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The mountain saw at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus on the Ischler Salzberg: A saw was of great importance for every salt mine operation, since the mine operation required large quantities of "Ladwerk" (thick boards) for the expansion and the brine production. Therefore there was at least one, but usually several saws at each salt mine, which is why they were also among the oldest systems of the respective salt mine. Three saws are known on the Salzberg in Ischl: as the oldest, the Steinberg saw with the "Schafferklause", the Grabenbach - or Graben - saw built near the Ludovika tunnel and a third, from 1867, at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus. The following report will mainly deal with the latter saw, also known as the mountain saw, since the other saws and the associated Klaus systems were already dealt with in detail in the 2012 article by Franz Federspiel "News from the old Ischler Salzberg". Situation of the mountain saws on the Ischler Salzberg in the 18th century: Originally there were two plank saws on the Ischler Salzberg, the one on the Steinberg and the Graben saw below the Ludovika tunnel. The Steinberg saw was probably built immediately after 1563 with the start of salt mining in the Steinberg district. According to a note in Dicklberger's "Salinen - Geschichte" (volume 1, p. 388), the Steinberg saw existed before 1586. Figure 1: Steinberg - saw, conversion plan, 1842, archive Salinen Austria Figure 2: Steinberg - saw, ground plan, conversion plan, around 1845, archive Salinen Austria Due to the concentration of salt mining on the Pernecker salt storage and the associated deepening of the mining tunnels, the ditch - saw at the Ludovika - Berghaus was built. The exact date of construction of this saw, which was probably built around 1700, could not be found in the files. The first known documentary reference from September 25, 1769 provides information that the ditch saw and the associated hermitage were rebuilt after a fire at the estimated cost of 292 fl 52 kr. In the course of the conversion, a new storage hut was built along the entire length of the hermitage to store the saw cuts. The Graben - saw along with the associated hermitage had completely decayed again in 1816 and was rebuilt in the three following years. In 1839 the woodwork of the hermitage was rotten again, and the water wheel and the river also needed replacing. Figure 3: Ludovika Berghaus, site plan with ditch – saw, 1839, Archiv Salinen Austria Because of the high repair costs to be expected, in 1839 the Ischl mining operations manager at the time, Franz v. Schwind to leave the Graben saw at all and instead expand the Steinberg saw to make it more efficient. When converting the Steinberg saw, Schwind succeeded in increasing sawn timber production fourfold compared to the previous ones by using an overshot water wheel and a belt transmission in the gearbox, the first saw drive of this type in the monarchy. As a result, the sawn timber requirement of the entire Ischler Salzberg could be satisfied by the sole operation of the Steinberg saw. Figure 4: Steinberg - saw, design of an overshot water wheel, 1840, archive Salinen Austria The operation of the ditch saw should only have continued on a smaller scale, since the cost of bringing the cut goods from the Steinberg saw to the Pernecker tunnels via a specially created goods route was very expensive. For this purpose, Schwind replaced the desolate Grabenbach hermitage with a wooden weir in 1839. After the Graben saw burned down again in 1856, it was finally abandoned. Figure 5: Trench - saw with Ludovika Berghaus, 1838, Archiv Salinen Austria Figure 6: Connecting route Steinberg - saw to Graben - saw, 1838, Archiv Salinen Austria Figure 7: Ludovika Berghaus, site plan after digging – sawing, 1859, Archiv Salinen Austria Transfer of the Steinberg saw to the old Maria Theresia Berghaus: After the new Steinberg tunnel was shut down as the last tunnel in the Steinberg district in 1775, the Steinberg saw only produced for the Pernecker tunnel, which was much further down in the valley. After the final closure of the Grabenbach saw in 1856, the entire sawn timber requirement had to be laboriously transported from the Steinberg saw down into the valley. For this reason, the plan was made around 1865 to move the Steinberg saw closer to the Pernecker tunnels. Various installation sites were tested: at the Grabenbach at the confluence of the Gaisbach opposite the Josef tunnel and directly at the Sulzbach or, connected to the Sulzbach via a river, at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus. Figure 8: Project transfer Steinberg - saw to the Josef tunnel, around 1865, archive Salinen Austria In view of the focus of the advance in the Empress Maria Theresia tunnel and the short transport routes, the decision was made to transfer the saw to the old Maria Theresia Berghaus. The transfer of the Steinberg saw to the new location took place in 1867. By using the old saw drive and parts of the old saw building, the costs were kept low at a total of 669 fl 81½ kr. Figure 9: Transfer Steinberg - saw to the old Maria Theresia Berghaus, 1865, Archiv Salinen Austria Figure 10: Transfer Steinberg - saw to the old Maria Theresia Berghaus, 1865, Archiv Salinen Austria Figure 11: Transfer Steinberg - saw to the old Maria Theresia Berghaus, 1866, Archiv Salinen Austria Description of the gear mechanism of the plank saw: With the report prepared by Franz Kreuzhuber, manipulation pupil Ite class, on March 14, 1868, there is a precise, contemporary description of the historical saw drive: "Where there is great hydroelectric power, undershot water wheels of 2 to 3 feet in diameter and 5 to 6 feet wide are usually used to operate the board saws. Here an overshot water wheel with a diameter of 12 feet and transmission is put into operation. A cog wheel of 6 feet diameter fastened to the base of the water wheel sets a driving wheel and with it a pulley of 6 feet diameter, - this by means of belts a second pulley of 1 ½ feet diameter, with it a wooden flywheel of 6 feet diameter and at the same time an iron winch in motion, whose arm carries a rod connected to the sag container /: Saggatern :/ in its circumference, which pushes the same up and down in a vertical guide. The Saggatern is assembled from 4 pieces of wood in the form of a door frame, to the short pieces of which the Sagblatt is screwed. Since the saw always makes its movement in the same place, a device is necessary for advancing the object to be cut in proportion to the power of the saw. This device /: Sagwagen :/ is a twenty-seven foot long frame movable on a horizontal slide and fitted with small rollers for ease of movement. To move it forward, the sagger carries a 7-foot-long horizontal rod on the lower crossbar, the end of which is fastened in a shaft Rings with indentations /: Thrust ring :/ gives an impact to the surrounding wheel of 3 ½ feet in diameter and as a result rotates the same slowly. During the retraction of the former, a second bar holds the thrust ring against slippage. The wheel, which is attached to the iron base of the thrust ring and is similar to the drive wheel, pushes the sag wagon through the combs attached to it along the entire length according to the power of the saw. A second overshot water wheel, 6 feet in diameter, is used to move the sag wagon backwards to its previous position, the shaft of which winds around a rope which runs over a small pulley attached to the end of the track and is attached to the sag wagon. As the sag wagon moves forward, it unwinds the rope from the shaft again.” In the following plan, the original work of the Steinberg saw is shown as it is described in the report by Franz Kreuzhuber in 1868 during the transfer. Only the second, smaller water wheel for moving the sag wagon backwards was added at the new location at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus. Figure 12: Gear mechanism of the Steinberg saw, 1857, archive Salinen Austria Saw - Fluder: After the transfer, the service water for the saw was no longer fed through a hermitage, but through a small cushion in the Sulzbach. The "Schmiedenfluder" from the Sulzbach, which has existed since about 1825, could be used for this purpose. This river had to be built for the operation of the mountain forge, since from 1825 larger amounts of water were diverted from the Grabenbach via the water scour into the Elisabeth tunnel in order to be able to provide the service water required for the Laistauss flooding in the Maria Theresia tunnel. The amount of residual water in the Grabenbach was often too low for the operation of the forge at the Maria Theresia tunnel. The river was designed as an open wooden channel made from cut posts, 72 m long and 0.6 m wide. As early as 1881, the river, which had been renewed in 1867, had to be removed due to damage and a new river channel including water catch and wheel hut had to be installed at a cost of 719 fl 81 kr. to be erected. Further repairs of this kind on the fluder were necessary in 1891, 1905 and 1933. Figure 13: Saw - fluder, 1904, archive Salinen Austria Performance of the two saw - water wheels: The overshot water wheel for driving the gang saw had a diameter of 3.7 m and a width of 1.0 m, depending on the water pressure, an output of 4 - 5 hp; the also overshot water wheel ("mold wheel") for reversing the saw carriage with 1.7 m diameter and 0.75 m width 1 - 2 HP. Figure 14: Saw - water wheels, 1866, Archiv Salinen Austria Figure 15: Mountain saw with old Maria Theresia mountain house, around 1930, Kranabitl archive Figure 16: Mountain saw at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus (upper left edge of the picture), around 1930, Archiv Salinen Austria Modification of the mountain saw's gearbox: In 1879, a circular saw was installed in the firewood store next to the mountain saw to cut the firewood better. This circular saw could be operated directly from the saw by means of a transmission transmission. In 1893 the gearbox of the mountain saw had to be repaired because it was defective. The complex maintenance of the saw fluder and the water wheels as well as the low performance of the mountain saw caused the management to convert this saw to electric operation in 1950. For this purpose, a stationary electric motor with 750 rpm was installed. From the 325mm diameter drive wheel of the electric motor, a belt led to a 1550mm diameter pulley on the main shaft. A second belt drive was placed on the main shaft on the stream side, which connected a belt wheel with a diameter of 900 mm on the main shaft to a belt wheel with a diameter of 730 mm on the water wheel shaft to move the saw gate. Another belt drive on the uphill side enabled the forward and backward movement of the saw carriage by means of a chain. Figure 17: Conversion of the plank saw to electric operation, 1951, Archiv Salinen Austria In the course of the electrification of the saw drive, a side saw was also installed. For this purpose, the sawing building had to be structurally extended. Figure 18: Installation of the board saw, project 1949, archive Salinen Austria Figure 19: Erection of the Ladwerkstadel, 1951, archive Salinen Austria Closure of the sawmill: The mountain saw at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus remained in operation until the mid-1980s. Since the migration of the mining industry from Perneck to the new site at the Kaiser Franz Josef Erbstollen in Lauffen in 1989, the saw building has been empty. Figure 20: Last shift arrival from Perneck, June 29, 1989, archive Salinen Austria Figure 21: Mountain saw after the cessation of operations, 1991, Kranabitl archive Figure 22: Old Maria Theresia Berghaus with a mule saw in the background, 1991, Kranabitl archive Mountain saw revitalization: In the summer of 2020, the Mitterbergstollen interest group (IGM) set itself the goal of preserving and opening up the mountain saw as part of guided tours along the Viasalis circular route. The historic sawmill is well-preserved and, as a unique technical monument that is otherwise rarely found in the Salzkammergut, is particularly worthy of protection. The main elements of the saw gear, which dates back to 1847 and is made of wooden gears, have been preserved to this day. In 2021, with the support of Salinen Immobilien AG, IGM would like to secure the building fabric, set up a showroom in the area of the former sawmill and have the technical history of the saw documented as part of diploma theses. Figure 23: Mountain saw, 2018, Kranabitl archive Figure 24: Saw carriage and saw frame, 2020, Kranabitl archive Figure 25: Saw gear, Kammrad, 2020, Kranabitl archive Figure 26: Saw gear, comb wheel with drive wheel and 1st belt pulley, 2020, Kranabitl archive Sources used: Franz Federspiel "News from the old Ischler Salzberg"; in: Messages from the Ischler Heimatverein, Episode 31, 2012, p. 18-25 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Michael Kefer "Hand Karten des Ischler Salzberges", 1829, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, Archiv Salinen Austria Josef Hütter "The Ischler Salzberg in words and pictures", manuscript, Bad Ischl 1938, Archiv Salinen Austria Franz Kreuzhuber "Relationship on the gear mechanism of the plank saw at the kk Salzberge Ischl", manuscript, Ischl 1868, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, Archiv Salinen Austria Ischler stock book no. 13 "Saw building" and no. 48 "Fluder for the saw", archive Salinen Austria Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", I. Volume, Ischl 1817, transcription Thomas Nussbaumer Plans from the Bad Ischl Salt Mine Plan Archives, Salinen Austria

