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23 Pernecker gypsum mining: Gypsum is a very common mineral from the mineral class of " sulfates " (salts of sulfuric acid). It has the chemical composition Ca[SO4]·2H2O and usually develops tabular or prismatic to needle-like crystals , but also granular to massive aggregates . In general, gypsum is colorless or white. However, it can take on a yellowish, reddish, gray or brown color due to the absorption of foreign ions or admixtures of various kinds ( sand , bitumen , iron). Gypsum is a chemically formed “sediment” (deposited rock) that deposits like salt when shallow sea basins dry out. Due to the formation of dolines and sinkholes, gypsum deposits are very easy to recognize, even if they are covered with soil on the surface. After rock salt, gypsum, which is closely linked to it in terms of deposits, is the second most important mining product in the Salzkammergut. Gypsum occurs mainly in the area around Ischl, Goisern and in the Ausseer Land either as a component of the leached salt cap or in the form of independent gypsum sticks, which at a depth of between 30 - 40 m turn into anhydrite, as the anhydrous form of gypsum. The exploitation of the usable types of rock found in the Salzkammergut was mostly left to private activity. It was subject to the approval of the Oberamt, which demanded a modest rent for it. This included, above all, the extraction of gypsum, which was openly exposed in many places in the Ischl district and whose mining and processing had reached a remarkable extent at the end of the 18th century. The Salt Office did not put any difficulties in the way of the gypsum ditch and approved it wherever it did not impair salt mining. It also ensured that the dismantling was carried out in an orderly manner and that the necessary precautionary measures were observed. In most cases, the landowners quarried and processed the gypsum themselves, helping many salt workers to earn a worthwhile extra income. Gypsum quarries initially existed in the vicinity of Ischl in the Schönmanngraben west of Kaltenbach, in Lindau near the Grabenmühle, in the rear Ramsau, in Roith and in the Kiliansgraben under the Jainzenberg, in Sulzbach at the southern foot of the Siriuskogel and in Perneck and Obereck. In 1824 the gypsum diggers on the Hundskogel dug out of a 30 fathom (57 m) long, old mining tunnel. In 1828 further gypsum quarries are mentioned on the Hießeben near Hallstatt, in Zlanbach near Steg and in the Strub in the Goiserer Weißenbachtal. In 1832 the Wildenstein Nursing Office was only able to lease six of the eight advertised gypsum quarries. After the upper layers had been exploited, the operation required a great deal of excavation work and was then only little worthwhile. In 1844, gypsum pits were still in operation in Perneck and in Goisern am Leisling, on Herndlberg and in Wiesleben. Gypsum was also mined at Hütteneck near Goisern, in a deposit discovered in 1839. In 1839 a rock fall had buried the large gypsum quarry in the Strub in the Goiserer Weißenbachtal. In Wienern am Grundlsee, a large gypsum deposit was discovered in 1844 and leased from the Salzamt in the same year. However, this small mining was quickly stopped because of the unfavorable delivery conditions at the time. However, this deposit has been used again since 1952. To date, the Rigips company has been quarrying around 300,000 tons of raw gypsum per year. Gypsum, which found good sales in the ground state above all as a fertilizer, was mined in the Ischl area, especially in Perneck. In 1847 the gypsum pits there were already quite exhausted and further quarrying was no longer worthwhile. It was therefore difficult for the Salzamt to find new leaseholders to continue operating the gypsum pits. In Perneck, gypsum was mined primarily as a side business. The activities were carried out by the farmers themselves and mostly only in the winter months. External workers were used only occasionally. The Kranabitl, Perneck 20 vulgo "Kranerbauer", Gschwandnter, Perneck 14 vulgo "Gschwandtnerbauer" and Schiendorfer families, Perneck 66 vulgo "Schuster" and the Schiendorfer families, Obereck 9, 11 and 16 operated gypsum mining. In order to get to the gypsum, up to 17 m deep opencast pits were dug and tunnels were driven. The lumpy gypsum rock obtained was delivered to the sal ammoniac factory in Nussdorf near Vienna and on to Hungary. The hacking was crushed into fertilizer in a separate gypsum ram located on the Sulzbach. The stamp mill, driven by an undershot water wheel, was equipped with 9 stamps. The building of the gypsum plant, which was in operation until the turn of the century, was demolished in 1944. JA Schultes reported in his "Travelling through Upper Austria" published in 1809 about the Ischl gypsum stamping. 'You can see the plaster stamps, which could be better equipped, as the trade in plaster is not insignificant here. One rams 15 - 16 centners (850 - 900 kg) in one day. The hundredweight of red plaster was worth 22 kreuzer in 1802, the blue 23 kreuzer, the white one being the most expensive, and was worth 24 kreuzer. You need the ordinary for fertilizing. The worker who stands by the rams all day long with his mouth bandaged receives 20 kreuzer.” The gypsum powder from the Pernecker stamp mill was transported to the towns around Lake Attersee by means of ox carts. There it was used as a sought-after mineral fertilizer for clover grass. The teams of oxen needed one day for the outward journey through the Weißenbachtal, and they drove back the next day. From 1852, the Schiendorfer families from Obereck and Perneck leased the "Mühlleitengrund" property for the purpose of gypsum extraction. At the "upper gypsum lacquer" a tunnel led eastwards into the mountain. This tunnel curved and emerged from the slope about 150 m to the south-east. The two tunnel entrances had a taxiway and were still passable up until the time before the First World War, later they were filled in. In the area of the southern tunnel exit, a landslide can still be clearly seen in the terrain. On the upper, western edge of the terrain of the "Mühlleitengrund" you can still see an extensive, about 5 m deep pinge, which indicates an underground mining chamber. In addition, gypsum in this area was extracted in two up to 17 m deep cut-and-cover pits (“lower gypsum coatings” at the soccer field and “upper gypsum coatings”). Over the years, the pits have repeatedly flooded due to flooding from the Sulzbach stream that flows past. Efficient pumps could not be used, so that operations in Perneck had to be abandoned around the turn of the