 1826, stable workers had to obtain spa certificates from the office in the event of illness, on the basis of which they were entitled to free medical treatment. Free treatment was excluded if a worker injured himself off duty. After six months of illness, the erar's obligation to provide medical assistance was ended, and the office then had to decide whether the worker was to be commissioned for a certain period of time or permanently. From 1827 onwards, dependent or interim workers enjoyed free medical treatment for injuries sustained on the job, but not for internal illnesses. In general, however, they were not entitled to sick pay. Seriously ill or injured Ischl salt workers could be accommodated in the hospital operated by the market community. For this purpose, the salt works management had 2 rooms available for 8 sick salt workers in return for an annual fee of 16 Rachel firewood. Here the saline workers were treated by the Ischl saline physician, and the erar paid the subsistence costs directly to the market town. The Ischl "infirmary" was first mentioned in 1586. This house was built for the sick, not for the old and poor. Around the middle of the 17th century it stood behind the church. When the hospital disappeared at the end of 1770 when the church was enlarged, the sick were accommodated in an old barracks outside the keep. Through an agreement with the saltworks, a new house was built on the so-called Pfarrwiesen and put into operation around 1800. In Ischl there was a second private hospital in Eglmoos in the village of Ahorn from 1827, where the sick received medical treatment and care for a certain fee. The health of the workforce was an important concern for the saltworks. At the turn of the century, workers' bathrooms were available for employees. In the mining industry, there were hot kitchens to give the workers the opportunity to eat regularly and healthily. Spiritual nourishment was available to the saline workers in their own saline libraries. However, the libraries were not used very actively, about one book per worker and year was borrowed. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

14 The Neuberg tunnel Stud Name: "Neuberg - Stollen" as a new uphill climb below the Obernberg - Stollen, the later "Lipplesgraben - Stollen" Struck: 1586 Leave: 1879 Length: 994 m Altitude: 909 m Emperor Rudolph II set up a commission to stop widespread abuses in the chamber property and to ensure the implementation of the provisions laid down in the Reformation - Libelle of 1563. Therefore, in 1586, a mountain inspection was carried out at the Ischler Salzberg. The mining inspection recommended, for the required increase in salt production, the opening of a new tunnel, the Neuberg tunnel. Since the salt could be detected over the entire planned thickness of the mountain through the exploratory digging carried out by Archduke Matthias - tunnel, the tunneling of the Neuberg - tunnel began in 1586. The Neuberg tunnel was already being considered in the north-facing steep terrain of the Mitterberg. This would have made the main shaft much shorter than when driving from the west. The construction of a 300 bar (357.6 m) long section in hard limestone, the difficulty of delivering timber and the construction of a slag heap in the steep terrain were important reasons for starting the exploration from the west. In addition, the required pit and pole wood could be delivered effortlessly from the Steinberg saw. It was also possible to connect inexpensively to the Strehn, which had already been built by Archduke Matthias to drain off the brine extracted in the Obernberg tunnel. In order to speed up the exploration work, in 1589 a counter-construction was initiated from a pit sunk from the Matthias tunnel. However, great difficulties were encountered with this opposing structure, which was located in water-bearing limestone. The tunneling came to a standstill when 160 rods (191.2m) still had to be driven to the point of breakthrough. In 1590 further driving of the opposite building was even supposed to be stopped, but the Ischl mountain championship successfully resisted this. Until the breakthrough, however, the inflowing water and the rock that had been thrown out had to be drawn up into the Archduke Mathias tunnel using a hand reel, which was expensive. Situation of the Schöpfbaue in the Neuberg tunnel around 1654: A total of 11 pumping stations; Eder, Wildenhofer, Wolkenstainer, Daniman, Preuner, Wangner, Hintersteiner, Rossner, Urschenbeck, Lichensteiner and Mondseer or Manser - construction. In the continuation of the Neuberg tunnel - main shaft there were 11 burrows. As early as 1648, the Eder, Wildenhofer, Wolkensteiner, Daniman and Preuner buildings were united under one sky and had 22 rooms (2,490.4m³) of brine content, 11 bars (13.2m) down to the sole of the Neuberg - stollen to dry up. The cut burrows were driven under with a weir furnace in the Frauenholz tunnel, could be emptied via a discharge dam and were referred to as Graf Preuner weir. The Wagner and Hintersteiner buildings were also under the same sky, were prepared for an outlet weir and then combined with the five previous buildings in the Preuner and Raßfeldner weirs. The Roßner - Bau also united with the mentioned buildings in the Preuner and Raßfelner - weir. In 1730 the Graf Preuner weir broke through to the Rassfelner weir in the Frauenholz tunnel. After the now combined Preuner and Raßfellner weir had been provided with new dams in 1733 and new discharge boxes in 1734, it could now be leached up to the Matthias tunnel. To facilitate the cleaning, a cleaning pit was sunk from the Matthias tunnel. In 1744 the Preuner and Raßfellner weir had to be abandoned because it had come dangerously close to the overlying rock. The Preuner and Raßfellner weir then served for some time as an impact work for the Zierler weir located in the St. Johannes tunnel. The Urschenbeck, Lichtensteiner and Mansen The building also stood under one sky, contained 12 rooms (1,358.4 m³) of brine, and could be emptied as a weir with an outlet dam, the Klementen weir, through the Frauenholz tunnel. The Klementen weir was only watered down in the Neuberg horizon and left before 1800. Behind the Manser building there was still a drainage pit down the Frauenholz tunnel. The Neuberg tunnel – main shaft was also driven too far into the footing and had hit fresh water in the limestone air. After water ingress in 1641, a Lettendamm was built, the fresh water was collected and safely guided to the surface in wooden tubes. In 1707, the Neuberg tunnel contained 11 barrages divided into three groups, which were still operated as 3 dam weirs, but not much was to be expected from them. Situation of the weirs in the Neuberg tunnel around 1850: A total of 4 weirs, all pronounced dead around 1850; Seeauer - Weir, Lang - weir, Klementen - weir, Paul Müller - weir. In 1840 the first pit linings were carried out on the Ischler Salzberg in the Ritschner - conversion of the Neuberg - tunnel. Until 1933, the Albrechten conversion, the Ritschner conversion and the Schwind Schurf were kept open in the rear part of the Neuberg tunnel for the drainage path into the lower-lying horizons. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018

financial support

15 The Mitterberg tunnel Stud Name: "Mitterberg - Stollen" as locality name Struck: 7/25/1563 Length: 130 m Altitude: 886 m Under Emperor Ferdinand I, the Mitterberg tunnel was opened on July 25, 1563 as the first and original salt tunnel on the Ischler Salzberg. A mine survey carried out on October 15, 1567 by Georg Neuhauser Salzamtmann, Balthasar Blindhammer court clerk at Hallstatt, Jakob Schmiedauer Unterpfleger at Wildenstein, with the involvement of the mine masters and other people who were familiar with the work of the salt pans at Hallstatt and Aussee, revealed that in the Mitterberg tunnel there was a shaft with 2 sinkworks in the salted mountains had been sunk. From this, great hopes were drawn of finding a salt store worth building in order to be able to set up a salt works in Ischl. For further investigation of the found salt deposit, it was decided to create a level excavation from the sinkhole sunk at 47 Stabel (56.2m) in the salted mountains and to sunk another sinkhole from the same. As the salt mountain stretched further down, a deeper tunnel was to be built at the "Hohensteg". In 1575, experts from the salt works in Aussee, Hallstatt and Ischl carried out another inspection and consultation on the Ischler Salzberg. In the Mitterberg tunnel there were two prepared pumping works, which were already being used to produce brine. The mountain master and mountain workers from Ischl, who had twice seen the salt industry in Hallein and Schellenberg, suggested driving under these structures through the Steinberg tunnel to avoid the costly brine pumping and cleaning, as was still customary with the salt pans in the Salzkammergut and convert to discharge weirs. This proposal, which was recognized as useful, was carried out, the connection was established with the nearest water dam in