mine lining Mine development Saline Austria currently

Social affairs – number of employees and activities: At the beginning of the 17th century the following activities were described in the salt mines: The Bergmeister was sworn in by the Salzamtmann in Gmunden before he took up his duties. He was the manager responsible for the mining operation and had the duty of “always bringing up a young skilful ironworker alongside him, diligently and faithfully instructing the same Berg Schien, Wag und Maß, actually learning and teaching, thereby you. Maj. would like to use the same for a future Bergmeister”. The mountain worker was also sworn and had to see to the order in the mountain and compliance with the prescribed services so that the workers received the wages they were entitled to. Three Eisenhäuer were selected by the Bergmeister as spectators or jurors ; They were not paid as such and had to approve the brine together with the miner and worker, give their opinion on the type and nature of the rock when measuring the dimensions and participate in the accounting of the item (mining piecework). The Eisenhauer received a weekly wage as an advance on the fixed quarterly output on the rock. At the Ischler Salzberg, 9 iron cutters were divided into three blows (working groups) and worked on the rock throughout the shift. Each battalion had to advance 27 poles (ie 3 poles per man and quarter = 3.58 m ) in a quarter in order to receive the full payment. The workers had to change 1 ½ - 2 yokes (excavation room) per shift. They were also used for the maintenance and production of conveyor hoists, for repairing the reels in the scoop pits and for the production of beams for ironwork. The Karrner or promoters promoted the accumulating heaps of heifers and rusters from the pit. The creators had to reel up the buckets filled with brine from the workers. The farmhands or boys were busy with various unskilled work in mining, the weather forching (operating fans for artificial ventilation) and delivering the mining irons to and from the mining smithy. The mountain blacksmith had to keep the hewer's tools (tools) in order, steel them, weld them and sharpen them. The charcoal burner burned the forge charcoal from the charcoal wood assigned to him. The cart makers or wood-diggers were responsible for the manufacture and repair of the scoops and cleaning buckets as well as the preparation of the yoke and base wood and its delivery to the scaffolding sites in the pit. They were also obliged to provide the necessary tools, such as hoes and dexel (axe with a transverse blade). The number of miners for Ischl specified in 1656 in the 3rd Reformation Dragonfly had to be increased towards the end of the 17th century and even more so in the 18th century, because the accelerated alignment of the deeper horizons and the increase in the number of workers meant an increase in the number of miners, miners and and cleaner personnel required. The miners and their related trades enjoyed princely exemption (princely protection) on the way to and from the Salt Mine except in matters of maleficent (serious crimes). Under threat of loss of property and imprisonment, they were not allowed to enter into alliances with one another, nor to form alliances against superiors such as magistrates, administrators, miners or workers, and they were not allowed to mistreat, scold or ridicule their employees. Salt theft and unreported removal from salt waste was forbidden, as was carrying weapons. Any other handling (employment) was forbidden to the Eisenhäuern. However, the level of 140 men in 1720 does not correspond to the actual work output, since many miners only worked half shifts. Workers at the Ischler Salzberg: The following list of employment in the Ischler Pfannhaus shows the predominance of woodwork, which claimed 70% of the entire workforce, while hardly a quarter of this was necessary for the actual salt production. The strong increase in the workforce towards the end of the 17th century is related to the overpopulation in the Kammergut, which resulted in an increased influx of people to work in all the administration offices and companies. Worker Ischler Pfannhaus: The Erbeisenhäuer rights ceased to exist around 1760 without being formally revoked. The hewers now split into two groups, the squires who worked on the stone and in the things and the squires who were no longer suitable for this and worked in the look-up and other things. In 1763, the commission of inquiry had replaced the six-hour shift that had been customary until then with an eight-hour shift followed by a 16-hour rest period. The workers started at 4 a.m. on Monday and finished the last shift at noon on Saturday. Since they could not go home between two shifts due to the great distance between their homes, they did not have time to do housekeeping at the weekend. They therefore asked for the old shift system to be reintroduced, which the Oberamt granted them in 1770. After this, the weekly shift was over on Friday without any reduction in working hours. Day workers' shifts in the summer began at 5 am and ended at 6 pm, with two one-hour rest breaks at 8 am and noon. In the future, 382 six-hour shifts had to be worked for the 286 ½ eight-hour shifts that were previously used annually. The relatively small number of shifts can be explained by the many mountain holidays. In 1781, however, Emperor Josef canceled 26 such mountain holidays. Even with the considerably increased staff in 1769, the accelerated tunneling of the new underpass tunnel and the increased activity in mining in the following years at the Ischler Salzberg could not be sufficient. Worker Ischler Salzberg: In 1805 the workforce at the Ischler Salzberg already numbered 230 men. In 1805 the administrative offices of Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee employed a total of 3,422 men. In addition, there were 1,000 workers in Aussee, that of the bulk runners' trade office for barrel production and personnel required for shipping, the occupation of the loading places and barns and the Küfler standing in the finishing service. A total of around 5,000 workers may have been employed in the salt industry. In 1851 the ministry set the peak of stable laborers at 3,739 men. Between 1805 and 1810, the number of employees at the Verwesamt Ischl was 968 workers. Ischl dilapidated: Number of personnel mid 1805 to 1810 In his book "Travelling through Upper Austria", Volume I from 1809, Joseph August Schultes describes the following activities on the Ischler Salzberg: Overview of the mountain personnel at the Ischler Berge 1804: In 1822 the miners in Hallstatt and Ischl had the following work regulations: The cleaners, miners (conveyors), Lettenschlager, Wegleger and workboys began work on Monday at 6 a.m. and worked eight six-hour shifts a week with a six-hour rest period. The carpenters worked five six-hour shifts with a twelve-hour break in 3 freestyle sessions on site and started work on Mondays at 6 a.m., 12 p.m. and 6 p.m. They spent the sixth six-hour shift "after work", i.e. not at Gedingort during the rest period, and had Thursday afternoons or evenings off. The squires also only worked six six-hour shifts a week, two a day each, but they were only assigned to two men and could therefore complete their weekly work in three days. The book writers, blacksmiths, stuff custodians, chest judges, Geimel and Rüster were on the mountain from Monday morning to Thursday evening and worked twice a day for six hours, from 6 a.m. to 7 p.m. with a one-hour lunch break. The watermen rotated six-hour shifts, worked 14 shifts a week, and then were off duty the following week. Like the other day workers, the woodworkers and unskilled laborers stayed at the Salzberg from Monday to Thursday, but were only paid five days' wages for the four working days and the paid return trip. The new shift order introduced in 1841 according to the intentions of the court chamber in connection with a status and wage regulation was intended to eliminate organizational disadvantages and put the companies on a more rational basis. The servants on the salt mountains were now divided into: 1. The championship without manual activities, 2. Hut people with manual activities, 3. Miners 1st, 2nd and 3rd class with a weekly wage increased by 30% compared to the previous one, 4. Manipulation Pupils (Mountain Boys). The number of systematic master craftsman and worker posts was limited to 178 in Ischl, 213 in Aussee and 301 in Hallstatt. Working hours should be extended to the whole week, starting Monday at noon and ending on Saturday at noon. The pit work was to take eight six-hour shifts throughout. This shift order, which kept the miners back at the salt mines all week long, was not popular with the miners. In 1851, the Hallstatt miners finally obtained permission to work the 48-hour week in five days by shortening the previous rest periods, so that they could leave the salt mine on Friday and use the whole of Saturday to do housework. In 1821, only boys who were at least twelve years old and had school certificates were allowed to be accepted as miner boys or manipulation pupils, mostly the sons of supervisors. The number of boys in Ischl was eight and twelve in Hallstatt. They initially served without pay and, after a probationary period, received a small wage including farm grain if they performed satisfactorily. As in all companies, the number of employees at the Ischler Salzberg had increased significantly. In 1823 it was 246, in 1824 even 263 men, including 206 miners, 30-45 woodcutters and 10-11 pupils. The austerity measures of the following years only slowly made themselves felt, 1832 employed 206, 1834 195 and 1837 183 men. There were now 185 systematic posts, and the administration had to cover any additional demand by hiring temporary interim workers. In the years 1847 to 1849 the Ischler Salzberg employed a total of 200 men. From the 185 systematized positions on: Class I 37 on housemen and foremen class II 41 on Lettenschlager, stretch workers, blacksmiths and elmsters Class III 41 on conveyors and layoffs Class IV 37 on chester Class V 29 on Tschanderer and Werkbuben In his report on "The Ischler Bergfest" in the 1970 Leobner Grünen Hefte, Franz Grieshofer gives an overview of the workforce at the Ischler Salzberg from 1650 to 1969 Ischler Salzberg: Number of employees 1650 - 1969 In her work on "The Liquidation of the Saline Hall" from 1970, Maria Mittendorfer gives an overview of the number of employees at the Austrian salt works in 1964. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Joseph August Schulte's "Travels through Upper Austria", Volume I, Tübingen 1809, reprint Linz 2008 Franz Grieshofer "The Ischler Bergfest", Leobner Grüne Hefte, Vienna 1970 Maria Mittendorfer "The liquidation of the Saline Hall", contributions to alpine economic and social research, episode 92, Innsbruck 1970