century. In July 1954 there was a major flood in Perneck. Below the Maria Theresia tunnel, a large reservoir had formed due to the tunnel heap. The heap had grown excessively due to the expansion of the Maria Theresia tunnel. During the night of July 8, the entire stockpile slid into the flood-bearing Sulzbach and was swept away. The removed rock material completely filled the upper gypsum coating. With a depth of 17 m and an area of 700 m², the upper gypsum lacquer pit was the largest gypsum pit in Perneck. In the 19th century, gypsum was also quarried in the area around Perneck at the former Steinberg mining area . Gypsum outcrops on the Törlbach near the former "Schaffer saw" and extensive gypsum pinings in the area of the Steinberg tunnels still indicate this extensive mining. Gypsum mining in Obereck was continued by the Schiendorfer family, Obereck 11, in opencast mining and continued until about the First World War. The mining license for this mining was sold to the Linz entrepreneur Josef Flatz and subsequently a tunnel was dug. In 1944, on the basis of a site plan drawn up by Markscheider Rettenbacher, a tunnel was dug to underpass the former opencast mine. The starting point was 25 m lower than the open pit. Russian prisoners of war began driving the tunnel, which was designed to be 3 m wide for double-track mining. Unfavorable rock conditions and a lack of mining knowledge repeatedly led to collapses, so that work came to a complete standstill after around 20 m of advance. In the autumn of 1946 another attack was attempted. The single-track tunnel, now driven with a smaller profile, reached the gypsum block after 185 m. The device and the dismantling could be started. During the first 10 years of operation, the output amounted to an average of 4,000 tons per year. The main customers were the Gmundner cement works Hatschek, which needed gypsum as an additive for cement production. Part of the funding was even sent to the CSSR. The average workforce was 4 workers and 1 employee. In 1955, the "Linzer Handelsgesellschaft", whose sole owner was Lothar Flatz, was awarded the free-digging area including overshares. As a result, both the workforce and the production volume increased significantly. 6 to 8 workers and 2 employees were able to increase the raw gypsum production from initially 500 t/month to 1,000 t/month in the last few years of operation. From 1963, the funding went entirely to the Gmunden cement works Hatschek. The output of the pit was quite different depending on the needs of the Hatschek company, which was subject to economic and seasonal fluctuations. Despite this, the gypsum pit could not cover the raw gypsum requirements of the Hatschek cement works. In 1965, 3 additional Yugoslav guest workers were employed to increase performance. The small amount of deposit substance that remained and the increasing deafness to the depths, which made the construction of another civil engineering project appear to be less than successful, prompted the mine operator to hand over the operating facilities to the Austrian Armed Forces. June 30, 1966 was set as the handover date. As a result, the army built an ammunition store in the foothills of the gypsum deposit. The former civil engineering works were largely filled with jacking heaps. The relocation of the workings above the level of the conveyor tunnel was omitted because of the high costs. The old mine building was only used in exceptional cases, such as for the construction of emergency exits in the area of the old mining tunnel and the ventilation shaft. The amount of raw gypsum extracted during the 20-year life of the Oberecker pit between 1946 and 1966 was around 100 - 120,000 t. From a geological point of view, the Oberecker gypsum ridge, which lies in the course of a Juvavian overthrust zone, is genetically related to the Pernecker salt deposit due to isolated pieces of salt occurring in the gypsum. Due to the mutual distance between the two deposits of around 2 km, however, there is no direct spatial connection. The approximately 40 m thick gypsum body is embedded in red and gray clay slate, which belongs to the Werfen layers of the Neokom. Its strike is approximately east-west. The deposit body dips at 45° to the south. Up to 60 m thick layers of gravel and marl form the hanging wall of the deposit, while salty lattes form the bedrock. The banded raw gypsum rock has a whitish, gray appearance. Anhydrite nodules of irregular size and distribution are embedded in the gypsum body. In addition, one often finds clay - gypsum - inclusions. The transition between the body of the deposit and the outskirts is not sharply demarcated, but is characterized by a gradual increase in barren components. A borehole sunk above the production tunnel encountered red and gray clays at borehole meter 12 after penetrating through blocky moraine debris. Gypsum was applied from drill meter 35 to 43. The bore was stopped at a depth of 62.5 m in the marl. Another well drilled approx. 100 m SE of the gypsum pit encountered chert-bearing siliceous sandstone after a thin layer of moraine debris. The pit's feasibility limit was 70% gypsum content. The average gypsum content of the hewn was 76 to 78%. The only secondary material found was clay, for which there were no sales opportunities due to the low but disturbing salt content. The 185 m long exploration tunnel, which was started on the old Pernecker road at 580 m above sea level and whose axis pointed to the SW, penetrated tectonically disturbed layers of red, gray and black shale and marl. Due to the falling rock, the 1.90 m high and 1.30 m wide tunnel profile had to be completely lined with wood to reach the body of the reservoir. The single-track conveyor track, which had a gauge of 600 mm, had a gradient of 2.4%. At the level of the extraction tunnel, the excavation was initiated as a trend-oriented local construction. Four mining roads were laid in the E – W direction, each 60 m long, 5 – 6 m wide and 2.7 m high. Safety pillars with a width of 3 to 4 m remained between the individual mining roads. 3 mining horizons, each with a floor spacing of 8 m, were created above the production tunnel. The individual excavation horizons were connected by a 48 m long and 40° incline. A 25 m long weather tunnel, the distance of which was 25 m from the hoisting level, formed the 2nd day opening. In the area of the workings and drifts that were driven within the deposit body, no lining had to be brought in. The raw gypsum was obtained by shooting it in and filling it up manually in wooden boxes. The Hunte, equipped with cast-iron wheels, held approx. 