the Steinberg tunnel - main shaft and then in the Mitterberg tunnel the first discharge weir according to the "Schellenberger form" of the Upper Austrian salt works was put into operation. This was the start of replacing the ancient pumping stations with drainage works. But it still took a long time to completely suppress them. In a pit plan drawn up in 1654, one can see that the Mitterberg tunnel – the main shaft after 66 5/8 Stabel (79.4m) of driving in the limestone reached the salt mountains. This was lengthened and a 99 bar (118.3 m) long side shaft, the so-called "Neue Kehr", was created. The field site of the Neue Kehr stood in deaf mountains. At the front of the Neue Kehr there was an old weir, already rotten in 1654, which was the first drainage weir, prepared in 1575 according to the Schellenberg model. Behind it was a 44 bar (52.6m) long main pit down the Steinberg tunnel, which was used for weather management and drainage. On the further continuation of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which is referred to in the Reformation Libel from 1656 as "Krechenschafftgericht" ("straight shaft"), a building was laid out on the right. This was driven under by the then Bergmeister Hanns Kalß and by the worker Wolfgang Kalß to save the expensive scooping and to reduce the costs of cleaning, through the Steinberg tunnel and also made into a weir according to the Schellenberger form. Furthermore, on the left hand side of the main shaft there was a 32 bar (38.2 m) long Ebenschurf, which was initially operated as a detection blow, then connected to the side shaft or "Neuen Kehr" by a wing site and later to a Lettendamm, the "Schwarzel Weir". called, has been devoured. When 34 ½ Stabel (41.2 m) left the salt mountains on the main shaft continuation and fresh water was built, several water openings were knocked out. In addition, the first water tunnel was created 7 Stabel (8.4m) above the Mitterberg tunnel and advanced to a length of 93 Stabel (111.1m). Due to the inexperience of the miners, who believed that the limestone in the back of their heads was a deposit, after which salt would have to come again after it had been breached, strong self-watering waters were approached, the mastering of which caused great difficulties. The total length of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which had a total gradient of 4 ¼ Stabel (5.1m or 4%), was 108 Stabel (129.1m). Only 65 of these (77.7m) were in the Hasel Mountains, the rest in dense, water-bearing limestone. The outcrops of the Hasel Mountains in the Mitterberg tunnel formed only a small, cut-off part of the main deposit, which was fully utilized by the construction of 3 barrages. The Mitterberg tunnel was already in use around 1656 and was only used to drain mine water. The collapse had already taken place in 1596 and the amount of scraped water was so large that it was able to drive a mill wheel. Despite all the effort, it had not been possible to find the place where the burglary had taken place, and in the end one had to content oneself with collecting the waste water in the main shaft and channeling it to the surface in gutters. Because of the inrush of water in 1596, the main shaft had to be maintained almost entirely in expensive timber. The Mitterberg tunnel also served to ventilate the Steinberg tunnel. In 1689 the Mitterberg tunnel was finally completely abandoned. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 B. Pillwein "History, Geography and Statistics of the Archduchy above the Enns and the Duchy of Salzburg", 2nd part Traunkreis, Linz 1828 Mitterberg - tunnels, routes and buildings, 1757, Solingen, IGM archive Plan Salzberg Bad Ischl in 1654

Salztransport auf der Traun

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sprengmittellagerung

03 The Emperor Leopold – tunnel Stud Name: "Emperor Leopold - Stollen" Emperor Leopold II (son of Maria Theresa), reigned 1790 - 1792 Struck: May 1, 1794 - together with "Unteren Kaiser Franz - Stollen" Length: 1,800m Altitude: 643 m The Emperor Leopold Stollen was built together with the Lower Emperor Franz Stollen on Struck May 1, 1794. Around 1800, the Kaiser Leopold tunnel had only been extended to 100 bars (119.5 m). In 1815, the Ischl mountain jury member Michael Kefer submitted a plan to the Salt Office to make the Kaiser Leopold tunnel dispensable by installing elevator machines and to stop driving it. In return, Kefer wanted the Lower Emperor Franz Stollen to continue to operate vigorously. This would have created the first blind horizon in the Kammergut. The Court Chamber, however, did not respond to the suggestion because it saw no advantage. The operation would become very difficult and the cleaning up would become more cumbersome and expensive. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel was to be driven further in the opposite building, but with lower ascents in order not to lose any of the usable mountain thickness. Until 1850 neither the Emperor Leopold reached Stollen nor the Lower Kaiser Franz tunnel also only the salt limit. The work in the dense and hard limestone of the Leopold tunnel caused great difficulties for the workers, the field site only advanced by 1 ½ bar (1.8m) in four weeks, the yearly advance was therefore limited to an average of 18 bar (21.5m) for a long time. In 1827, the court chamber complained about the little progress, in ten years only 171 rods (204.3m) had been advanced. It would therefore take a good 30 years to reach the salt dome, which is still 541 Stabel (646.5m) away. In order to speed up the advance, both the counter and the forward construction with two passes should now be initiated from the Pohl - Schurf. A water inrush in 1832 delayed the advance of the main town and prompted the mining administration to temporarily stop the counter building. In 1834, however, all places were in operation again. It was hoped that with the increased workforce, the Leopold tunnel could be completed in eight years up to the Wokurka dig and in another 15 years to the Pohl dig. A water drum set up at the Dicklberger - Schurf was used to ventilate the tunnel. In 1842, according to the program, the breakthrough from Dicklberger to Wokurka dig took place. Five years later, in the 840th fathom (1,592.6m) of the main tunnel, the huts came across the sulfur springs from the Maria Theresia tunnel. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel was driven to a height of 2.2 m and a width of 1.15 m; This resulted in a cross-sectional area of around 2.5 m². Its gradient was around 2.2%. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel led 1800 m through a deaf medium until it reached the Hasel Mountains. The tunnel was initially driven in a purely N-S direction, and then later turned towards the NNW-SSE towards the salt boundary. In 1850 the Mining Directorate approved the driving of the Lobkowitz bend in the dead end of the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. From the Lobkowitz-Kehr, the alignment of the salt storage should be carried out by transverse parallels in a southerly direction towards the hanging wall. In the years 1874 – 1875, the Dunajewski exploratory shaft was sunk from the Rosenfeld bend in the Leopold tunnel to a depth of 94 m and another borehole was drilled from the base of the shaft, which got stuck at a depth of 160 m in the Hasel Mountains. This proved the extension of the Perneck salt storage towards the depths. In 1895, the Kaiser Franz Josef heritage tunnel was dug near Sulzbach, not far from Lauffen, in order to capture the deeper parts of the salt mine. In addition, the Freiherr von Distler shaft was sunk 180 m deep from the Kaiser Leopold tunnel as the deepest horizon of Perneck. In the years 1957 to 1960 the central shaft from the Maria Theresia - tunnel to the Franz Josef - Erbstollen with a height of 203.8m was sunk by our own staff. In 1964, the central shaft in the limestone replaced the Freiherr von Distler shaft built between the Leopold tunnel and the level of the Franz Josef Erbstollen. The Distler shaft, which was excavated in the Hasel Mountains, required an excessive amount of maintenance work. In 1923, the salt mines on the Radgrabenbach not far from the Maria Theresia tunnel converted a dam for a small power station. The dam was originally used for a water wheel to drive the blacksmith's hammer in the Maria Theresia tunnel. A pressure pipeline DN 120 mm was laid from this dam to the mouth of the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. This had a length of 250 m with a gradient of 45 m. The hydromotor device consisted of a Pelton turbine with two inlet nozzles and a water consumption of 13 to 15 l/s. The turbine was made by the Josef Oser company, Krems, and had an output of 6.5 hp. The driven DC generator supplied a voltage of 220 V with an output of around 4 kW. According to the Wasserbuch, the system was used to illuminate the saline buildings and the salt mines. This small power plant was closed after the Second World War and the Salzberg was supplied with electrical energy via the Kaiser Franz Josef - Erbstollen