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Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Löhne Social – Wages: A comparison with the wages set in the second Libellus of 1563 shows that the daily earnings of skilled miners have remained fairly unchanged, while those of day laborers and other unskilled laborers have increased by about 50%. It can be seen that under the pressure of economic hardship the government had to at least boost the wages of the lower classes to keep them viable and able to work. However, the wages of the salt workers were still very meager. Employment conditions in the rest of Upper Austria were significantly more favorable. A journeyman and a day laborer earned a good 50% more than a salt worker. It should not be overlooked that the salt workers enjoyed many benefits in addition to their wages that were unknown outside of the Kammergut. They were exempt from military service and from military billeting, paid no taxes or levies unless they were homeowners, they had free medical treatment in the event of illness and constant care in old age. Covering the demand for bread grain was one of the most important tasks of the Salt Office, which was authorized in times of rising prices to sell it to relatives below cost price. The livestock production of an entire district, the Hofmark with the Viechtau, served exclusively to supply meat to the Kammergut, the meat prices were set by the authorities and the butchers were supported with subsidies so that they were able to maintain these prices even in expensive times. The salt workers did not have to worry about the future of their sons, even in the first half of the 18th century every able-bodied farmer found appropriate income. The low-wage miners often only worked short shifts and thus had the opportunity to earn an extra income. By enfeoffing infangs (peripheral parcels) and allocating timber, the government encouraged the development of extensive smallholdings. The purchase of firewood was free for all employees. The miners in Ischl were paid much better than those in Hallstatt, so their economic situation was more favourable. Unfortunately, the reasons for the unequal treatment of the two companies could not be derived from the documents used. This difference is all the more striking as the other provisions of the Mining Code are the same for both salt mines. Around 1690 the administrative offices in Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee had an excessively high number of men. Not only did they take in far too young workers aged 12 to 15, but also immigrant workers from other countries. In the Kammergut everything was trying to find accommodation in the imperial service. The salt office did not cause any difficulties, on the contrary, its applications for commissions, grace money, alms, doctor's wages, educational contributions, etc. were "tardy, light and unfounded, written according to whim". Commissions were requested for people who were not entitled to them. Instead of flatly refusing requests, the officials even supported the parties in doing so. The officials wrote the submissions for commissions themselves and thus acquired a considerable additional income. The number of old-age pensioners was also unnaturally high, because the workers took early commissions to make room for their sons or to sell the vacant position to a third party. At the end of the 17th century, state finances were in particularly bad shape, and going into debt became the norm. In order to satisfy the empire's financial needs, the income from taxes was no longer nearly enough, even for the operation of the salt works in the Kammergut there was sometimes a lack of cash. Going into debt had become the norm in Austria in order to get over the current shortage of money. The workers drew their wages at the weekend and the Salt Office had no greater concern than to send the Weeding Office the necessary cash for the payday. But he didn't always succeed, sometimes people had to return home empty-handed on Saturday because no money had come from Gmunden. In 1693 the Kammergutarbeiter sent an emergency cry to the Court Chamber for grain; In Ebensee, Ischl and Hallstatt there was hunger and dysentery, the pans could no longer be operated, the deteriorating coinage had devalued the money. The buyers, shipwrights and Stadlinger (shipmen) who worked in the manufacturing sector suffered even more than the imperial workers. In a petition written to Ischl, they complained that they had nothing left on their bodies and nothing to eat, in Laufen some had already died of hunger and the rest were about to emigrate with their wives and children and go begging. The finishers were also impoverished and could no longer pay them their wages. The year 1696 was one of the saddest in the eventful history