16 The Old Steinberg – Tunnel Stud Name: "Alter Steinberg - Stollen" because of the route in dense limestone Struck: 1567 Length: 902 m (658 m in Kalk, 244 m in Haselgebirge) Altitude: 852 m In 1567, under Emperor Ferdinand I. the "Alte Steinberg - Stollen" and the "Oberberg - Stollen", later renamed "Lipplesgraben - Stollen". The new tunnel made it possible to use the salt mountains discovered in the Mitterberg tunnel and to convert the two pumping works of the Mitterberg tunnel into discharge weirs. Encouraged by a test dig created from the Mitterberg tunnel, the Ischl miners started the slightly lower-lying Old Steinberg tunnel. The main shaft had to be driven 552 Stabel (658.0m) in lime, behind it one encountered rich Haselgebirge, which was at least 205 Stabel (244.4m) long. In 1575, experts from the three Aussee, Hallstatt and Ischl saltworks inspected and advised on the Ischler Salzberg. In the old Steinberg tunnel there was a level pit to the left of the main shaft to open up the mountains and next to it a pumping station designed to the south. Since the test furnaces extended under the Ebenschurf were in the well-salted mountains, the inspectors suggested that the field site of the Ebenschurf in the Tauben should be further extended. A dam in good condition was erected because of the freshwater that had been brought in. Since the field site of the Old Steinberg tunnel was in the deaf mountains, the inspectors decided to dig down a sinkhole to explore the salt mountains and then to examine the mountains with an oven. Due to the inexperience of the miners, who considered the limestone in the back of the head to be a deposit, after which salt must come again after breaking through, strong self-watering was started in the Old Steinberg tunnel, the coping of which caused great difficulties. In 1580, when there was still water-bearing, jagged limestone in the Steinberg, one was close to stopping any further tunnel excavation. A pit plan drawn up in 1654 shows that the old Steinberg tunnel - main shaft was first 156 Stabel (186.0m) in the bare rock and timbering, then a 40 Stabel (47.7m) long section was built in dense limestone, where this tunnel came from also got his name and then again 113 Stabel (134.7m) in the Tauben Mountains. After a total length of 309 Stabel (368.3m), the old Steinberg tunnel - main shaft finally reached the salt mountains. In the Hasel Mountains, the straight main shaft was continued and two bends were created, namely the bowl bend on the right and the Christoph Eysel bend on the left. The bowl turn was 135 sticks (160.9m) long and its field location was written in stone. On this hairpin bend there were two abandoned pumping stations, namely the hook and shooting station. The Christoph Eysel - Kehr was 80 Stabel (95.4m) long and there were two new pumping works, namely the Mathias Eysel - and the Hörlin - building, which held 4 Stuben Sulzen (452.8m³) at the first watering. The field location of this turn was in the gypsum stone. On the straight continuation of the main shaft, which stood up to the Zwerchschurf (diagonal Schurf) 205 Stabel (244.4m) in the salted mountains, there were 6 burrows. The names of these waterworks were Ederinger, Ebinger, Hinterdorfer, Neuhauser, Schroffensteiner and old Weidinger - Bau. The burrows were partly intersected and already mostly used. The old Weidinger building was provided with an additional dam so that the fall from the salt mountains at the rear of the main shaft could also be watered down. In addition to the two bends mentioned, there were also the Eder and Weidinger bends, extended to the left of the main shaft. On the 67 bar (79.9 m) long Eder bend, whose field location was written in stone, was the Eder building, which was still in use and was 14 bar (16.7 m) deep and held 3 rooms (339.6 m³) of brine . The Weidinger - Kehr stood 34 Stabel (40.5m) in the well-salted mountains and on the same was the new Weidinger - building, which had 8 Stabel (9.5m) construction depth and 12 Suole rooms (1358.4m³) summarized. At the rear of the main shaft, a transverse dig (transverse dig) with 40 poles (47.7m) on the right and 28 poles (33.4m) on the left was lengthened to explore the salt mountains. The field site of the former stood in stone and barren mountains, in the latter there was a wooden weir to prevent an inrush of the approached fresh water. Behind this Zwerchschurf, the main shaft was extended by another 30 sticks (35.8 m) over a fall from the salt mountains. Their field place was in stone and barren mountains. Also on this main shaft were the main trench from the Mitterberg tunnel down and the two, 22 Stabel (26.2 m) and 8 Stabel (9.5 m) long discharge furnaces of the Schellenberger weirs built in the Mitterberg tunnel. Due to lengthy repair work on the Sulzstrehn from Hallstatt, the brine for both salt pans in Ischl and Ebensee had to be produced mostly in the Old Steinberg tunnel. That is why in 1654 the whole 32 Stabel (38.1m) mighty mountain thickness was sooty except for 10 Stabel (11.9m). In 1656, the old Steinberg tunnel stood in the rich salt core and contained 12 water dams that had to be heavily used at times. A burrow had already collapsed. The commission recommended undercutting the Steinberg, but further consultations should take place with the involvement of external experts. Finally, in 1692, a new underpass tunnel, namely the Rabenbrunn tunnel, was struck. With the more than 1,000 m long Rabenbrunn tunnel, only salt mountains could be approached for the construction of a single building due to a faulty direction of advance and a too strong slope. In 1751, in the old Steinberg tunnel to explore the salt mountains, the test pits in the Eysel bend and in other places were not successful either. Therefore, the Old Steinberg - and the Rabenbrunn - tunnels were abandoned soon afterwards. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 B. Pillwein "History, Geography and Statistics of the Archduchy above the Enns and the Duchy of Salzburg", 2nd part Traunkreis, Linz 1828

Social – Faith and Church: A document from Duke Albrecht II from 1344 confirms that there was already a church in Ischl around 1270. Ischl originally belonged to the Frauenstift Traunkirchen, to which all churches in the "Ischlland" were subordinate. At the beginning of the 15th century, the mother church of Traunkirchen was divided. The churches of the upper Kammergut were subordinated to the parish of Goisern. Ischl became Goisern's branch church. From there the branch priests rode to their assigned places to exercise pastoral care. So Ischl did not have an independent priest until he was promoted to a pastor. May 26, 1554 was a memorable day when Ischl was elevated to an independent parish by Bishop Wolfgang Passau. This important event fell in the century of the Reformation. Luther's teachings made their way into the Kammergut as early as the first half of the 16th century. Promoted by the rural nobility and rich citizens, Protestantism also gained ground because there was a great shortage of priests and there was often a lack of good pastors. In 1568, Maximilian II (1564 – 1576) granted the Protestant Christians of the chamber estate the freedom to practice their religion, so it is not surprising that from around 1575, instead of Catholic pastors, Protestant priests appeared in Ischl. From the pastor Paul Neumayr (1602) the Catholic pastoral care in Ischl is again documented. The first pastors had a low income because they didn't have the tithe that Goisern collected and they didn't have a farm that could have contributed a subsidy. In 1609, the salt clerk Veit Spindler granted financial support at the request of the Ischl pastor "so that a learned priest and good preacher can be preserved in such a respectable community". In 1622 the monastery in Traunkirchen became a Jesuit residence. The Jesuit missionaries traveled the Kammergut and exercised the bailiwick rights intensively. In 1634 the emperor appointed the Salzamtmann to be the religious inspector and, in his own religious dragonfly, tightened the compulsion to follow the Catholic religious norms. In 1672 the population of the parish of Ischl had grown to 3,000 souls. The stormy waves of Reformation and Counter-Reformation flared up again at the end of the 17th century. The Hofkammer wanted to finally get rid of the Protestants in the Kammergut. Another means of coercion by the government was the establishment of a sovereign religious reform commission in 1712, which did not find the hoped-for support from the tolerant salt official, Count von Seeau. Therefore, the court chamber extended the powers of the commission and granted it the main inspection and supreme authority before the salt official in all religious incidents. The commission had the right to pronounce the expulsion of the Protestant partner from the country even in mixed marriages, and was only allowed to allow him to remain in the country if he did not prevent the Catholic part and the household members from worship, only married the children to Catholics, and did not spread the contradiction and no other annoyance. The religious commissioners now had a free hand and did not lack the necessary zeal for the Catholic cause. Around 1731 a new wave of reformations flooded from Salzburg into the Kammergut. The great persecution of Protestants was going on in Salzburg, many Protestants fled to their co-religionists across the border. The Salzamt strengthened the border guard because they feared a general uprising in Salzburg and its spread to the Kammergut. Count von Seeau, who understood the religious feelings of the population better than anyone else, saw the only effective means of suppressing the evangelical doctrine in expelling those residents who persisted in the new faith and were inaccessible to all attempts at conversion, following the example of the Archbishop of Salzburg. However, the government wanted to avoid this because they rightly feared disadvantages for the Salzkammergut. The government's policy was like dancing on eggshells, they wanted to make people Catholic under all circumstances, but not lose them. The Protestants who decided to emigrate in 1733, whom the religious commission described as ringleaders in a report to the secret court chancellery, were sent to Transylvania, for which the Salt Office had to provide the necessary ships. There were about 30 to 40 of them. The proceeds from their possessions of houses and land remained with the emigrants after deduction of the ten percent departure fee to be paid to the rulers. The government's hope of being able to curb Lutheran teaching through leniency and accommodation was not fulfilled; Protestantism is still widespread in the Kammergut. And since Austrian goodness didn't work, sharper tones were found in Vienna. In 1735 about 80 apostates were again allowed to emigrate, but the unmarried young boys among them who were fit for military service were to be retained and placed among the recruits; the emigrants also had to pay the shipping costs themselves. Educational contributions and alms could henceforth only be given to needy Catholics. The Salzburg emigrants who remained in the Kammergut were to be agreed to leave those who had become Catholic, but to "unfailingly abolish" the heretics; it was forbidden to include one in the work. When recruiting soldiers in the Kammergut, untamed and wanton boys were handed over to the militia by the salt office, but Lutheran ones by the religious commission itself against their will. The government issued stricter mandates to the regional courts in order to prevent the importation of non-Catholic books and correspondence, such as the dealings of Protestants with the Reich. A guard house was built at the Lauffener bridge and manned by three invalids to better monitor the people passing through in matters of religion. From 1737 the government tried to get rid of the remaining Protestants entirely, supported the emigration of those who publicly professed Lutheranism in every way and made life at home difficult for them. The Salt Office visitation of December 1737 hoped to have deported the last remaining Lutherans. She was wrong, the evangelical faith had not died out in the Kammergut, its followers in the country had only become Catholics outwardly and only obeyed the commandments of the church out of necessity, because otherwise they would have lost work and bread. As late as 1742 the order was issued to suspend all workers who did not appear in the churches or left them during services. The overzealousness of the religious commission and individual missionaries even fought the Sunday work of the Pfannhauser and boatmen, but the Salt Office, which was concerned with maintaining operations, found insightful helpers in the local clergy. In Ischl, the pastor was willing to offer early mass on Sundays and public holidays to such an extent that the workers could attend the service without disturbing the order of the south. Incidentally, the church would not have had any reason to forbid work on Sundays and public holidays, since for centuries its institutions had used the healing salt of God as atonement for the profanation of Sundays. The construction of the Ischler Bergkirche, ordered by Empress Maria Theresia, also took place during this period. The chapel, built between 1747 and 1751, was intended to "serve the workers of the Ischl salt mine to perform prayer and to maintain devotion to preserve the divine blessing". The period from 1750 to the patent of tolerance in 1781 was completely under the influence of the strictly Catholic Empress Maria Theresia, who did not want to see any means left unexploited in the Kammergut to strengthen the Catholic faith in the population and to suppress the heretical evangelical doctrine. Severe penalties were meted out to all those who gave the official bodies or supervisory bodies justifiable cause for complaints. The subjects of the Wildenstein dominion who took in servants had to submit a spiritual certificate to the nursing office that they were Catholic, otherwise they had to pay a fine. As late as 1776, those who missed Sunday services had to be arrested for 24 hours with bread and water. Parties who used bacon for cooking on