1 m³ of heaps. In 1960, the specific consumption of explosives (Donarit I) was 310 g/t of debris recovered. The blast holes were drilled using electric hand drills. The whole mine building was naturally ventilated. The weavers moved in at the extraction tunnel, reached the excavation levels via weather tunnels and weather pits and pulled out again via the weather tunnel. Even in summer, the weather current frequently reversed its direction. Because of the unfavorable weather conditions, the shooting time was shifted to the end of the shift. The heaps won in this way were thrown down onto the hoisting floor via fall rollers, filled by hand in crate hoists with a content of 600 to 800 kg and brought to the surface by gravity. The crushing plant was located at the end of the track after crossing the old Pernecker Street. The heap was tipped from the conveyor hoist into a 10 t intermediate bunker and transferred from there to the crusher, which was installed as a simple jaw crusher for crushing the coarsest pieces of the heap. The mouth width of the discharge side was 32 x 25 cm. The output of the crusher operated with a 17 hp drive motor was 5 t/h. Below the crusher was a 40 t silo. The raw gypsum was transported to the Ischl freight station by 5-ton truck and loaded onto freight wagons by hand. Near the mouth of the tunnel there was a forge, material shed and arrival room. A barracks for 6 men was built at a distance. The buildings, entirely made of wood, were demolished at the beginning of the 1970s. In 1952 the 1st working level was cut. The 2nd excavation level was prepared. The upwardly tapering body of the deposit led to a reduction in the length of the mining road to a few 10 m on the uppermost mining level. When mining the third mining horizon, a borehole was drilled into old burrows that were connected to open-cast mining, and water was thus brought in. Despite the damming of the borehole, the ingress of water could not be completely prevented. A dewatering system had to be installed, which was not necessary in the otherwise completely dry pit. Since 1955, mining has taken place in two mining roads of the 1st underground mine, which was built 8 m below the mine level. The gypsum was mined in civil engineering in sloping chamber structures with a chamber width of 6 m and a chamber height of 4 – 5 m. The protective pillar width was an average of 4 m. The collected debris was removed by pulling up the filled box hoist over a 22° inclined bin level using an electric reel (traction force 1,000 kg, motor power 4 kW) onto the horizon of the extraction tunnel. At the end of 1961, the first civil engineering works were completely dismantled. The entire production was subsequently obtained from the remaining pillars of the production tunnel horizon. As a result of the excellent sales situation of the Hatschek company in the summer of 1962, 1,000 tons of raw gypsum could have been delivered per month. However, due to a lack of workers, the mine could not provide this funding. In the winter of 1962, work was started on the second civil engineering project. With a workforce of 6 workers and 2 employees, the monthly production amounted to around 580 t. The die reached the 2nd level of civil engineering in the spring of 1963. After the start-up of the reel conveyor, work began on the construction of the 2nd level of civil engineering from east to west. 9 workers and 2 employees were able to increase production to 800 t/month. In June 1963 production dropped again to below 600 t/month due to a shortage of workers (4 workers were laid off). The extractable substance had shrunk to 10,000 t in August 1965, with the same construction site size as in the first civil engineering. This corresponded to about one year's funding. In addition, investigations revealed that the deposit was becoming increasingly cloudy as the depth increased. For these reasons, the Oberecker gypsum mine was handed over to the Austrian Armed Forces on June 30, 1966 after mining activities had ceased. Table 1: Promotion of gypsum mining in Obereck (source Montanhandbücher 1953 – 1967) In the years that followed, the Federal Ministry of Defense (BLMV) built the "Perneck tunnel system" as a satellite storage facility for the Stadl-Paura army ammunition facility. In the autumn of 1966, on behalf of the Federal Ministry of Defense, a tunnel under the former Oberecker gypsum mine was struck at Sulzbach - Strub. The road excavations were carried out by a consortium led by the Soravia construction company, which had previously built the road tunnel in Hallstatt. Up to 70 workers, mostly Carinthians, were on duty on the construction site every 10 days. A large concrete mixing plant, a compressor station and a transformer station were built near the Strub. The construction work lasted until 1969. After completion of the installations and facilities, the Stadl-Paura army ammunition facility took over the "Perneck tunnel system". Ammunition was stored in the mostly newly excavated underground chambers. As part of the restructuring of the Austrian Armed Forces, the BMLV sought to sell the tunnel system from 2002. The surface water penetrating the mountains constantly dissolves gypsum, which as a salt of sulfuric acid has good water solubility. Over time, the strongholds of the former gypsum mining chambers were weakened by the dissolving processes and large-scale subsidence and ping formations on the surface followed. Since the BMLV, as the successor to the mining authority, is responsible for protecting the surface of the ground, extensive renovations have to be carried out in the former pit of the gypsum mine. The 3 excavation horizons above the former main extraction tunnel were partly filled with sulphate-resistant lightweight concrete made from expanded clay granules ("Liapor") in order to prevent further subsidence at the surface. Furthermore, half-shells made of concrete were laid in the subsidence area for the rapid drainage of surface water. The former gypsum mine from the 19th century was also sealed. This restoration work continues to this day. Sources used: Reports from the Salzburg Mining Authority regarding gypsum mining in Oberecker from 1952 - 1967 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Joseph August Schulte's "Travels through Upper Austria", Volumes I + II, Tübingen 1809, reprint Linz 2008 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Hans Kranabitl "Oberecker gypsum mining", reporting work Montanuniversität Leoben, Leoben 1983

Ischler hydraulic lime