of the Salzamt. The Hofkriegszahlenamt claimed all of his receipts for itself. The shortage of money was also so bad because the sales of salt fell noticeably as a result of the rapid succession of price increases in favor of smuggling. The Salzamtmann had to find outside money, which could no longer be obtained at an interest rate of 6 percent, in order to be able to secure the grain deliveries to the Kammergut. The financial crisis lasted until 1703; they feared national bankruptcy and the loss of good faith among the people. All available means were necessary to maintain the empire and the army, and yet the payment of interest from the Salt Office could not be omitted. The emperor himself urged the salt office to send money to Gmunden so that the Gmunden office could pay the interest and pay the workers. With the intention of increasing the number of people needed for salt work in the Kammergut, the sovereigns had favored the founding of families by allocating fiefdom, helping to build houses and granting a dowry. By the end of the 17th century, this goal had not only been reached, but also exceeded; the supply of workers had outstripped the need. Marriage was no longer made so easy for young people and required the consent of the salt clerk; this only had to allow marriage to one or the other "busy and caring" worker. The allocation of infants (peripheral plots) was stopped, and the construction of new residential and farm buildings was made more difficult because there was no longer a particular desire to start families and there was every reason to limit the use of timber and to protect the forests. From 1709 onwards, the construction of workers' houses was only approved on the condition that they were made of brickwork and that the wood required did not come from imperial forests. A main inspection of the salt office ordered in 1733 under the direction of Count Starhemberg was to investigate and eliminate these abuses. The perception was made that “almost the entire crowd there insists on it and proposes that everyone should be appointed ex ärario, so to speak, because the young people of both sexes no longer go into private service, neither learn a trade, but want to get married early . Instead of them only foreign servants were kept and many foreign people were bred into them and the chamber estate was therefore overpopulated.” The Salt Office was instructed to encourage young people to do other than salt work, to remove immigrant strangers from the country, to restrict marriages, and to give stubborn elements to the soldiers. The appointment of Johann Georg Freiherr von Sternbach as Salzamtmann in 1743 marked the beginning of a new era. Sternbach intervened firmly in the administration of the Salzamt. The greatest and most difficult task was to reduce the excessively swollen labor force to economically justifiable proportions. So far, all the instructions and orders from the court authorities had remained fruitless because the officials knew what tremendous resistance they would unleash and had neither the courage nor the will to take up the inevitable fight The workers, alarmed by the action of the Salzamtmann, sent deputations to Vienna to prevent the threatened dismantling, but found little to meet them. Laid-off workers who, because of their age or family, could neither move nor earn an income elsewhere received maintenance payments. The unmarried boys who could not be used for salt or wood work and who were expendable joined the military. The recruitment of residents of the Salzkammergut violated the age-old statute that they should be exempt from any service. The seriousness with which the layoffs and other austerity measures were carried out aroused the most violent resistance from the workers. This led to riots in Ebensee. Officials were physically attacked and injured. Ischl forest workers tried to regain their old rights by going on strike. In order to give Sternbach's measures the necessary emphasis, 300 infantry and 30 men on horseback were sent to Gmunden under the command of a sergeant. The movement had become dangerous because the majority of senior officials, who disliked Sternbach's harsh actions, sided with the workers and encouraged them. The bourgeois circles, on the other hand, especially the salt manufacturers, were worried about the workers' unrest because they feared that their trades would be disturbed and they could not know what extent the unrest would become. A commission of inquiry was set up to urge the continuation unchanged of the measures introduced by Sternbach and approved by the government, and proceeded with the greatest severity against all who opposed them. Most of the participants in the uprising quickly showed remorse and there was no fear of a repeat of the unrest. Complaining officials were