from Lauffen's own power plant. In 1954 there were several major factory failures in the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. Brine had drained into the Sulzbach and destroyed the fish population. From the 1920s, the Leopold tunnel was used as an exit route for visitors. As a result, the attractive slide of the Pohl - Schurfes, which leads from the Maria Theresia - into the Leopold - tunnel, could be installed in the guideway. From about 1953, after the tunnel was demolished and the Ruhrthal mine locomotive G22 Z was put into service, crew hoists were again driven out of the Maria Theresia tunnel. From 1957 all the leaching works of the Pernecker tunnels, which lay above the horizon of the Leopold tunnel, were used up and the brine produced in the lower horizons has since been released via the central or Distler shaft and the Franz Josef Erbstollen. As a result, in 1957 the brine pipelines in the Leopold tunnel and subsequently also the entire Pernecker Strehn including the brine rooms could be closed. In September 1978, February 1980 and March 1981, about 130,000 m³ fell from the Zwerchwand - SW - side of the 120 m high rock face, whereby the boulders of Tressensteinkalk, up to the size of a house, flowed down the valley on the Haselgebirge and marl. These landslides can be linked to leachate collapses in the Ischler Salzberg, especially in the horizon of the Leopold tunnel. Leopold Stollen – weirs around 1966: 21 weirs (18 weirs in operation around 1966, 2 weirs under construction) Mayerhofer (XIX) - weir (under construction), Vogl (XX) - weir (under construction around 1966), Schauberger (XVIII) - weir (under construction), Ressel - weir, Rotter - weir, Münzer (XIV) - weir, Mayerhoffer (XIII) - Weir, Krenn - weir, Griessenböck - weir, Backhaus - weir, Balzberg - weir, Janiss - weir, Pickl - weir, Sorgo - weir, Posanner - weir, Kirnbauer - weir, Haupolter - weir, Schraml - weir, Bretschneider - weir, Krempl - and Birnbacher - weir (cut). In 1983 the desolate tunnel building was demolished, a concrete retaining wall was erected to protect the slope and the pink limestone ashlar portal was restored. Additional parking areas were created on the tunnel forecourt for visitors to use. At present there is a firing channel in the Kaiser Leopold tunnel that is used privately by the Rieger "Ischler Waffen" company. For this purpose, the tunnel was closed after 100 m and the entrance area was blocked off with a massive steel door. Not far from the Leopold tunnel in the area of the parking lot and the garages you can still find iron slag, which probably comes from a smelting works operated in the 16th century, in which the ores extracted from the Rainfalz were smelted. In order to save time-consuming and long tunnel driving from above ground, 2 underground mines were created below the Leopold tunnel. These underground works can only be reached via the two pits (Distler and Central pit) and via several pits (sloping pits with stairs) from the Leopold and Erbstollen level. Originally it was planned to create a total of 6 civil engineering sections, each 30 m thick, in the 180 m high mountain center between the Erbstollen and Leopold levels. I. Civil engineering: After completion of the Dister shaft in 1895, the preparatory work for the exposure of the first blind horizon at the Ischler Salzberg could begin. Starting in 1904, starting from the Distler shaft 30 m below the Leopold level, the drivage for the first civil engineering began. The first civil engineering served to derive the brine from the workers laid out in the Leopold horizon. In addition, a total of 13 plants were built in the first civil engineering. In December 1944, Plant XII, the so-called Ebensee plant, was released for the storage of works of art in the first civil engineering works. The plant had a storage area of 1100 m² and a capacity of 2700 m³. A trench leading from the first to the second civil engineering was buried in 1945 so that nobody could reach the storage uninvited. In the 1950s, a place of honor was created for the fallen salt miners in the Pernecker Salzberg. In the first civil engineering works, a leaching plant was baptized as a “heroic work” to commemorate the fallen. A plaque with the names of the im 2nd World War remaining work comrades attached. However, since the route had to be closed in the 1980s, the plaque was moved to the mountain chapel on the Salzberg. I. Civil Engineering - Weirs around 1983: 13 weirs Lepez - weir, Köck - weir, Grundmüller - weir, Krieger - weir, Rettenbacher - weir, Heldenwerk, Gmunder - weir, Lauffen - weir, Ebensee - weir, plant 6, Hampl - weir, plant 8, Mock - weir, Mitterauer - weir. II. Civil engineering: Starting in 1934, starting from the Distler shaft 37 m below the 1st underground construction and 67 m below the Leopold level, the roadway drivage for the 2nd underground construction began. In the area of the Distler shaft, a spacious, two-track filling point, the so-called "Bahnhof", was driven up. The Häuerberge was excavated via the Distler shaft and the Franz Josef Erbstollen to an above-ground heap. If you climbed out of the conveyor shell of the Distler shaft in the II. civil engineering, you first arrived at the "filling point", a room that measured about 8 by 4 m and was used for loading and unloading the elevator. From there, the "Bahnhof" branched off diagonally to the right, equipped with 2 tracks for moving the mine railway, which was also built for this mining horizon and was therefore wider than the other tunnels in the mountain. II. Civil Engineering - Weirs around 1983: 6 depth workers (putten) and 3 borehole probes Pütte 2, Pütte 3, Pütte 4, Pütte 6, Vogl - Pütte, Pütte 9, boreholes 1/II, 2/II and 3/II In 1989, extensive construction and device work was carried out in II. Civil Engineering for underground brine extraction. Boreholes 4/II – 6/II were drilled. At the time brine production was stopped in 2010, Pütte 4/II was being used as a spillway for Häuerberge and Pütte 6/II was being used to extract bath mud. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Walter Medwenitsch "The geology of the salt deposits Bad Ischl and Altaussee", communications from the Geological Society, 50th vol. 1957, Vienna 1957 Dark moments: salvage of art objects 1944/45 Dark moments: salvage of art objects 1944/45

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Glaube und Kirche Social – Faith and Church: A document from Duke Albrecht II from 1344 confirms that there was already a church in Ischl around 1270. Ischl originally belonged to the Frauenstift Traunkirchen, to which all churches in the "Ischlland" were subordinate. At the beginning of the 15th century, the mother church of Traunkirchen was divided. The churches of the upper Kammergut were subordinated to the parish of Goisern. Ischl became Goisern's branch church. From there the branch priests rode to their assigned places to exercise pastoral care. So Ischl did not have an independent priest until he was promoted to a pastor. May 26, 1554 was a memorable day when Ischl was elevated to an independent parish by Bishop Wolfgang Passau. This important event fell in the century of the Reformation. Luther's teachings made their way into the Kammergut as early as the first half of the 16th century. Promoted by the rural nobility and rich citizens, Protestantism also gained ground because there was a great shortage of priests and there was often a lack of good pastors. In 1568, Maximilian II (1564 – 1576) granted the Protestant Christians of the chamber estate the freedom to practice their religion, so it is not surprising that from around 1575, instead of Catholic pastors, Protestant priests appeared in Ischl. From the pastor Paul Neumayr (1602) the Catholic pastoral care in Ischl is again documented. The first pastors had a low income because they didn't have the tithe that Goisern collected and they didn't have a farm that could have contributed a subsidy. In 1609, the salt clerk Veit Spindler granted financial support at the request of the Ischl pastor "so that a learned priest and good preacher can be preserved in such a respectable community". In 1622 the monastery in Traunkirchen became a Jesuit residence. The Jesuit missionaries traveled the Kammergut and exercised the bailiwick rights intensively. In 1634 the emperor appointed the Salzamtmann to be the religious inspector and, in his own religious dragonfly, tightened the compulsion to follow the Catholic religious norms. In 1672 the population of the parish of Ischl had grown to 3,000 souls. The stormy waves of Reformation and Counter-Reformation flared up again at the end of the 17th century. The Hofkammer wanted to finally get rid of the Protestants in the Kammergut. Another means of coercion by the government was the establishment of a sovereign religious reform commission in 1712, which did not find the hoped-for support from the tolerant salt official, Count von Seeau. Therefore, the court chamber extended the powers of the commission and granted it the main inspection and supreme authority before the salt official in