Social affairs – pension scheme: The second Reformation Dragonfly of 1563 contains information about the old age pension of the employees of the salt works for the first time. The commissions (pensions) were quite good for the time and amounted to around 2/3 of the normal wages for masters and workers and half the salary of the deceased man for widows. The Salinenspital in Hallstatt was also well endowed, in which the members of the Salinen from Ischl were admitted in the case of weakness, old age, frailty and illness. It had a secure annual income of 898 guilders, which was made up of foundation funds from Maximilian I and salt dedications. In the Salinenspital Hallstatt not only poor, sick and old members of the salt industry in the Kammergut found accommodation and food, up to 50 people in need of care not working in the salt industry were also supported with benefices and financial aid. The exercise of religious duties was strictly regulated in the Salinenspital; the beneficiaries (pensioners) had to attend the daily mass and include requests for the emperor and the imperial house in their prayers. The hospital manager had to encourage the residents to pray, also make sure that they take communion several times and "that they, as true believers in Christ, always stand in the fear of God". The beneficiaries were not badly fed, they received a pound of beef and 2 pounds of bread every meat day, and a pint of wine on holidays and communion day; they also received 2 pairs of shoes every year and a “dress” every two years. Up until the middle of the 16th century, salt workers in old age were only dependent on care in the Salinenspital in Hallstatt; they only received a commission (grace pension) from princely funds after the second Reformation Libel from 1563. Around 1593, the commission of a dismissed worker was 15 to 30 kreuzers a week, but many were only dealt with with a one-off gift of 10 to 12 guilders and otherwise referred to the hospital catering. The amount of all gifts was based on wages, length of service and behavior. This practice continued into the 17th century, since commissions remained mere pleas for clemency and were not bound to any specific amount. The low old-age pension, which for widows was only half of the husband’s commission, was hardly sufficient to prolong bare life in times of rising prices, which is why the Hofkammer then gave particularly needy workers and their widows, in addition to the commission, one-off grace payments of varying amounts as emergency help approved. The workers in the private service of finishers, master woodworkers and shipwrights were excluded from commissions. Persons outside the right to supply could be granted support by the Salzamt as a mercy in the case of particular need and worthiness. The old-age pension due to the workers directly employed by the Salt Office had, under certain conditions, almost become a gamble. Above all, the worker applying for the commission had to be permanently unable to work according to the determination of the saline physician and his official behavior had not given cause for complaint. However, the commission could also be refused for other reasons. In 1751, the Salzamtmann Sternbach withdrew a worker's commission "because of the respect that the officials were not shown by not removing their hat". Even in 1792, the servants did not yet have an undisputed right to the commission. At that time, the Court Chamber declared commissions in the amount of the last active salary "as a supreme grace, which not only presupposes a long period of service but, what is most important, good and useful service and therefore excellent merits". Every three months there were presentations of the commissioners, including those who had completed their 40th year of service and were entitled to full wages as commission, in which case the Chamber Gutsphysicus had to examine them to see whether they were actually capable of no work, even light work. According to the resolution of February 8, 1770, the entitlement to commission began after 8 years of service, counted from the age of 15, and reached full wages as a maximum with the 40th year of service. Workers who were unable to work before their 8th year of service generally only received severance pay equal to one year's wages. However, when they left work, the provisionists also lost their claim to the farm grain. It was therefore not uncommon, and was even encouraged by the Hofkammer for reasons of economy, for workers to remain in the plant after their 40th year of service as “semi-jubilees” and then had to do lighter tasks for the earlier wages. The commissions of widows and orphans were almost always paid out with an increase, because the extremely low commission contributions would not have been enough to support them. Either the Hofkammer approved an increase in the normal commission, or they added a weekly alms to it. Fatherless orphans also received a weekly commission and often a quarterly allowance. The reference ended at the age of 12, from 1800 onwards at the age of 14. Illegitimate children only acquired the ability to receive a commission through the subsequent marriage of their parents, otherwise the manorial system had to take care of them. For the jubilee (retirement), the court chamber demanded proof of medical incapacity to work by means of a certificate, which had to be signed by the responsible doctor as well as by the district physician. 40 years of service were not enough for the court chamber to celebrate. The reasons for the inability to work were often cited by the doctors at the salt works as nonsense, but also weakness of nerves, paralysis, deafness, pulmonary addiction, epilepsy, goiter, crippling and scrofula (glandular disease). The frightening frequency of these physical defects was a consequence of rather alarming signs of degeneration. Most of these were certainly the aftermath of the famine years of the French era. In addition, the inappropriate and poorly varied diet and the seclusion of the chamber estate, which led to inbreeding, were also to blame. Cretinism, which was particularly widespread in Hallstatt, only disappeared at the end of the 19th century. Malicious gossips once claimed that the construction of the railway in the 1970s, which brought many strangers to the country, had had a positive effect on the next generation. Provisionists between the ages of 60 and 65, whom the Physician found suitable for lighter work, were obliged to work 1 to 3 shifts a week for free in the 13th to 39th quarter, i.e. 1 to 3 shifts a week and to do road work, shoveling snow, sand extraction, light wood production, cleaning the work gear, Geimeln (house caretaker in the miner's house) and other work. Because