questioned by the commission of inquiry without involving the salt official. Their verdict was devastating for the applicants. Without exception, the commission found all objections to be unfounded, incorrect, impudent and of such a nature that the ignorance and negligence of the informants was proven and one was completely convinced of their recalcitrance. With this report, the fate of the complainants was decided, they were dismissed from the service. After the suppression of the workers' uprising and the removal of his most dangerous opponents, Sternbach was able to continue and consolidate his reform work undisturbed from 1744 onwards. Until 1753, the salt workers were regularly paid their wages on Saturdays after the weekly raitung (weekly payroll). In 1753, Salzamtmann Sternbach introduced four-week wage payments to save on paperwork and clerical work, and in the meantime gave the workers official slips with which they could buy from the millers and other tradespeople on Borg. The workers, whose economy had always been based on weekly pay, fought back and persuaded the investigative commission present to quickly withdraw Sternbach's decree. The closer it got to the turn of the century, the greater the need in the Kammergut and the more dissatisfied the workers, whose wages had remained almost unchanged for 80 years. A commemorative document written in 1797 by the spokesmen of the Hallstatt workers and presented to the Court Commission in Gmunden was extremely sharp in tone and openly expressed the ferment among the workers. The mountain carpenter Josef Pfandl, spokesman for the deputation at Count Aichold, said that the revolutionary ideas coming from France were fulfilled: "Things will be the same here in France as in France and in Vienna things are already going so well that no citizen would look at His Majesty pay more attention". The commission, outraged by Pfandl's language, found the authors guilty of defamation and attempted sedition and handed them over to the courts for trial. Pfandl was imprisoned in Ort near Gmunden for 388 days before he managed to escape. He then wandered erratically abroad and in November 1800 applied to Vienna for permission to travel home. At the request of the Court Chamber, which knew that the entire workforce was committed to him, the Emperor complied with his request. In the course of the 18th century the salaries of civil servants increased only partially and not significantly. The low wage increases have also permanently lost value due to the introduction of paper money alongside the metallic currency. In 1761, bank notes were first put into circulation as paper money. The people weren't happy about it. Paper currency declined sharply between 1808 and 1810. As a result, the need for the staff increased. In the years 1808 and 1809 the printing press printed more and more paper money, by 1810 this had almost completely replaced cash. On December 11, 1810, Austria stopped cash payments entirely, the bank notes were confiscated and replaced by redemption slips, which, however, only had 1/5 of the previous nominal value. Finally, in 1816, the rebuilding of the Austrian monetary economy began with the establishment of the National Bank. This alone was entitled to issue banknotes and obliged to redeem the current bill money. The wages of the miners were anything but good, mainly because of the devaluation of the currency. The management of their small estates was therefore a necessity in order to be able to provide themselves with the most important staple foods. On the other hand, working in the mountains offered a basic income that made it easier for the miners to survive times of crisis than other occupational groups – agricultural or non-agricultural – whose existence was often threatened by price fluctuations or crop failures. It was this system of "safe poverty" that made working in salt mines so popular. Austria's struggle against Napoleon required the utmost exertion of all forces and suppressed all other considerations. The imperial patent of October 25, 1804 granted exemption from military service only to executives and the most distinguished workers in the mines. With the strict application of this regulation, the Salt Office would have had to stop all operations that were not allowed to be interrupted because of the salt supply of the Reich. The Salzamt and the Verwesämter were constantly trying to get their people free from the Assentierung (conscription), but the recruitment commission instructed by the Hofkriegsrat made no exception for the Kammergut and called up 183 men from the Kammergut for the position in July 1805. After an objection from the Salzamt, the recruiting commission held back only 41 men from the Kammergut. The period of French rule from 1809 onwards was downright catastrophic for the