a fast day, as well as the innkeepers who served during the service, were arrested for 24 hours, but threatened with severe corporal punishment in the event of a repeat offense. The deportation of the Protestants to Hungary lasted until 1753, later an attempt was made to convert them in the Kremsmünster conversion house, "particularly so as not to at least teach their children the same poison in which one might secretly hope". The Hofkammer attached great importance to the distribution of Catholic books and the prevention of the importation of Protestant writings. Under the pretense of a pilgrimage, the evangelicals had often visited their co-religionists in Germany and brought Lutheran books with them. As a result, only those people were allowed to cross the border who could identify themselves with a parish certificate about their Catholic way of life. The border guards had a strict mandate to search for Lutheran books, and they exposed themselves to punishment if they left them with the owners. In the Kammergut itself, it was the task of the religious commission to search for banned books, take them away from the owners and send them to punishment. The writings found had to be taken to the salt office and were not allowed to be kept in the administration offices and chancellery. The salt office had to send the seized books immediately to the censorship commission. When Emperor Joseph II came to power in 1781, the suppression of Protestantism also came to an end in the Chamber estate and the Protestant faith gained its freedom. The Protestants from Gosau, Goisern and Hallstatt united in faith communities and built houses of prayer; Gosau and Goisern also chose pastors and built apartments for them. A prayer house and a Protestant school were established in Gosau around 1783, and a pastor and a schoolmaster were employed. The evangelical community in Goisern also had a house of prayer in 1783. In February 1802, the Goisern pastorate comprised 4000 souls, including the Hallstatt and Obertraun branches. In 1790 the evangelical community in Hallstatt had a house of prayer, but no pastor of its own and was affiliated with the pastorate in Goisern. The first half of the 19th century was a period of undisturbed development for the Protestant parishes in the Kammergut, and their equality with the Catholic parishes was based on the law. Of course, the final barriers had not yet fallen; Protestants were not allowed to teach Catholic children and, for the most part, were not allowed to rest among Catholics even in death. Goisern was the largest evangelical community in the Kammergut. The Salzamt was the patron saint of the parishes in Altmünster, Ebensee, Ischl, Laufen, Goisern, Hallstatt with Obertraun and Gosau up until the 19th century. The patronage rights and duties that accrued to the Salzamt extended its sphere of activity, but also increased the financial expenditure for church purposes. In the case of parish errands, however, the episcopal ordinariate was always involved and asked for their good opinion on the proposal for appointment. The connection between the church and the Salt Office led to the clergy being treated equally to civil servants who worked in wood, an advantage that was also given to teachers. Attending church services on Sundays and public holidays was made compulsory for civil servants up until the 19th century. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Franz Stüger, commemorative publication "400 year anniversary of the parish of Bad Ischl", Bad Ischl 1954 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004

11 a High water tunnel Stud Name: "High Water Gallery" Struck: 1689 Leave: 1766 Length: 40 m water tunnel (total drive 243 m) Altitude: 1,114m In 1689 the Hoher Wasserstollen was struck in order to be able to examine the part of the salt dome assumed to be above the Lipplesgraben tunnel. This was the highest tunnel ever driven on the Ischler Salzberg. The Hoher Wasserstollen was installed in the so-called "Fleck" at the foot of the Niederer Rosenkogel. However, since the same was built too high, the salt mountains, which do not reach far up the Lipplesgraben tunnel, were completely run over. It therefore did not live up to its purpose as a hope for salt and the tunnel soon fell into disrepair. High water tunnel, pit plan Michael Kefer, 1829, Upper Austrian Provincial Archive The main shaft was initially in gravel rock, then in gypsum and limestone, its total length was 204 rods (243.2 m). In 1757, 34 bars (40 m) of the main shaft were brought back into a navigable position and used to divert surface water. Since the daily water used was insignificant and did not increase even in heavy rain, the Hoher Wasserstollen was completely abandoned in 1766 and from that point on it was left to decay. High water tunnel, location in the slide area, 1927, Archiv Salinen Austria High water tunnel, landslide, around 1930, archive Salinen Austria The exact location of the Hoher Wasserstollen can no longer be precisely determined today, since extensive subsidence and landslides occurred in the entire area as a result of factory collapses from 1924 onwards. By 1927, an area of more than 9,500 m² was in motion. The attachment point of the high water tunnel was also affected. Sources used: Michael Kefer "Description and explanation of the main maps kk Salzberg zu Ischel", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016

Social – Wages: A comparison with the wages set in the second Libellus of 1563 shows that the daily earnings of skilled miners have remained fairly unchanged, while those of day laborers and other unskilled laborers have increased by about 50%. It can be seen that under the pressure of economic hardship the government had to at least boost the wages of the lower classes to keep them viable and able to work. However, the wages of the salt workers were still very meager. Employment conditions in the rest of Upper Austria were significantly more favorable. A journeyman and a day laborer earned a good 50% more than a salt worker. It should not be overlooked that the salt workers enjoyed many benefits in addition to their wages that were unknown outside of the Kammergut. They were exempt from military service and from military billeting, paid no taxes or levies unless they were homeowners, they had free medical treatment in the event of illness and constant care in old age. Covering the demand for bread grain was one of the most important tasks of the Salt Office, which was authorized in times of rising prices to sell it to relatives below cost price. The livestock production of an entire district, the Hofmark with the Viechtau, served exclusively to supply meat to the Kammergut, the meat prices were set by the authorities and the butchers were supported with subsidies so that they were able to maintain these prices even in expensive times. The salt workers did not have to worry about the future of their sons, even in the first half of the 18th century every able-bodied farmer found appropriate income. The low-wage miners often only worked short shifts and thus had the opportunity to earn an extra income. By enfeoffing infangs (peripheral parcels) and allocating timber, the government encouraged the development of extensive smallholdings. The purchase of firewood was free for all employees. The miners in Ischl were paid much better than those in Hallstatt, so their economic situation was more favourable. Unfortunately, the reasons for the unequal treatment of the two companies could not be derived from the documents used. This difference is all the more striking as the other provisions of the Mining Code are the same for both salt mines. Around 1690 the administrative offices in Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee had an excessively high number of men. Not only did they take in far too young workers aged 12 to 15, but also immigrant workers from other countries. In the Kammergut everything was trying to find accommodation in the imperial service. The salt office did not cause any difficulties, on the contrary, its applications for commissions, grace money, alms, doctor's wages, educational contributions, etc. were "tardy, light and unfounded, written according to whim". Commissions were requested for people who were not entitled to them. Instead of flatly refusing requests, the officials even supported the parties in doing so. The officials wrote the submissions for commissions themselves and thus acquired a considerable additional income. The number of old-age pensioners was also unnaturally high, because the workers took early commissions to make room for their sons or to sell the vacant position to a third party. At the end of the 17th century, state finances were in particularly bad shape, and going into debt became the norm. In order to satisfy the empire's financial needs, the income from taxes was no longer nearly enough, even for the operation of the salt works in the Kammergut there was sometimes a lack of cash. Going into debt had become the norm in Austria in order to get over the current shortage of money. The workers drew their wages at the weekend and the Salt Office had no greater concern than to send the Weeding Office the necessary cash for the payday. But he didn't always succeed, sometimes people had to return home empty-handed on Saturday because no money had come from Gmunden. In 1693 the Kammergutarbeiter sent an emergency cry to the Court Chamber for grain; In Ebensee, Ischl and Hallstatt there was hunger and dysentery, the pans could no longer be operated, the deteriorating coinage had devalued the money. The buyers, shipwrights and Stadlinger (shipmen) who worked in the manufacturing sector suffered even more than the imperial workers. In a petition written to Ischl, they complained that they had nothing left on their bodies and nothing to eat, in Laufen some had already died of hunger and the rest were about to emigrate with their wives and children and go begging. The finishers were also impoverished and could no longer pay them their wages. The year 1696 was one of the saddest in the eventful history of the Salzamt. The Hofkriegszahlenamt claimed all of his receipts for itself. The shortage of money was also so bad because the sales of salt fell noticeably as a result of the rapid succession of price increases in favor of smuggling. The Salzamtmann had to find outside money, which could no longer be obtained at an interest rate of 6 percent, in order to be able to secure the grain deliveries to the Kammergut. The financial crisis lasted until 1703; they feared national bankruptcy and the loss of good faith among the people. All available means were necessary to maintain the empire and the army, and yet the payment of interest from the Salt Office could not be omitted. The emperor himself urged the salt office to send money to Gmunden so that the Gmunden office could pay the interest and pay the workers. With the intention of increasing the number of people needed for salt work in the Kammergut, the sovereigns had favored the founding of families by allocating fiefdom, helping to build houses and granting a dowry. By the end of the 17th century, this goal had not only been reached, but also exceeded; the supply of workers had outstripped the need. Marriage was no longer made so easy for young people and required the consent of the salt clerk; this only had to allow marriage to one or the other "busy and caring" worker. The allocation of infants (peripheral plots) was stopped, and the construction of new residential and farm buildings was made more difficult because there was no longer a particular desire to start families and there was every reason to limit the use of timber and to protect the forests. From 1709 onwards, the construction of workers' houses was only approved on the condition that they were made of brickwork and that the wood required did not come from imperial forests. A main inspection of the salt office ordered in 1733 under the direction of Count Starhemberg was to investigate and eliminate these abuses. The perception was made that “almost the entire crowd there insists on it and proposes that everyone should be appointed ex ärario, so to speak, because the young people of both sexes no longer go into private service, neither learn a trade, but want to get married early . Instead of them only foreign servants were kept and many foreign people were bred into them and the chamber estate was therefore overpopulated.” The Salt Office was instructed to encourage young people to do other than salt work, to remove immigrant strangers from the country, to restrict marriages, and to give stubborn elements to the soldiers. The appointment of Johann Georg Freiherr von Sternbach as Salzamtmann in 1743 marked the beginning of a new era. Sternbach intervened firmly in the administration of the Salzamt. The greatest and most difficult task was to reduce the excessively swollen labor force to economically