of the low value of the provisionist work, the unwillingness with which it was done and the cumbersome supervision by the administrative offices, the ministry abolished the jubilee shifts again in 1849 without replacement. The basis for calculating weekly commissions dates back to 1768. Of course, commissions of such small magnitude were no longer sufficient in the 19th century, but the court chamber nevertheless stuck to the system and, as with wages, made do with provisional measures, Cost-of-living grants and quarterly grants. A widow became entitled to the normal commission only after her husband had served eight years. If her husband had died earlier, she was only entitled to a one-time severance payment equal to his last quarterly salary. Only if the worker had a fatal accident before reaching the eighth year of service did the Hofkammer grant the widow a simple commission. As a result of the state bankruptcy in 1811, the Salinenspital in Hallstatt had lost almost all of its assets invested in securities and then no longer had the means to fulfill its obligations. However, through the greatest reduction in expenditure and the support of the Court Chamber, it was gradually able to recover to the point where it was able to provide for the statutory number of beneficiaries and cover the operating costs. In 1847 the hospital's assets were already so strong that the full number of 24 beneficiaries could be fed and 39 orphans could receive educational grants and 95 cases of support totaling 1,300 guilders. Like the Salinenspital in Hallstatt, the Holy Spirit Hospital in Aussee served to house and feed poor, veteran imperial workers, their widows and orphans, for which purpose it received 800 guilders a year from the Salt Office. In 1815, 15 beneficiaries lived in the hospital. The benefactor's house (poor house) in Ischl was not a princely institution, but the property of the market community, but had the obligation to accommodate eight employees of the salt works and, moreover, to keep two rooms available at all times to accommodate seriously ill workers. In 1844, the municipality intended to vacate the prebendary's house, which was located between the post office and the theatre, i.e. in the liveliest and most frequented area of the seaside resort, and to create a replacement building in a quieter area. The postmaster Franz Koch agreed to buy a building plot in the east of the market square in exchange for the old prebendary house and to build the new prebendary house on it at his own expense. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

strand Brine pipeline display board, IGM 2021

Ass leather and leather jump The mountain or butt leather, also known as leather for short , is an important item of clothing for miners and is associated with a great deal of symbolism. It is cut out of a piece of black calfskin in a semicircle and sewn to a belt. The belt has a clasp decorated with a mallet and iron. At first glance, the ass leather looks like a leather apron that is a bit too short. Aprons are part of many old craft costumes. Blacksmiths, carpenters, gardeners, cooks and winegrowers wear them. Of course, aprons are also part of the basic equipment of every good housewife. And yet the miner's apron is something very special! It has been the only apron that has been worn backwards for 500 years now. And we miners are even proud of that! The reason for this is that, in the past, miners often had to do their work sitting on the wet rock for hours. The leather was a protection against wet and cold. When entering the miners' ranks, the start-up leather was awarded as a sign of belonging. Every miner had to take good care of this leather, it was a kind of membership confirmation that brought many advantages of the status. If a miner committed dishonorable acts, he was expelled from the Knappschaft. His leather was tied off and he was chased away in disgrace. So to untie someone's ass leather was to declare them forfeited. An ass leather attached to a long pole was considered a sign of rebellion in earlier times. When it was carried forward by a mob of grim-faced miners, it did not bode well for the trades or miners. Everyone shuddered at the sight! Because miners like to adorn themselves, there used to be a separate butt leather with the appropriate fashionable accessories for each class of miners. The higher the rank, the richer and larger the leather. At the head of the miners were the trades as owners and the miners as the highest-ranking officials. The leather of these honorable gentlemen was lined with brightly colored silk and decorated with a wide gold border at the edge. The middle classes, which today would include managers and foremen, had to make do with unlined leather, which was only decorated with a silver cord. All other members of the Knappschaft were left behind in the truest sense of the word. They were only allowed to wear the plain black leather without any ornaments. Higher level miners commonly had at least 3 different butt leathers in their wardrobe: The somewhat more decorative start-up leather, which was awarded at the beginning of the miner's life, the simpler everyday leather for everyday use and, as a highlight, the parade leather equipped with all the fashionable chicanes. It is hardly known that the ass leather was also used as a kind of musical instrument. Mountain musicians in Saxony rolled up the leather and blew firmly into it. The range of tones reportedly ranged from the roar of a deer to the fart of a deserving miner. But now back to a much more serious meaning of leather. The ass leather was part of important legal acts. In the past, mining authorization was granted as part of the so-called inheritance survey. This legal act expired as follows: The mining officials came to the newly found ore vein on horseback in miners' festive costumes. The trades also came in festive costume, but with a carriage. The rest of the hill tribe, the common miners, had to walk to the new mine. Everyone lined up in a circle around the newly found outcrop. Mine officials had to measure the thickness of the vein and use that to determine the survey or rental fee. Up to this point, today's negotiations with an on-site inspection would not have gone much differently. Only the mining captain and the managing director would no longer travel on horseback, but in a befitting petrol carriage. The common mountain people would of course appear on site with much smaller petrol carriages. But earlier, when paying the survey fee, something quite unexpected happened to us: All miners present stood in a circle and the miner