salt industry. The income from the sale of salt in the country flowed into the coffers of the enemy intendancy, so the salt office could neither pay the wages of the salt workers nor procure the food they needed to feed themselves. During the summer months of 1809, Hallstatt workers waited seven weeks for their wages. Hundreds of them marched in front of the office building in Lahn and threatened to take the salt from the stacks as payment if help didn't come soon. A total of around 5,000 workers were probably employed in the salt industry around 1820. This number was already reduced by 1,058 men in 1825. In 1832, only 3,858 men served in the salt industry, 741 of them in Ischl. In 1851 the ministry set the peak of stable laborers at 3,739 men. The misery of the many dismissed workers was great, so their urge to be accepted back into the service of the salt office was understandable. The offices had to suffer a lot from the onslaught of job seekers and it was difficult to always make the right choice. In 1820, in addition to a shift wage of 45 Kreuzer, a worker also received farm grain and lard in exchange for the old limit price (purchase price). From 1829 onwards, in order to be able to continue operations without problems in the event of major sick leave, military conscription or temporary additional demands, for example due to construction work, the administrative offices were forced to take on temporary interim workers (temporary workers) beyond the normal status of permanent workers. The negotiations with the Oberamt led to a separation of the workers into three groups: 1. Stable workers entitled to commission and enjoying provisions (“full workers”). 2. Stable and commission-eligible workers without provisions ("incomplete workers"). 3. In non-permanent workers without a right to commission and provisions (“interim workers”). The winter of 1847 increased the misery of the workers to an unbearable level. The people sold their livestock, got into debt, couldn't get flour from the millers in advance, lost their strength and didn't have enough to clothe themselves. In January 1848, the Hofkammer began working out a new wage system that was intended to bring the workers a significant improvement in their income. The workers had always been used to bringing their wages home at the end of each week. In 1823, the court chamber wanted to introduce monthly payment to save on a lot of paperwork, but gave up due to the great resistance of the workers and finally stuck with the fortnightly payment. In 1848 the old wish of the working class for the reintroduction of weekly pay was fulfilled. For the payment of wages, it was customary for the clerk responsible for compiling the wage list to collect the necessary money from the till and for the foremen to make the payment. But no master was allowed to pay off his own staff. In order to be safe from fraud in shift calculations, the Hofkammer transferred this business to the cashiers in 1824. In 1848, the Court Chamber set the 48-hour week for all miners equally and wanted to break it down into six eight-hour shifts. However, she only found the approval of the Ausseer miners, while those in Hallstatt and Ischl insisted on the six-hour pit shift that had been granted to them in 1771. Mining lasted from Monday to Friday, leaving Saturday free for chores around the house. If the office needed farmhands, it encouraged marriages by providing marriage money, giving birth and giving away wood for building houses free of charge. When the fruits of economic policy had ripened and there were too many job seekers, the Oberamt again restricted marriages and denied the workers the necessary marriage permits. Maria Theresa's reforms had deprived the Salzamt of being able to enact marriage bans by legal means. Hofrat Schiller was faced with the hard and difficult task of not only adapting the excessive number of men to actual needs, but also of proceeding more strictly with the marriage permits that had previously been granted indiscriminately. In spite of the legal freedom to marry, the Oberamt still had effective means of discouraging the younger workers from marrying. It was within the power of the Salt Office to tie new marriage permits to the renunciation of the family grain. From 1830 onwards, the Oberamt denied marriage permits to all workers who were not yet eligible for a commission and had therefore not yet completed their eighth year of service. In addition, it no longer allowed them to receive the family grain. These measures, but especially the loss of the family grain, kept young people from getting married early, and by 1843 the number of marriage applications had already fallen sharply. A decree issued by the Emperor in December 1848 ordered leniency for sentences not yet executed and the termination of