justifiable proportions. So far, all the instructions and orders from the court authorities had remained fruitless because the officials knew what tremendous resistance they would unleash and had neither the courage nor the will to take up the inevitable fight The workers, alarmed by the action of the Salzamtmann, sent deputations to Vienna to prevent the threatened dismantling, but found little to meet them. Laid-off workers who, because of their age or family, could neither move nor earn an income elsewhere received maintenance payments. The unmarried boys who could not be used for salt or wood work and who were expendable joined the military. The recruitment of residents of the Salzkammergut violated the age-old statute that they should be exempt from any service. The seriousness with which the layoffs and other austerity measures were carried out aroused the most violent resistance from the workers. This led to riots in Ebensee. Officials were physically attacked and injured. Ischl forest workers tried to regain their old rights by going on strike. In order to give Sternbach's measures the necessary emphasis, 300 infantry and 30 men on horseback were sent to Gmunden under the command of a sergeant. The movement had become dangerous because the majority of senior officials, who disliked Sternbach's harsh actions, sided with the workers and encouraged them. The bourgeois circles, on the other hand, especially the salt manufacturers, were worried about the workers' unrest because they feared that their trades would be disturbed and they could not know what extent the unrest would become. A commission of inquiry was set up to urge the continuation unchanged of the measures introduced by Sternbach and approved by the government, and proceeded with the greatest severity against all who opposed them. Most of the participants in the uprising quickly showed remorse and there was no fear of a repeat of the unrest. Complaining officials were questioned by the commission of inquiry without involving the salt official. Their verdict was devastating for the applicants. Without exception, the commission found all objections to be unfounded, incorrect, impudent and of such a nature that the ignorance and negligence of the informants was proven and one was completely convinced of their recalcitrance. With this report, the fate of the complainants was decided, they were dismissed from the service. After the suppression of the workers' uprising and the removal of his most dangerous opponents, Sternbach was able to continue and consolidate his reform work undisturbed from 1744 onwards. Until 1753, the salt workers were regularly paid their wages on Saturdays after the weekly raitung (weekly payroll). In 1753, Salzamtmann Sternbach introduced four-week wage payments to save on paperwork and clerical work, and in the meantime gave the workers official slips with which they could buy from the millers and other tradespeople on Borg. The workers, whose economy had always been based on weekly pay, fought back and persuaded the investigative commission present to quickly withdraw Sternbach's decree. The closer it got to the turn of the century, the greater the need in the Kammergut and the more dissatisfied the workers, whose wages had remained almost unchanged for 80 years. A commemorative document written in 1797 by the spokesmen of the Hallstatt workers and presented to the Court Commission in Gmunden was extremely sharp in tone and openly expressed the ferment among the workers. The mountain carpenter Josef Pfandl, spokesman for the deputation at Count Aichold, said that the revolutionary ideas coming from France were fulfilled: "Things will be the same here in France as in France and in Vienna things are already going so well that no citizen would look at His Majesty pay more attention". The commission, outraged by Pfandl's language, found the authors guilty of defamation and attempted sedition and handed them over to the courts for trial. Pfandl was imprisoned in Ort near Gmunden for 388 days before he managed to escape. He then wandered erratically abroad and in November 1800 applied to Vienna for permission to travel home. At the request of the Court Chamber, which knew that the entire workforce was committed to him, the Emperor complied with his request. In the course of the 18th century the salaries of civil servants increased only partially and not significantly. The low wage increases have also permanently lost value due to the introduction of paper money alongside the metallic currency. In 1761, bank notes were first put into circulation as paper money. The people weren't happy about it. Paper currency declined sharply between 1808 and 1810. As a result, the need for the staff increased. In the years 1808 and 1809 the printing press printed more and more paper money, by 1810 this had almost completely replaced cash. On December 11, 1810, Austria stopped cash payments entirely, the bank notes were confiscated and replaced by redemption slips, which, however, only had 1/5 of the previous nominal value. Finally, in 1816, the rebuilding of the Austrian monetary economy began with the establishment of the National Bank. This alone was entitled to issue banknotes and obliged to redeem the current bill money. The wages of the miners were anything but good, mainly because of the devaluation of the currency. The management of their small estates was therefore a necessity in order to be able to provide themselves with the most important staple foods. On the other hand, working in the mountains offered a basic income that made it easier for the miners to survive times of crisis than other occupational groups – agricultural or non-agricultural – whose existence was often threatened by price fluctuations or crop failures. It was this system of "safe poverty" that made working in salt mines so popular. Austria's struggle against Napoleon required the utmost exertion of all forces and suppressed all other considerations. The imperial patent of October 25, 1804 granted exemption from military service only to executives and the most distinguished workers in the mines. With the strict application of this regulation, the Salt Office would have had to stop all operations that were not allowed to be interrupted because of the salt supply of the Reich. The Salzamt and the Verwesämter were constantly trying to get their people free from the Assentierung (conscription), but the recruitment commission instructed by the Hofkriegsrat made no exception for the Kammergut and called up 183 men from the Kammergut for the position in July 1805. After an objection from the Salzamt, the recruiting commission held back only 41 men from the Kammergut. The period of French rule from 1809 onwards was downright catastrophic for the salt industry. The income from the sale of salt in the country flowed into the coffers of the enemy intendancy, so the salt office could neither pay the wages of the salt workers nor procure the food they needed to feed themselves. During the summer months of 1809, Hallstatt workers waited seven weeks for their wages. Hundreds of them marched in front of the office building in Lahn and threatened to take the salt from the stacks as payment if help didn't come soon. A total of around 5,000 workers were probably employed in the salt industry around 1820. This number was already reduced by 1,058 men in 1825. In 1832, only 3,858 men served in the salt industry, 741 of them in Ischl. In 1851 the ministry set the peak of stable laborers at 3,739 men. The misery of the many dismissed workers was great, so their urge to be accepted back into the service of the salt office was understandable. The offices had to suffer a lot from the onslaught of job seekers and it was difficult to always make the right choice. In 1820, in addition to a shift wage of 45 Kreuzer, a worker also received farm grain and lard in exchange for the old limit price (purchase price). From 1829 onwards, in order to be able to continue operations without problems in the event of major sick leave, military conscription or temporary additional demands, for example due to construction work, the administrative offices were forced to take on temporary interim workers (temporary workers) beyond the normal status of permanent workers. The negotiations with the Oberamt led to a separation of the workers into three groups: 1. Stable workers entitled to commission and enjoying provisions (“full workers”). 2. Stable and commission-eligible workers without provisions ("incomplete workers"). 3. In non-permanent workers without a right to commission and provisions (“interim workers”). The winter of 1847 increased the misery of the workers to an unbearable level. The people sold their livestock, got into debt, couldn't get flour from the millers in advance, lost their strength and didn't have enough to clothe themselves. In January 1848, the Hofkammer began working out a new wage system that was intended to bring the workers a significant improvement in their income. The workers had always been used to bringing their wages home at the end of each week. In 1823, the court chamber wanted to introduce monthly payment to save on a lot of paperwork, but gave up due to the great resistance of the workers and finally stuck with the fortnightly payment. In 1848 the old wish of the working class for the reintroduction of weekly pay was fulfilled. For the payment of wages, it was customary for the clerk responsible for compiling the wage list to collect the necessary money from the till and for the foremen to make the payment. But no master was allowed to pay off his own staff. In order to be safe from fraud in shift calculations, the Hofkammer transferred this business to the cashiers in 1824. In 1848, the Court Chamber set the 48-hour week for all miners equally and wanted to break it down into six eight-hour shifts. However, she only found the approval of the Ausseer miners, while those in Hallstatt and Ischl insisted on the six-hour pit shift that had been granted to them in 1771. Mining lasted from Monday to Friday, leaving Saturday free for chores around the house. If the office needed farmhands, it encouraged marriages by providing marriage money, giving birth and giving away wood for building houses free of charge. When the fruits of economic policy had ripened and there were too many job seekers, the Oberamt again restricted marriages and denied the workers the necessary marriage permits. Maria Theresa's reforms had deprived the Salzamt of being able to enact marriage bans by legal means. Hofrat Schiller was faced with the hard and difficult task of not only adapting the excessive number of men to actual needs, but also of proceeding more strictly with the marriage permits that had previously been granted indiscriminately. In spite of the legal freedom to marry, the Oberamt still had effective means of discouraging the younger workers from marrying. It was within the power of the Salt Office to tie new marriage permits to the renunciation of the family grain. From 1830 onwards, the Oberamt denied marriage permits to all workers who were not yet eligible for a commission and had therefore not yet completed their eighth year of service. In addition, it no longer allowed them to receive the family grain. These measures, but especially the loss of the family grain, kept young people from getting married early, and by 1843 the number of marriage applications had already fallen sharply. A decree issued by the Emperor in December 1848 ordered leniency for sentences not yet executed and the termination of investigations. Furthermore, the reintroduction of the family grain, the reduction of the pasture interest by half, the reduction in the price of wood for the needy and the abolition of the long-service work. These government concessions were able to satisfy and reassure the workers. There was no real uprising movement in the Kammergut, but fears of such a movement prompted the authorities to take some precautionary measures. The Saline Ebensee had set up a fire station for a short time. A section of the National Guard had taken up position in Ischl. In October 1848, due to a shortage of firearms, the Board of Directors of the National Guard asked the Oberamt for the production of 120 pikes and for a contribution to the uniforming of the poor guards from the working class. The government had no objection to the production of pikes in the Ebensee court smithy, the salt works actually supplied the National Guard with 60 pikes. But she refused the uniform expenses, the workers should fall back on the funds of the brother shop. The long period of war, with its insatiable demands on men fit for arms, had eliminated the old privilege of the salt workers, who had also become conscripts and were subject to military laws. In November 1818, 124 men from the Kammergut were drafted to Kremsmünster for recruitment. In 1819, 168 Landwehr men from the Kammergut were ordered to move into Vöcklabruck for a fourteen-day weapons exercise and examination. It was important to the Salzamt to exempt people from military service who were indispensable for the company or who were difficult to replace. In response to their ideas, a joint commission consisting of representatives of the district office, the salt office and the military district command came together in 1820 to determine the categories desired for military liberation. According to this agreement, 1,385 of a total of 5,530 employees were to be released from military service for a limited period of time. Up until the 19th century, the salt workers in the Kammergut received “limito provisions”, a certain amount of grain and lard that could be purchased at fixed, reduced prices. This cheaper way of passing on food had made a significant contribution to alleviating the social hardship of the miners, especially in times of crisis, when the price of food rose sharply. On the other hand, even in the 19th century, the basic wages of salt workers were always below those of qualified factory workers. The system of "secure poverty" continued into the 19th century: working as a stable miner or salt worker was secure employment even in times of crisis, but cuts in pay had to be accepted. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