all religious incidents. The commission had the right to pronounce the expulsion of the Protestant partner from the country even in mixed marriages, and was only allowed to allow him to remain in the country if he did not prevent the Catholic part and the household members from worship, only married the children to Catholics, and did not spread the contradiction and no other annoyance. The religious commissioners now had a free hand and did not lack the necessary zeal for the Catholic cause. Around 1731 a new wave of reformations flooded from Salzburg into the Kammergut. The great persecution of Protestants was going on in Salzburg, many Protestants fled to their co-religionists across the border. The Salzamt strengthened the border guard because they feared a general uprising in Salzburg and its spread to the Kammergut. Count von Seeau, who understood the religious feelings of the population better than anyone else, saw the only effective means of suppressing the evangelical doctrine in expelling those residents who persisted in the new faith and were inaccessible to all attempts at conversion, following the example of the Archbishop of Salzburg. However, the government wanted to avoid this because they rightly feared disadvantages for the Salzkammergut. The government's policy was like dancing on eggshells, they wanted to make people Catholic under all circumstances, but not lose them. The Protestants who decided to emigrate in 1733, whom the religious commission described as ringleaders in a report to the secret court chancellery, were sent to Transylvania, for which the Salt Office had to provide the necessary ships. There were about 30 to 40 of them. The proceeds from their possessions of houses and land remained with the emigrants after deduction of the ten percent departure fee to be paid to the rulers. The government's hope of being able to curb Lutheran teaching through leniency and accommodation was not fulfilled; Protestantism is still widespread in the Kammergut. And since Austrian goodness didn't work, sharper tones were found in Vienna. In 1735 about 80 apostates were again allowed to emigrate, but the unmarried young boys among them who were fit for military service were to be retained and placed among the recruits; the emigrants also had to pay the shipping costs themselves. Educational contributions and alms could henceforth only be given to needy Catholics. The Salzburg emigrants who remained in the Kammergut were to be agreed to leave those who had become Catholic, but to "unfailingly abolish" the heretics; it was forbidden to include one in the work. When recruiting soldiers in the Kammergut, untamed and wanton boys were handed over to the militia by the salt office, but Lutheran ones by the religious commission itself against their will. The government issued stricter mandates to the regional courts in order to prevent the importation of non-Catholic books and correspondence, such as the dealings of Protestants with the Reich. A guard house was built at the Lauffener bridge and manned by three invalids to better monitor the people passing through in matters of religion. From 1737 the government tried to get rid of the remaining Protestants entirely, supported the emigration of those who publicly professed Lutheranism in every way and made life at home difficult for them. The Salt Office visitation of December 1737 hoped to have deported the last remaining Lutherans. She was wrong, the evangelical faith had not died out in the Kammergut, its followers in the country had only become Catholics outwardly and only obeyed the commandments of the church out of necessity, because otherwise they would have lost work and bread. As late as 1742 the order was issued to suspend all workers who did not appear in the churches or left them during services. The overzealousness of the religious commission and individual missionaries even fought the Sunday work of the Pfannhauser and boatmen, but the Salt Office, which was concerned with maintaining operations, found insightful helpers in the local clergy. In Ischl, the pastor was willing to offer early mass on Sundays and public holidays to such an extent that the workers could attend the service without disturbing the order of the south. Incidentally, the church would not have had any reason to forbid work on Sundays and public holidays, since for centuries its institutions had used the healing salt of God as atonement for the profanation of Sundays. The construction of the Ischler Bergkirche, ordered by Empress Maria Theresia, also took