placed his ass leather in the middle of the circle. The trades were sentenced to pay the award fee by means of a quick verbal decision. The tradesman immediately had to pay the required amount in the form of coins on the ass leather in the middle. And now comes the unbelievable: The miner took some of the coins and tossed them to the miners present. Then the mining official took a few more handfuls of coins and invited the entire assembly to a measuring meal followed by a feast. Only the money that was left was delivered to the state authorities by the mining authorities. This form of negotiation should be reintroduced as soon as possible. This ensures that everyone involved goes home happy with full pockets and bellies after the legal act has been completed. Unfortunately, there are no such efforts to be found in the current mining or commercial law! In the course of the measurement meal, a kind of decision was also issued. The ass leather, on which the money was previously placed, was cut up by the mining captain. Everyone present immediately received a piece as a sign of participation in the award ceremony. It's that easy to solve our current problems with complicated postal routes, long processing times and high stamp fees. In earlier times, a successful mining company was not characterized by folders full of valid or less valid notices, but by a sack with as many pieces of ass leather as possible. For the miners, it is still a great honor and distinction to be able to jump over such a historical, but also misjudged piece of clothing at the leather jump! The leather jump The leather jump is undoubtedly the celebratory highlight of every Barbara celebration. Perhaps one of you has already seen the butcher's jump at Salzburg's Residenzplatz. After a public pledge to their profession, the newly minted butcher journeymen jump into a water-filled vat. This symbolically washes them clean of the sins of the apprenticeship. They then demonstrate courage and strength by waving the guild flag, which weighs more than 60 kg. Our valued Ledersprung also originates from this tradition of medieval guilds. Its roots probably lie in the Saxon Ore Mountains. The form of the leather jump that is common today came to Austria in 1848 from Schemnitz in the Czech Republic. In the course of the unrest at the time, the German-speaking mining professors and their students had to leave the Bergakademie Schemnitz. At the invitation of Peter Tuner, they were admitted to the mining school in Vordernberg near Leoben. The mining customs they brought with them, such as the leather jump, but also their black mountain smocks, quickly spread to all Austrian mining areas. How does a traditional leather jump work? The leather jump can be roughly divided into 3 sections: Namely in questioning the candidate, in emptying the glass and finally in jumping over the leather. The questioning of name, origin and status is a public declaration of your homeland and profession. The following sayings are usually more original than meant seriously. Emptying the glass is intended to express the new miner's zest for life. Of course, the "Ex" before the jump can be emphatically demanded by the audience. After all, the jump over the leather is the core of the ritual: It symbolizes courageous entry into the new state, which can entail great dangers. The jump means courage. With both feet at the same time, one jumps into the new, freely chosen position, which does not tolerate stumbling, but does require rapid determination and energy. The miners of all social levels see themselves as a community of destiny. This is expressed by the fact that the oldest present miner as well as the highest ranking official hold the leather for the jump. Where are leather jumps still celebrated today in the old mining tradition? In the traditional, active mining operations, of course. After successfully passing the hewer's test, the candidate with the leather jump is officially accepted into the miner's rank. Large leather jumps take place annually at mining universities such as Leoben, Clausthal, Freiberg, Krakow, Miskolc or Laibach. Every young student is invited to the leather jump. After passing the exam and having a merry party, he has the right to wear his mountain smock with pride as a young miner. The leather jump is an important event in student life that we look back on fondly. And therein lies a certain obligation for us miners. In our active professional life, we should also give this joy to young colleagues! Another area in which leather jumps are still actively held is that of miners' and traditional clubs. In these associations, classic miners, representatives of institutions and companies meet with people who are interested in mining for a wide variety of reasons and who openly support mining. In addition to maintaining friendship and sociability, an intensive exchange of experiences and mutual appreciation in club life are considered particularly important. Of course, leather jumps are an important, connecting element! But we must not forget one thing: The leather jump is and remains a mining tradition, namely ours! Under no circumstances must it degenerate into an empty, folkloric event! A home evening with Hansi Hinterseer songs is definitely something else!!!

19 The Steinberg saw

Mountain houses near Empress Maria Theresia – tunnels After the attack on the Empress Maria Theresia Stollen, which was called Kaiser Franz Stollen until 1808, with great solemnity on September 26, 1775, the kk Ministerial - Banko - Hof - Deputation approved the construction of a mountain house on Steinbalfen with a resolution of February 25, 1782 , the later so-called "Old Mountain House". The building, which was built in 1783, originally contained one large and two small servants' rooms and a kitchen on the ground floor, on the first floor two master rooms, a kitchen and a room with a chamber for one spectator. The construction costs were 2,693 fl 30 kr. (in 2020 approx. €53,900 monetary value according to the “Historical Currency Calculator”, www.eurologische.at ). The core substance of the Old Theresia Berghaus took up a floor plan area of 15.2 x 9.8 m, reached an eaves height of 6.9 m and a ridge height of 10.7 m. The double roof truss was covered with larch boards and in the eaves area with sheet metal strips . The living conditions can be illustrated by the fact that 24 servants slept on the ground floor on 44.5 m², while the viewer alone had a 18.5 m² bedroom at his disposal. As early as 1784, the mountain forge was built as the second mountain building directly at the mouth of the Maria Theresia tunnel.