02 The Emperor Franzens – Stollen Stud Name: Until 1808 "Lower Kaiser Franz - Stollen", then "Kaiser Franz Stollen" Emperor Franz II./I. (son of Emperor Leopold II), reigned 1792 - 1835 Struck: May 1, 1794 - together with Emperor Leopold - tunnels Length: 884m - 1834 propulsion set Altitude: 588 m The Kaiser Franz tunnel was struck together with the Kaiser Leopold tunnel on May 1, 1794. Around 1800, the Kaiser Franz tunnel had only been extended to 65 bars (77.7m). In 1809 the Court Chamber considered building a mountain house for Emperor Franz -- Stollen, for which 4244 fl. building costs were estimated. In 1811, the Verwesamt bought the building and garden area of 300 square meters from the owner Balthasar Gratzer for 150 fl Rent of 10 fl. In 1813 the Bergmeister Dicklberger was the first to move into the beautiful "Unteres Berghaus". The administration was in no hurry to drive the Kaiser Franz tunnel. From 1818 to 1822, tunneling was stopped altogether because the crew was needed to secure squeezing sections, and from then until 1830 the tunnel only advanced by 7 rods (8.4 m) into the field. It was now 743 Stabel (884.0m) long and still needed 1187 Stabel (1418.5m) to reach the salt line. It didn't come to that, in 1834 the administration stopped the construction of the tunnel altogether, with the intention of re-occupying it only after the completion of the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. It was not until 70 years later that the Kaiser Franz tunnel was replaced by the 1st blind horizon, which had been driven through the Distler shaft in 1904. From 1966 the "Franzberg - Haus" was used as an administration building for the ammunition depot in Perneck of the Austrian Armed Forces. During this time, a shooting range was installed in the Kaiser Franz tunnel and the tunnel was walled off after about 100m. The "Franzberg House" is now privately owned and cannot be visited. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006

01 Perneck village square Stud Name: IGM - Studs Posted : 2019 Length : 1 m Altitude : 590 m No salt found. Information board Via Salis at the village square:

The project of a cog railway to the Hütteneckalpe near Bad Ischl Figure 1: Hütteneckalm rack railway, probable route, Google Maps, Franz Kranabitl Figure 2: A "typical" railway from that time: Gaisbergbahn, built in 1887, photo taken around 1890, from Harrer "Gaisbergbahn" Figure 3: Hütteneckalm, Dachstein view, around 1950 By Friedrich Wilhelm Kremzow, Upper Austrian homeland sheets 1987 The Hütteneckalpe is located in the Salzkammergut at the foot of the Hoher Raschberg on a saddle between the Zwerchwand and Kleberwand at an altitude of 1,240 m. You can climb it both from Bad lschl and from Bad Goisern. If you choose the ascent route from Bad Ischl, the path usually leads via Perneck, the lschler Salzberg and the Reinfalzalm. From Bad Goisern the ascent takes place - past the villages of Lasern and Riedeln - usually through the Stambachtal. Since a chairlift leads to the high-lying village of Wurmstein, you can reach the Hütteneckalpe on a comfortable hiking trail, which has its starting point at the mountain station of this chairlift and touches the Roßmoosalm . Due to its favorable location, the Hütteneckalpe is one of the easiest vantage points to reach in the Salzkammergut region south of Bad lschl. To the south, the view extends from Lake Hallstatt to the peaks of the Dachstein massif, to the east you can see the still untouched Landscape of the Rettenbach valley and the plateau of the Dead Mountains. If you turn to the west, the wide expanse of the Traun Valley near Bad Goisern opens up to the viewer, while the Hoher and Niederer Kalmbergs limit the horizon. Already in the early days of the spa town of Bad lschl (i.e. before 1848) the Hütteneckalpe seems to have been a popular destination; at that time they were probably climbed almost exclusively from Bad lschl. It had become all the more popular with tourists since the imperial family regularly spent the summer in Bad lschl. The Hütteneckalpe was also a favorite destination of Empress Elisabeth, who visited this area several times. This excellent vantage point of the Salzkammergut was now the subject of a railway project, which has since been forgotten, but which seems worth discussing in more detail; only the local likes it - and he railway historians have a professional interest. The motives for the construction of such a mountain railway can no longer be deduced from the files and documents that have been preserved. However, some conclusions can be drawn from the time when the project was to be carried out, the year 1890. At that time, the project planning and construction of the Salzkammergut local railway from Salzburg to Bad lschl and the mountain railway to the Schafberg had just started. It is therefore understandable that - due to the economic situation - an interest in the construction of other mountain railways in the Salzkammergut has arisen. It is also worth mentioning that the initiator of this railway project also dealt with a plan for a Schafberg railway, but obviously did not get a chance here. Ultimately, it should be noted that the expansion and development of the railway network in Austria was in full bloom at the time, which was not only due to the construction. but also the project planning, later of course not executed railway lines is proven. It is not without significance for understanding the fate that befell the cog railway project on the Hütteneckalpe. First of all, to briefly outline the legal basis under which a railway could be built at that time. In 1890, the railway concession law of September 14, 18548 was still in force in Austria. This law required special permits for the construction of a railway, namely one for carrying out the preparatory work (§ I Para. 2 lit. a. of the law) or the concession for the installation of the railway itself (§ 1 Para. 2 lit. b. of the law). By approving the preparatory work, the concession applicant only obtained the right under § 4 of this law to carry out the preliminary surveys for the future construction of the planned railway and the necessary surveying and leveling work on the spot in nature at his own expense. This right expired six months after the approval was granted. It should be explained here that an extension of this deadline was once requested for the present railway project. A special privilege to be granted a concession to build the railway line in question, let alone an exclusive power, was not obtained through the granting of such a permit. Finally, in order for the concession to be granted, it was necessary, according to Article 5 No. 3 of the Act, to demonstrate how the funds required for the execution of the project were to be raised. This provision was also alluded to in the last official settlement of this project on October 14, 1890; the lack of funds was ultimately also the reason why no concession was granted at all. According to § 2 of the ordinance of January 25, 1879, the actual concession procedure began with the submission of a detailed project, to which, among other things, situation plans, cost estimates and a technical report explaining the planned railway construction had to be attached. If the project submitted then proved to be executable, the then competent Ministry of Trade had to order the so-called route revision (this was carried out in the case of the project discussed on June 28, 1890). This revision was carried out by an ad hoc commission, which included representatives of the state authorities, the General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways and the municipalities involved. Their task was to check whether the proposed railway project could also be carried out under natural conditions. Only on the basis of the results of the track revision did the Ministry of Commerce decide on the admissibility and building worthiness of the railway in question and was able to discuss the conditions under which a concession could be acquired (in the present case this decision was the subject of the last official decision on October 14, 1890 ). If the concession was granted, the railway line could be laid out in detail in nature and then the political inspection could be carried out (§ 13 of the aforementioned ordinance). Its purpose was, on the one hand, to determine the extent of the necessary expropriation and, on the other hand, to examine the project from the point of view of public interests. After the inspection, the Ministry of Commerce then issued the construction consent that was required for the actual construction work to begin (Section 19 of the aforementioned ordinance). On May 6, 1889, engineer Eduard Miller submitted an application to the Ministry of Commerce for a "preliminary concession for a local railway with a mixed system from the right bank of the Traun near Ischl to the Dachstein view on the Hütteneckalp e". The Ministry first sent this request to the Upper Austrian Lieutenancy in order to ascertain the personal circumstances of the applicant and to procure an overview map from which the planned line design could be seen. The Upper Austrian governor's office carried out these surveys and then presented Miller's application with a report dated August 22, 1889, noting that in their opinion there were no objections to the granting of the preliminary concession. Her report was accompanied by a report by the Budapest magistrate on Miller's personal circumstances and statements by the Bad Ischl community council and the Gmunden district authority, which unfortunately have not survived in the ministry files. This is to be regretted because the report of the Budapest magistrate would have been the only determinable source for a more detailed assessment of the applicant. The Ministry of Commerce also obtained the opinion of the Ministry of the Interior and the Reich Ministry of War, which, however, also raised no objections to the railway project, and then finally granted the requested approval on October 13, 1889 to carry out technical preliminary work for a local railway with a mixed system from the right bank of the Traun lschl to the Dachstein view on the Hütteneckalpe within the meaning of the Railway Concession Act of September 14, 1854 ... for a period of six months ... Ing. Miller then began the necessary surveying work on site in 1889, since he obviously intended to start construction work as early as the next year. As can be inferred from a note in the "Ischler Wochenblatt" dated December 8, 1889 , the trace should ... from a point yet to be determined on the right bank of the Traun via Reiterndorf along the Perneckerstraße on the eastern slope of the Brunnerberg (Groß- or Hochleiten) The trail crosses the Sulzbach stream above the Rosa waterfalls and, climbing up the south-western slope of the Mitterberg, reaches the Reinfalzalpe, in order to end on the Hütteneckalpe on the path marked out there by the terrain conditions. The unnamed author also reported that the previous recordings had yielded an unexpectedly favorable result, since "the roadbed can be built without the aid of large, costly engineering structures ", and then concluded his article with the words: " Hopefully next spring will not be too long in coming wait and allow the weather conditions to start work again soon, so that the original intention of the gentleman concessionaire can come true, to go to Hütteneck in the autumn of 1890. The project meets with general sympathy in the widest circles and certainly deserves it from the local population Support as a company that specifically promotes local interests". In the meantime, Ing. Miller was already working on a detailed project, after the Ministry of Commerce had extended the deadline granted at the time by another three months on March 17, 1890. Finally put lng. Miller presented a detailed project to the Ministry of Trade, which first obtained a statement from the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways. In their statement of May 20, 1890, the project is described as suitable for execution and then executed: "The starting point of the approx. 