place during this period. The chapel, built between 1747 and 1751, was intended to "serve the workers of the Ischl salt mine to perform prayer and to maintain devotion to preserve the divine blessing". The period from 1750 to the patent of tolerance in 1781 was completely under the influence of the strictly Catholic Empress Maria Theresia, who did not want to see any means left unexploited in the Kammergut to strengthen the Catholic faith in the population and to suppress the heretical evangelical doctrine. Severe penalties were meted out to all those who gave the official bodies or supervisory bodies justifiable cause for complaints. The subjects of the Wildenstein dominion who took in servants had to submit a spiritual certificate to the nursing office that they were Catholic, otherwise they had to pay a fine. As late as 1776, those who missed Sunday services had to be arrested for 24 hours with bread and water. Parties who used bacon for cooking on a fast day, as well as the innkeepers who served during the service, were arrested for 24 hours, but threatened with severe corporal punishment in the event of a repeat offense. The deportation of the Protestants to Hungary lasted until 1753, later an attempt was made to convert them in the Kremsmünster conversion house, "particularly so as not to at least teach their children the same poison in which one might secretly hope". The Hofkammer attached great importance to the distribution of Catholic books and the prevention of the importation of Protestant writings. Under the pretense of a pilgrimage, the evangelicals had often visited their co-religionists in Germany and brought Lutheran books with them. As a result, only those people were allowed to cross the border who could identify themselves with a parish certificate about their Catholic way of life. The border guards had a strict mandate to search for Lutheran books, and they exposed themselves to punishment if they left them with the owners. In the Kammergut itself, it was the task of the religious commission to search for banned books, take them away from the owners and send them to punishment. The writings found had to be taken to the salt office and were not allowed to be kept in the administration offices and chancellery. The salt office had to send the seized books immediately to the censorship commission. When Emperor Joseph II came to power in 1781, the suppression of Protestantism also came to an end in the Chamber estate and the Protestant faith gained its freedom. The Protestants from Gosau, Goisern and Hallstatt united in faith communities and built houses of prayer; Gosau and Goisern also chose pastors and built apartments for them. A prayer house and a Protestant school were established in Gosau around 1783, and a pastor and a schoolmaster were employed. The evangelical community in Goisern also had a house of prayer in 1783. In February 1802, the Goisern pastorate comprised 4000 souls, including the Hallstatt and Obertraun branches. In 1790 the evangelical community in Hallstatt had a house of prayer, but no pastor of its own and was affiliated with the pastorate in Goisern. The first half of the 19th century was a period of undisturbed development for the Protestant parishes in the Kammergut, and their equality with the Catholic parishes was based on the law. Of course, the final barriers had not yet fallen; Protestants were not allowed to teach Catholic children and, for the most part, were not allowed to rest among Catholics even in death. Goisern was the largest evangelical community in the Kammergut. The Salzamt was the patron saint of the parishes in Altmünster, Ebensee, Ischl, Laufen, Goisern, Hallstatt with Obertraun and Gosau up until the 19th century. The patronage rights and duties that accrued to the Salzamt extended its sphere of activity, but also increased the financial expenditure for church purposes. In the case of parish errands, however, the episcopal ordinariate was always involved and asked for their good opinion on the proposal for appointment. The connection between the church and the Salt Office led to the clergy being treated equally to civil servants who worked in wood, an advantage that was also given to teachers. Attending church services on Sundays and public holidays was made compulsory for civil servants up until the 19th century. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Franz Stüger, commemorative publication "400 year anniversary of the parish of Bad Ischl", Bad Ischl 1954 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004