investigations. Furthermore, the reintroduction of the family grain, the reduction of the pasture interest by half, the reduction in the price of wood for the needy and the abolition of the long-service work. These government concessions were able to satisfy and reassure the workers. There was no real uprising movement in the Kammergut, but fears of such a movement prompted the authorities to take some precautionary measures. The Saline Ebensee had set up a fire station for a short time. A section of the National Guard had taken up position in Ischl. In October 1848, due to a shortage of firearms, the Board of Directors of the National Guard asked the Oberamt for the production of 120 pikes and for a contribution to the uniforming of the poor guards from the working class. The government had no objection to the production of pikes in the Ebensee court smithy, the salt works actually supplied the National Guard with 60 pikes. But she refused the uniform expenses, the workers should fall back on the funds of the brother shop. The long period of war, with its insatiable demands on men fit for arms, had eliminated the old privilege of the salt workers, who had also become conscripts and were subject to military laws. In November 1818, 124 men from the Kammergut were drafted to Kremsmünster for recruitment. In 1819, 168 Landwehr men from the Kammergut were ordered to move into Vöcklabruck for a fourteen-day weapons exercise and examination. It was important to the Salzamt to exempt people from military service who were indispensable for the company or who were difficult to replace. In response to their ideas, a joint commission consisting of representatives of the district office, the salt office and the military district command came together in 1820 to determine the categories desired for military liberation. According to this agreement, 1,385 of a total of 5,530 employees were to be released from military service for a limited period of time. Up until the 19th century, the salt workers in the Kammergut received “limito provisions”, a certain amount of grain and lard that could be purchased at fixed, reduced prices. This cheaper way of passing on food had made a significant contribution to alleviating the social hardship of the miners, especially in times of crisis, when the price of food rose sharply. On the other hand, even in the 19th century, the basic wages of salt workers were always below those of qualified factory workers. The system of "secure poverty" continued into the 19th century: working as a stable miner or salt worker was secure employment even in times of crisis, but cuts in pay had to be accepted. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

Overview of the tunnels at the Ischler Salzberg Surname attack length sea level Mitterberg tunnels * Old Steinberg tunnel * Lipplesgraben tunnel Lower water mountain Neuberg tunnel Moosegg Test Gallery * Matthew Stollen Rossmoos test gallery Mitterberg - water tunnel Women's wood studs Amalia Stollen High water mountain Rabenbrunn tunnel * Elizabeth Stollen New Steinberg tunnel * John Stollen Hubkogl test tunnel Test gallery Rehkogl Medium water mountain Ludovika Stollen Joseph Stollen Maria Theresa Stollen Leopold Stollen Franz Stollen Langmoos drainage tunnel Franz Josef Erbstollen 1563 1567 1567 1567 1571 1577 1577 1584 1596 1610 1687 1689 1692 1712 1715 1725 1725 1725 1738 1747 1751 1775 1794 1794 1858 1895 197 938 236 100 1464 364 740 702 1073 40 1000 750 284 487 54 1013 1195 1590 1800 884 57 2860 886 852 1000 1024 909 625 959 894 880 851 1114 800 812 862 991 1030 764 722 680 643 588 503 16 tunnels with salt mining 1 tunnel without salt mining (Franz tunnel, 1794) 5 water tunnels (4 in the Pernecker and 1 in the Lauffner salt dome) 4 test tunnels 26 tunnels opened from 1563 - 1895 (333 years) These tunnels have the "old small salt storage" (Lauffner Salzstock) open minded All details about the Ischler Salzberg and mining in general Grubenriss Ischler Salzberg 1865 The mining managers of the Ischler – Salzberg Hans Khalss 1563 - 1571 (comes from Altaussee) Thomas Kalssum around 1590 Martin Kalss (Martin Khalsen) around 1648 Abraham Wibmerum around 1664 Hans Wibner, Hanns Wimmerum around 1710 Anton Dicklberger 1808 – 1.4. 1838 Franz von Schwind 1.4. 1838 – July 16, 1841 Alois von Rehorovsky 1.12. 1841 – 1.8. 1847 Gustav Knight 1.10. 