7.7 km long track is projected on the right bank of the Traunf1usse next to the railway bridge and will be discussed by the high representative when the traces are revised, whether a more suitable, i.e. more easily accessible place next to one of the Road bridges over the Traun could be substituted. " Then it says with regard to the technical proposals in the detailed project: "The minimum radius of the arches is projected to be 100 m for both sections. There is no objection to the above-mentioned installation conditions, and the width of the substructure in the embankment chosen at 3.5 m also appears corresponding. In contrast, the projected width of only 3.3 m The substructure width in the incisions should be increased to 3.5 m in order to have enough space on both sides of the train for evasion either the usual Riggenbach splint or the two-lamella Abt gear rack can be implemented, depending on the price conditions being determined." The General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways commented on the financing of the project: "The proposed construction costs of 750,000 fl effective in total, that is approx. 97,400 fl per km. do not contain any items. for intercalar interest and reserve funds. With regard to the execution of this railway, which has not yet been made completely clear in several points, the assessment of the preliminary construction sum will not be included for the time being and the production of a corresponding cost figure will be reserved for a later point in time." length With regard to the financing, Miller had calculated a capital requirement of 750,000 fl., his summary cost estimate consisted of the following individual items: 1. Preparatory work and construction supervision 20,000 fl 2. Basic Redemption 25,000 fl 3. Earthworks 190,000 fl 4. Ancillary works, retaining and lining walls 60,000 fl 5. Art structures 55,000 fl 6. Ballast and superstructure laying 45,000 fl 7. Superstructure 150,000 fl 8. Building construction 50,000 fl 9. Miscellaneous 25,000 fl 10. Vehicle fleet 130.000,- f1 In view of this statement, the Ministry of Commerce entrusted the Upper Austrian governorship with the revision of the route by decree of June 4, 1890. As can be seen from the technical report , the detailed project envisaged the execution of a mixed local railway system with a gauge of 1 m. It then goes on to say: "The same is adhesion railway with a length of 2,333 m and with the maximum gradient of 22.67%o and cog railway with a length of 5,390 m with a maximum gradient of 18O%o. The total length is therefore 7,723 m. The minimum radius would be 75 m. Particularly noteworthy would be that all stops and the shunting yard are in the adhesion section, so ordinary switches and crossings are sufficient.The terrain to be cut through by the railway consists largely of limestone, while clay slate with marl occurs on the east side of the Mittelberg, which is why the trace had to be led along the western leaning of the same, which line, however, was longer is, however, landslides are avoided. There is only one larger structure across the Sulzbach at Pfl. 40 + 33; large not because of the span, which is only 4 m, but because of the height of 11 m. Only one railway station is planned, namely near Reitterndorf, where the official apartments, accommodation for the staff, locomotive depot and water station are planned. - At Ischl, a stop with a waiting hall and room for an official is necessary, but no points. - There are also stops, each 80 m long, at Perneck and on the Reinfalzalpe with double tracks and two points each. The terminus of the train is the Hütteneckalpe, where a hotel is being built. The stops are connected to each other and to the shunting station and hotel by telephone." The Upper Austrian governor's office set the date for the route revision as June 28, 1890. The hearing took place in the town hall. At the beginning, the representative of the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways suggested - as already mentioned above when reproducing their expert statement - to move the starting point closer to one of the existing bridge crossings over the Traun, with which the concession applicant agreed. On the part of the state forest administration ( the projected railway line was to be routed through state forest property for a length of approx. 5.25 km) no objection was raised to the railway project, but it was asserted: "It goes without saying that the management of that railway and/or after completion of the construction, the bringing of the forest products in individual parts of the forest, especially in the aerarian Kufbergwalde, is made more difficult insofar as the wood, which stands above the railway trace, can only be delivered at great cost. The request is therefore made, that on that route suitable devices, which make it possible to bring the wood, are already laid out when the railway is laid at the expense of the company in agreement with the forest authority Mitterberg, Geigenthal and Eisenerz., then Zwischenbergen, towards Hütteneck, mostly a b existing timber transport route, which serves to deliver forest products in winter. Since this transport route must be maintained, the company would have to build a suitable transport route along the railway track at its own expense, according to the forest authorities. Incidentally, it is noted that the kk Forstaerar lodged a deposit against any replacement performance expected from the title of the wood delivery or for any other reason from the outset and the express request is also made that the kk Forstaerar be acquitted of any compensation payment and the railway to carry out the bank protection and other security structures required for one's own security at one's own expense without forestry competition." The statement of the Imperial and Royal Hunting Line is interesting. Although the practice of hunting in state-owned forests was the Emperor's personal condition and it was pointed out "that the management of the railway would damage the hunt in them, because experience has shown that the game leaves such parts of the forest as a result of the prevailing unrest" , it was nevertheless opposed to the Execution of the track itself did not raise any objection, but merely made a reservation regarding any claims for compensation. The representative of the salt works administration did not raise any objection to the execution of the railway project, but said that mining should not be adversely affected by the railway construction and operation. Finally, the representatives of the AH. Finally, the "Commission's report" on the railway project says: "1. Regarding the statement by the representative of the kk Forest and Domain Directorate in Gmunden, it cannot be ignored that the execution of the projected trace will make it more difficult to bring the forest products out of the Aryan forests. However, it will be the subject of the political inspection to consider how this aggravation can be counteracted as far as is practical As far as the comments made by the representative of the kk Forstaerars regarding the compensation for bank protection and other security structures are concerned, the official provisions existing in this case will apply Regarding the remark made by the representative of the Imperial and Royal Hunt Management that the projected track would significantly reduce the value of the very highest huntability, it should be remembered that based on the experience made, this fear does not appear to be justified! and that it is up to the construction company will, in this case, with de r kuk court hunting management to settle 2. The requirements of the representatives of the kk Salinenärars generally appear to be based on the existing laws, but it will also be up to the political inspection commission to consider to what extent the requirements made must be taken into account. 3. With regard to the concerns raised by the representative of the Imperial and Royal Directorate General of the Austrian State Railways regarding the variant at the starting point of the Localbahn in Ischl, the following must be noted: As far as the fear of a close contact between the two railway tracks is concerned, the justification of the same will only be determined after submission of the Detailprojectes a final report can be made. However, insofar as the present situation and the variant drawn in blue paint give a picture of the future station layout, the two railway bodies should be far enough apart from each other. As far as the intended expansion of the existing lschl station is concerned, the space that is envisaged for this, according to the representative of the Imperial and Royal Directorate General of the Austrian State Railways, is hardly sufficient, since this area lies between the existing railway bridge and the tunnel has a length of 200 m and, by the way, the track there is in a strong curve. On the other hand, an extension of the projected station system of the Localbahn will not be necessary at all in the foreseeable future. – The question regarding an extension or relocation of the station facilities of the state railway cannot be the subject of today's discussion at all. 4. No objection was raised by interested parties against the projected trace taken into negotiation, nor against the projected stations and stops, and the Commission therefore advocates that the concession negotiations should be initiated on the basis of these negotiations and the assigned project. As far as the variant discussed by the representative of the kk General Inspectorate is concerned, with the exception of the representative of the kk General Directorate of the Austrian State Railways, all other interested parties agree with it and the Commission also unanimously endorses it, especially apart from those already mentioned by the Commission For the reasons given, the fears of signal interference expressed by the Designated Agent appear unjustified after the applicants have considered the establishment of a telephone line." On July 13, 1890, the "Ischler Wochenblatt" also reported on the result of the route revision. After describing the negotiations, the report continues: "Meanwhile the staking of the approved line has already begun and in the direction towards Perneck you can see white poles with red and white flags everywhere, which mark the trace. Now that this railway matter has taken another step forward, we hope that construction could begin this fall.As far as profitability is concerned, it is undoubtedly the same if we consider similar, already existing railways in Austria, not to mention Switzerland, especially with the one to be expected due to the cheap tariff rates great tourist traffic, which will be significantly increased by the imminent expansion of the direct lschl-Salzburg line.We take it for granted that the community of Ischl and the neighboring communities will support the undertaking in every direction and that the papers later submitted for subscription will be excellent system are welcome." The day before, the report from the Upper Austrian governor's office dated July 5, 1890 on the result of the route revision had reached the Ministry of Commerce. The ministry first obtained a statement from the General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways. In the meantime, the detailed marking out of the railway line took place, and lng. At the same time, Miller began to seek funding for his railroad project. A report in the "Ischler Wochenblatt " of September 21, 1890 provides information about this as well, which states, among other things: "The detailed stakeout work for this railway is now almost completely finished, so that the necessary plans for submission to the political inspection can be completed in the course of the winter. The political inspection commission should take place at the beginning of next spring, but it is necessary to regulate the financial question at the same time. Above all, it is in the interest of the municipality of lschl to contribute as much as possible to the realization of the project, because lschl must strive, because the spa has to withstand the competition from all sides, to add artificial attractions to the natural ones(!). but unfortunately lschl is not one of the most prosperous elite bathing resorts, as we have heard, the concessionaire Mr. Engineer Miller made the following suggestion to make it easier for lschl to be able to lay the financial foundation for the railway and to