How long has mining been around? The question "When did mining start?" is not easy to answer, since written records go back barely 1 millennium. To answer the question "What was before?" one has to rely on archaeologists and often on dedicated miners who are looking for traces of the past. People have known how to use the natural resources of the Alps for at least 6000 years . That's how old Austria's oldest mine is in Mauer near Vienna , where flint was mined. 12 m deep shafts, stretches and cross passages as well as large heaps still bear witness to the activities of Stone Age miners. A number of copper mines from Schwaz in Tyrol via the Kelchalm near Kitzbühel to Mühlbach am Hochkönig were already in operation in the Bronze Age 4000 years ago . A total of 3.3 million tons of raw ore were extracted and around 50,000 tons of copper were smelted. Eastern Alpine copper production was of European importance. 3000 years ago, salt was mined in Hallstatt . And in Roman times, Noric iron from Carinthia and Tauern gold were coveted trade products. Evidence of early mining activity is the glacier man "Ötzi" . Extremely high concentrations of copper and nickel were found in the hair of the man who died 5,300 years ago. This suggests that Ötzi worked in ore smelting . In addition, Ötzi was armed with an East Alpine copper ax. Also in other parts of the world there are interesting, sometimes much, much older traces of mining. The oldest pit map, for example, dates from the time of the Egyptian ruler Ramses IV, who lived 3,300 years ago. It shows roads, gold mines and miners' dwellings. In North America from 3000 - 1200 B.C. About 500,000 tons of copper ore were mined by an unknown people on the Isle Royale in Michigan. However, the associated copper was never found. Where the not inconsiderable amount of copper went to will probably remain a great mystery of archeology. The world's oldest traces of mining can be found where mankind originated - namely in Africa. Unfortunately, much of the past lies in the dark on the black continent. Records from the pre-colonial period are practically non-existent. Most finds of prehistoric mining were only made in the course of modern large-scale mining. The roots of classic mining lie in southern Africa in the Ngwenya Mountains in today's Swaziland. It is home to one of the oldest underground mines in the world, dating back an incredible 43,000 years . The object of the extensive mining, which reached a depth of up to 30m, was hematite in the form of silvery micaceous iron mica. The iron ore was crushed in stone mortars and probably used for cultic-cosmetic purposes. There is no doubt that the Stone Age hunters rubbed their faces, hands and bodies with mineral paints and then made the cave paintings, which are still colorful today. During the nearly 20,000-year mining period, several thousand tons of ore were mined in the Ngwenya Mountains. As a last example, I would like to mention the discovery of a Rhodesia man, a 200,000-year-old early human form . Bones and teeth of this early human have been discovered in a limestone cave opened up by mining at Broken Hill in Zambia. The living space of this man was unique: Zinc and lead phosphate crystals literally littered the ceiling of his den. So there is a suspicion that he really is the oldest miner in the world! Mining has shaped the fortunes of people for thousands of years. Without it, progress and prosperity would be unthinkable. Miners can rightly be proud of having inherited a profession that is thousands of years old.

Social affairs – health care: The medical services in the Kammergut were under the supervision of graduated doctors from an early stage. The first Salzamtsphysicus mentioned in the resolution books was 1628 Dr. Brown. Since 1656 (3rd Reformation Libel) free medical treatment and the free purchase of medicines have been among the most important benefits for masters and workers permanently employed in the salt industry. In the second half of the 18th century, workers who were unable to work as a result of illness received full wages for the first 14 days, then sick pay of 30 kreuzers a week until they recovered and a commission (mercy pension) in the event of permanent disability. The officials had to diligently monitor the sick worker, deal with the surgeon or barber after the end of the cure (sick leave) and submit the cost calculation to the salt office physician for review before payment was made. In order to reduce the high cost of sickness, the authorities were instructed not to pay any workers the allowance (sick pay) until they had been examined by the surgeon and found to be ill. All bathers, surgeons and surgeons of the saltworks offices, ie also the markets there, were subordinate to the salt office physician. From 1735 he inspected their activities, calculations and healing successes quarterly. He pronounced the inability to work to obtain the commissions. The official bather treated the salt people and usually also gave them the medicines. He submitted bills to the Salt Office for payment. It was often paid incompletely and it often took a long time, which is why two thirds of the accounts were paid in advance by the salt office. The Kammergut was already under the supervision of certified state doctors in the 16th century. The exercise of health care, however, was in the hands of practitioners without formal training, with bathers, surgeons or surgeons. They were also barbers, therefore craftsmen with their own craft regulations, approved by the Emperor in 1646 and confirmed in 1662. Neither the barbers and surgeons nor the pharmacists were imperial servants with a fixed salary. Their income was low, so they received aid money and often maintained era bathhouses. For the treatment of sick people there have always been two spas in Ischl and from 1711 a third spa. The barbers needed the approval of the Salt Office to practice their trade. They also had to take a vow at the market court and at the verwesamt. The Salzamt invoices also contain entries that there were two midwives in Ischl who received an annual subsidy from the market and had to take their vows before the market court. An important part of the medical system was the Kammergutapotheke in Gmunden, which was first mentioned in the Salzakten in 1616. In 1740, the reimbursement of doctor's wages and medicine costs granted from 1656 was still only available to workers in imperial service if they fell ill or were seriously injured in the course of their work and could no longer be prepared with regular household remedies. Only the unprejudiced and philanthropic physician Dr. In 1746 Lebzelter found the courage to openly declare that internal illnesses required treatment just as much as external illnesses, which is why such patients should be treated free of charge. Treatment costs for workers suffering from toothache were not reimbursed in 1745. If a worker fell ill with the