1848 – September 9, 1849 Kk Hüttenmeister Ritter was born on January 5, 1807 in Aussee as a son of the kk Pfannhausverwalter Josef Ritter born and died on March 27, 1884 in Aussee in his house at Gartengasse 4, still today known as the "Ritterhäusel". After his checkered service - recorded in 1829 as mountain student, he worked in Ebensee, in Ischl, in Hallein, in Hallstatt, he also served in the Galician kk Salinas - he came in 1851 as Hüttenmeister to Aussee. The "Hüttenschaffer" Ritter became known in 1840 when he died introduced desk firing in the construction of a brick kiln with great success. He saved firewood and through the complete combustion of the wood, the salt be obtained purer. In addition to his work, he dealt with current topics, which he recorded in drawings. He is described as a "funny coot" and became more than locally known for his apt joke drawings. Experts referred to him as "Wilhelm Busch von Aussee". Numerous pen drawings also received Anna Plochl, who also valued his art very much. Hüttenmeister Ritter also gave an interesting description of carnival in 1876, in which he finally said: "....Memories of 3 beautiful days, the culmination of a momentous dream, similar to our whole life, where everyone tries to fool the other and to meet the task of finding their way forward by deceiving their neighbor." Albert Hippmann17. 9. 1849-1. 7. 1865 Josef Wallmann July 1, 1865 – July 8, 1865 5. 1873 August Aigner July 1, 1873 – July 1 1. 1884 Karl Schedl January 1, 1884–1. 6. 1898 Robert von Possanner 6/1/1898–1. 4. 1901 Alexander Bretschneider April 1, 1901–1 1. 1909 Josef Griessenboeck1. 2. 1909-18. 11. 1924 Erich Alfred Kubla January 26, 1925 –8. 8. 1925 Franz Pickl January 4, 1926–29. 12. 1926 Julius Rotter January 1, 1927–1 7. 1933 Erich Ressel July 1, 1933 – March 31. 1943 Paul Lepez 1/17/1944-31. 7. 1945 Heimo Mayrhofer January 1, 1946 – June 4, 1956 Friedrich Hampel 1/1/1976 - 7/31/1978 Rudolph Neuhold 1978 – 1988 Gerhard Hirner 1988 - 04/30/1993 Walter Oberth 05/01/1993 Horst Sochor 1994 From May 1st, 1994, the mining companies were merged Altaussee, Hallstatt and Bad Ischl and the probe field for mining Salzkammergut Ernest Gaisbauer 1994 – 2005 Clade Michael from 2005 Sources used: Hollwöger Franz, Ausseer Land, Vienna 1956, page 90 and Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, volume 1, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 375 f. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 2, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 422 f. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 1, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 389. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 1, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 439. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 2, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 568. Picture in the Bad Ischl City Museum, ground floor, Salzberg Ischl room. Schraml Carl, Saline History, Volume 1, pages 178, 181, 183. Picture in the Bad Ischl City Museum, ground floor, Salzberg Ischl room. Schraml Carl, Saline History, Volume 2, page 157. Thomanek Kurz, grains of salt, Leoben 2007, page 166.

Moore: Einzigartige Biotope und Damoklesschwert Moore, water, salt: A relationship with rough edges. Somewhat hidden to the east of the Ischler Salzberg are the high moors of Langmoos and Roßstallmoos , which have been brought out of their "sleeping beauty" by the Austrian Federal Forests with the "Moor Protection Program" in recent years. Although these are not part of the Via Salis network of paths, they were important for the Ischler Salzberg. 1 Location of Langmoos and Roßstallmoos: The two nature reserves Langmoos (2.6 ha) and Roßstallmoos (1 ha) are located 1 and 1.4 km east of the Reinfalzalm. Both moors are high moors that arose in karst depressions. They are supplied by precipitation and are therefore independent of groundwater. The peat layer is up to 6 m thick. Compass hiking map, 2020 2 History of the formation of our moors: In the not too distant past, 20,000 years ago, large glaciers stretched out from the Trauntal into the foothills of the Alps and buried the country under ice. Glaciers were instrumental in creating the conditions that led to the growth of peat bogs in our country. They dug out shallow basins and brought back glacial rubble (the finest rock debris) that was deposited there and formed clays impermeable to water. As a result, the water collected in the pools and various forms of still waters were created, from small ponds to large lakes. When the climate improved about 17,000 years ago, the ice receded and the glaciers disintegrated relatively quickly. Clay-lined hollows with small still waters remained; outside of the formerly glaciated areas gravel, sand and loess-covered terraces. Various mosses, sedges and reeds soon settled in the hollows. The late glacial, still cool climate with low evaporation and high humidity played an important role. Schematic structure of raised bog, ÖBF 3 Moore as a habitat for rare plants and animals Moors are an irreplaceable habitat for many animal and plant species that have become rare today. Quite a few "moor dwellers" are on the Red List, such as the sundew, the cranberry or the dwarf birch. Typical of their fauna are the moor dragonfly and moor frog as well as numerous reptiles such as mountain lizards, adders, butterflies and spiders. Sparrige peat moss, WIKIPEDIA Moor tot bug, WIKIPEDIA Warty peat moss, WIKIPEDIA 4 Moore as a climate protector Moore fulfill the function of CO2 storage very well. Since the plant components do not decompose in the wet, acidic soil, the carbon remains stored. Only when the moors are drained does a decomposition process begin and the positive effect achieved over thousands of years is reversed again. 