enable the concessionaire to continue developing Mr. Miller wants namely that the community for 50,000 fl shares accept the five-percent interest guarantee and continue to contribute the very modest amount of 500 fl to purchase the 50,000 fl; with this small sum, interest would be calculated on interest, the shares would be purely the property of the community in about 50 years, which would have been easily acquired, and the guarantee would then also be void. Let us now assume that there could be years when the shares would yield only four percent, then the community would then have one percent, that would be 500 fl to cover; However, this case is unlikely to occur, because the frequency of Ischl, especially after the expansion of the Ischl-Salzburg railway connection and the zone tariff, will be so enormous that the profitability of the railway will be very good. Apart from the new points of attraction that are created by the railway and contribute to further prosperity, there are also very favorable, direct material advantages: the payment during the operating hours should go annually to the management, officials, railway maintenance, engineers, conductors, Heizer certainly an amount of 5 to 6,000 fl, as necessary to show what amount circulates in lschl and benefits the local tradesmen. Of particular importance for the population during the construction period is the circulation of around 200,000 fl, a large part of which is accounted for by the use of carts, since large cuts have to be made. Even if the entire construction could not be carried out by local workers, almost the entire amount remains here, since, as is well known, railway workers usually save nothing or only very little. " Meanwhile , on September 26, 1890, the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways issued their report . After that, no objection was raised either to the routing or to the planned stations and stops. By decree of October 14, 1890, the Department of Commerce notified lng. Miller that with regard to the favorable result of the route revision, the route of the projected local railway will be approved with the following "comments": "The elaboration of the detailed project will be based on the general project that has undergone the route revision, of which a copy will be returned below, and the variant desired by the interested parties and also applied for by the Commission for execution, in the project blue marked variant at km 0 to 0.1 has to be carried out, especially since the relocation of the train transport system from km 0.6 to the Ischl exit station seems more appropriate and, according to a message received recently from the kk General Directorate of the Austrian State Railways, the latter also has no objection to it. -I will therefore have no objection to initiating negotiations with Yours to provide evidence. So I put it to Ew. Well born at home, if necessary, for the purpose of the planned official act, to present himself personally at the Ministry of Commerce, or to send authorized representatives there. Because of the timing of the nursing negotiation is sohin with the ho. Department VII in the shortest possible way to maintain agreement." Once there were no longer any technical or legal obstacles to the railway project, the designer had to try to secure the financing. Nothing could be found out about details of attempts at financing, apart from the fact that Ing. Miller had contacted the municipality of lschl ; he wrote to them and suggested, among other things: "The municipality of lschl participates firstly by providing a guarantee of five percent for 50,000 fl years pass into the ownership of the community of lschl, whereupon the interest guarantee ends. The community therefore comes into possession of the shares with a nominal value of 50,000 fl. by paying in a total of 50 times 500 fl the respective 500 fl to be paid in are calculated with interest on interest ... The basis for the future construction sum is the lump sum to be approved by the High Imperial and Royal Ministry of Commerce, of which two-fifths ordinary shares and three-fifths priority shares are issued according to the usage the honored community can of course only after the political inspection and from the day of the definitive concession, which by the Hohenk. k. Ministry of Commerce not earlier, before the building capital is proven, can be claimed by the company of the lschl-Hütteneckalpe-Bahn." The community deliberated on these proposals on October 8 and 15, 1890, initially electing a committee to begin negotiations with Ing. Miller. As can be seen from the minutes of the consultation, there was no objection in principle to the railway project in the municipal council committee, but two committee members doubted the profitability of the railway by stating that other restaurants suffered a loss of earnings as a result of the hotel planned on the Hütteneckalpe. Another committee member requested a different route as the current line passes through many very small properties, reducing them even further and making management almost impossible. On October 15, 1890, the mayor then reported on the outcome of the negotiations with Ing. Miller and stated, among other things, that he had reported "that the cost of the railway including the hotel to be built was 750,000 fl., i.e. the interest 35,000 fl. and the annual Operating costs will amount to 15,000 fl, so annual expenses of around 60,000 fl should accrue with amortization, etc. The revenue would amount to the amount after the assumed 45 full days of operation with a fare of 3 fl from 60,000 fl, i.e. direct interest appears to be covered." The mayor remarked on this: "Since, however, with this composition, income from the railway seems somewhat uncertain, the committee came to the conclusion that it could not recommend a guarantee from the municipality, although it was convinced of the importance of this railway for lschl, all the more so since Austria has so few high-altitude hotels. " In the ensuing discussion, the committee members stated that the railway should be built anyway. The community councilor Kuhn said that the committee should think twice before voting so that the construction of the railway would not be made completely impossible by a hasty decision. We are health resort representatives, and as such have the duty to always keep an eye on the improvement of the health resort, and we must be all the less slacking off, as in recent years a decline in the health resort has been noticeable anyway. However, since the creation of the projected mountain railway is likely to raise interest in Ischl again, the municipality must not refrain from supporting the company with all means possible. On the other hand, municipal councilor Wiesinger said that there must first be clarity about how to raise money. He said he agreed with Mr. Kuhn word for word, but could Mr. Kuhn also state how he intends to raise the money, whether he had perhaps thought of the possibility of increasing the community contribution? He fully sympathizes with the rail project, but he doesn't want the community to jump headlong into an undertaking. The funds of the community were so scarce that there was absolutely no money for anything beyond the ordinary administrative expenses, and so long as he had the honor of being a member of the finance committee he felt it his duty to guard against any new burden talk before you are clear about the coverage. The municipal committee finally agreed to offer the designer half of the desired sum, while the remaining sum should be raised by the three institutes Wirerstiftung, Kurfonds and Ischler Sparkasse, whose survey the mayor wanted to take over. About the further fate of the railway project there is only one file later - a submission by Ing. Miller to the Ministry of Commerce dated June 28, 1893 , in which he asked for approval of a project change ( conversion to electrical operation, design with a gauge of 76 cm instead the previous track gauge of 1 m) . It also says there: "Until now it has not been possible to finance the projected steam cog railway ... " It is therefore clear that the execution of the railway plans failed due to the impossibility of financing them. One cannot at all say that the implementation failed because of the attitude of the municipality, especially since, despite corresponding research, it was not possible to determine what attitude the Kurfonds, Wirerstiftung held and Ischler Sparkasse responded to the mayor's request. Of course, it is also conceivable that the lack of willingness to finance is due to other reasons; like when you visualize yourself. that the railway should lead through a personal hunting ground of the emperor. However, there is no documentary or even literary evidence for such influences or assumptions. So the execution of this railway project was omitted, while the further fate of Ing. Miller is lost in the dark. Whether one should regret that this railway remained unbuilt is difficult to decide; On the one hand, the railway - like the one on the Schafberg - would be a real tourist attraction today, on the other hand, it and the projected hotel construction on the Hütteneckalpe would have destroyed another piece of nature. List of Sources: The railway project was only mentioned by Prolraska (History of the bathing resort Bad Ischl1823-1923. Linz 1924. p. 55) - as far as can be seen right now. He used the Ischler Woche, the municipal council minutes of October 8, 1890, but not the sources mentioned in note 7. I. The following relevant files of the Ministry of Commerce are in the traffic archive: 19.236/889 - long. Miller applies for pre-concession for Hütteneck railway. 36.469/889 - Report of the Upper Austria. governorship. 14.709/890-Lng. Miller, submitting the detailed project, applies for the route revision to be ordered. 30.328/890 report of the Upper Austria. Lieutenant's Office for the route revision (the detailed project including all plans and documents are included in this file). 34.615/890 - Prime Minister Graf Taaffe wg. Naming of the railway as Archduchess Marie-Valerie Railway. 39.33 7/890- oö. The governor's office submits a supplementary statement to the court hunting management (the last three HMZI. form a single, otherwise jointly completed bundle of files). 50.558/890 - Inspection file Zl. 4683/890 of the Ministry of the Interior regarding the naming of the railway. 34.199/893 - long. Miller for possible electrification of the railroad. II. 1m 00. Landesarchiv is also a collection of files from the former Upper Austria. Lieutenancy, consisting of the following documents: 7721/889- Department of Commerce for survey of the personal circumstances of the lng. Miller (= settled in HMZI. 19.236/889). 9524/889 - long. Miller presents map of railway project. 10.5001889 - Magistrate of Budapest reports on Miller's personal circumstances (original submitted to the Ministry of Trade, but no longer available in HMZI. 36.469/889). 11.771/889 Gmunden district authority reports on the railway project of the governor's office to the Ministry of Commerce (- HMZI. 36.469/889). 14.504/889 - long. Miller indicates that with the preparatory work the lng. Haas and Klein-Neusiedl were entrusted. 4177/890- Department of Commerce approves extension of deadline for completion of preliminary work (corresponding Department of Commerce act no longer exists in Transport Archive). 8437/890 - Ministry of Commerce issues an order for route revision (= completed in HMZI. 14.709/890). 8454/890 - Gmunden district authority reports on the announcement of the local appointment. 8786/890 - Report of the Upper Austria. Lieutenancy regarding carrying out the route revision (- HMZI. 30.328/890); with the original of the commission report. 10.058, 10.282/890 - travel invoices. 13.385/890- Submission of the court hunting management, original submitted to the Ministry of Trade (- HMZI. 39.337/890). 15.342/890- Ministry of Commerce approves routing (= HMZl30.328/890). In the town archive of Bad lschl there is a fascicle (volume 1 of the general files) with the designation • Eisenbahnkorrespondenz lschl - Salzburg, Schafberg, Hütteneck etc: and the year 1886 written in blue pencil. The fascicle has no special order; some of the letters, notes, etc. are of a private nature, have no log number or entry notes and are mostly addressed to the mayor personally. There is only one undated letter from lng. Miller, whose settlement is not apparent from the documents. From the exhibit protocols and repertories of the years 1889-1891 there is only one statement in the year 1890: 28 I 2/890 Miller, construction company, requests subscription of regular shares. There is no settlement in the log book; the search for the act was unsuccessful. - The municipal council committee minutes are bound in their own books. The two meetings of October 8th and 15th, 1890 deal with the Hütteneckalpe railway. After that, there are no more references in the minutes.