French plague (syphilis), he had to be examined by the surgeon, who would decide whether the illness was the result of accident or his own fault. In the latter case, the doctor's wages were paid by the office, but the costs of treatment and maintenance were deducted from the worker's wages and he was also punished. To deter others, a salt worker from Ischl was dismissed from his work in 1738. In 1746 Dr. Lebzelter was one of the brightest minds of his time in the Salzamt. In order to make it easier for the salt workers to drink milk, which is indispensable for better nutrition for the children, Dr. Despite all resistance, Lebzelter managed to get the general ban on grazing for goats, which was issued to protect the forest stock and whose milk he declared curative against scurvy, partially lifted and raising was permitted wherever the animals could not damage the grazing culture. He recognized the inexpediency of the workers' vegetable-poor diet, which consisted almost entirely of flour, semolina, lard, and the daily Schott soup, and he was a zealous advocate of the cultivation of potatoes, which he considered to be of great value as a supplement to the diet. Through his efforts, the Salzamt also improved and expanded the unhealthy, unclean and cramped sleeping quarters in the miners' houses on the Salzbergen. From time immemorial, free medical treatment and sick pay were only due to workers directly employed by the era, and in 1777 the Court Chamber renewed the ban on granting these advantages to woodcutters employed by the entrepreneurs. However, as early as 1778, she softened this harsh provision to the extent that the salt office was allowed to pay the doctor's wages if such workers had an accident or fell ill while on duty. Provisional workers were long excluded from any sickness allowance; only from 1790 onwards did the Salt Office replace their doctor's wages. The Salzkammergut was not entirely spared from the risk of epidemics. The plague claimed larger numbers of victims in 1625, 1675 and at the beginning of the 18th century. The plague was probably brought in from Lower Austria, despite the border closure that was imposed on the country when it first appeared. The Kammergut was closed to all through traffic and the border crossings were strictly guarded. Every epidemic required an expansion of the old cemetery, which was located directly next to the Ischl church. The fire in the Hallstatt market in 1750 also destroyed the Salinenspital. The new building, which was only started in 1770 and completed in 1772, was no longer built in the market square, but in the Lahn like the Sud- and Amtshaus. The new hospital was dimensioned for the accommodation of 16 patients of both sexes, from among whom the court clerk entrusted with the overall management and supervision chose a hospital father and a hospital mother. These two, as well as the other patients, received a weekly benefice and were obliged to spin or knit according to their strength for the needs of the hospital. The beneficiaries were free to live with their relatives; in this case they were entitled to a payment of the weekly hostel rate. The interest on the assets was initially available to the hospital administration to cover current expenses. In addition, there were annual co-payments by the erar. With the growing knowledge of the causes of diseases and the means of combating them from the end of the 18th century, the medical service not only increased in size and prestige, but also the demands on the people responsible for the immediate treatment of the sick had increased. From 1790 onwards, the Court Chamber demanded Magistri and Doctors who had already been examined and approved at the University of Vienna for vacant barber positions, but there were still no such applicants for the Chamber estate. The bathing and barber trades, which used to be left almost entirely to the practice of treatment, lost more and more importance compared to the better trained and certified surgeons, of whom there were a few in every larger town. The salt workers were free to choose their bathers and surgeons, which is why they preferred the more competent ones and thus also contributed to raising the status of healers. The protection smallpox vaccination discovered in 1796 had already found its way into the Kammergut in 1802; from 1802 to 1806, 1,261 children had already been vaccinated free of charge by the saline surgeons. In 1807 the Court Chamber assigned the Gmunden pharmacist the establishment and operation of a branch pharmacy in Ischl, which became independent from 1821. In 1807 a saline physics department was created in Ischl. The former regimental doctor Dr. Josef Götz was in charge of the inner Kammergut and the forest districts around Mondsee and Attersee. From 1826, stable workers had to obtain spa certificates from the office in the event of illness, on the basis of which they were entitled to free medical treatment. Free treatment was excluded if a worker injured himself off duty. After six months of illness, the erar's obligation to provide medical assistance was ended, and the office then had to decide whether the worker was to be commissioned for a certain period of time or permanently. From 1827 onwards, dependent or interim workers enjoyed free medical treatment for injuries sustained on the job, but not for internal illnesses. In general, however, they were not entitled to sick pay. Seriously ill or injured Ischl salt workers could be accommodated in the hospital operated by the market community. For this purpose, the salt works management had 2 rooms available for 8 sick salt workers in return for an annual fee of 16 Rachel firewood. Here the saline workers were treated by the Ischl saline physician, and the erar paid the subsistence costs directly to the market town. The Ischl "infirmary" was first mentioned in 1586. This house was built for the sick, not for the old and poor. Around the middle of the 17th century it stood behind the church. When the hospital disappeared at the end of 1770 when the church was enlarged, the sick were accommodated in an old barracks outside the keep. Through an agreement with the saltworks, a new house was built on the so-called Pfarrwiesen and put into operation around 1800. In Ischl there was a second private hospital in Eglmoos in the village of Ahorn from 1827, where the sick received medical treatment and care for a certain fee. The health of the workforce was an important concern for the saltworks. At the turn of the century, workers' bathrooms were available for employees. In the mining industry, there were hot kitchens to give the workers the opportunity to eat regularly and healthily. Spiritual nourishment was available to the saline workers in their own saline libraries. However, the libraries were not used very actively, about one book per worker and year was borrowed. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998