5 Moors as water reservoirs Bogs can absorb up to 95% of their dry mass in water. During dry periods, they slowly release the stored water. In this way, they contribute to the continuous supply of the springs. When it rains, the moor does not absorb large amounts of water. This fulfilled an important function as flood protection. 6 Moor protection program ÖBF On the occasion of the "Year of Wetlands" proclaimed by the Ministry of the Environment in 1993, the Austrian Federal Forests placed all of their moors under protection. In June 2000, as part of the WWF campaign "Let them live", the ÖBf and WWF signed the cooperation agreement for "active moor protection". According to this, bogs that had been adversely affected in the past primarily by drainage, peat extraction, grazing and afforestation are to be actively renatured. Such as: construction of dams to raise the moor water level in Langmoos. Revitalization of Langmoos, ÖBF Leckenmoos, ÖBF Larch dam in Langmoos, ÖBF 7 The importance of these moors and the surface waters in the Reinfalz area for the Ischler Salzberg: In the 1830s and 1840s, after the Napoleonic Wars and the beginning of industrialization, the need was great. It was the Biedermeier period, monarchical absolutism prevailed. Resignation spread, hunger demonstrations and peasant uprisings shook Austria. And in these difficult times, there was almost a catastrophe on the Ischler Salzberg: The surface waters in the Reinfalzalm area have always been a problem for the salt tunnels below. A lot of attention has therefore already been paid to this fact. But not enough. And so the tragedy took its course: As early as 1739 , a wooden drainage system, which was laid out "between the mountains" (path from Reinfalzalm to Hütteneckalm), was extended to the Reinfalzalm. In addition, as early as 1738, a water tunnel, the Mittlerer Wasserstollen, was laid to drain off freshwater that had already penetrated to the Frauenholzstollen. With little success, as it turned out. It was not until 1769 that the access to the water was successfully contained by the water digging in the Lipplesgraben tunnel. Drainage plan Reinfalz 1854, archive Salinen Austria 1739: Freshwater inrush up to the Frauenholz tunnel, archive Salinen Austria In 1775, 1784, 1793, 1799 and 1805 the wooden drainage system was renewed and expanded again and again. A major repair of the then 2,133.54 m long main and side channels, partly made of slats and partly consisting of wooden channels, was carried out in the years 1830 - 1831 . As can be seen from these years, maintenance was a very expensive one. Therefore, from 1840 onwards, the gutters were made of ashlars . Block channel system Reinfalz April 2020, IGM Restored cuboid gutter "Between the mountains" June 2020, IGM Despite all these measures, it came in 1839 in the Amalia tunnel to massive fractures of the workers Preßel, Schwaiger, Rappan and Baron Sternbach. In 1843 , the water that had broken in as a result of the demise of the workers Erlach, Mohr and Freund had already penetrated the Ludovica tunnel in such large quantities that the lye could soon no longer have been accommodated in the workers who were still available. The entire mining area was endangered! These events and the underground measures are presented in detail under this link: https://www.viasalis.at/amaliastollen . 1839 and 1843 factory declines and water ingress up to the Ludovica tunnel, archive Salinen Austria In order to save the Ischler Salzberg, of course, attempts were also made during the day to regulate all the water that had not yet been controlled. Now the work on the bogs has also started! Main and side drainage ditches were dug in Langmoos . And as mentioned in Chapter 2, the Langmoos is located in a trough. In order to be able to drain the entire tub, a 50 m long drainage tunnel was even built. In the attached plan, it is very nicely marked as a "warm hole" . The name has the following meaning: Quite in the middle of the tunnel, a stepped shaft was surprisingly cut , which shows a natural draft. There is an entrance 255 m below, namely the "Tauernwasserloch". In winter, air draws in below, heats up and steams up in the "Warm Hole" off. The "Warm Hole" was also a research project of the Linzer Höhlenverein for many years. They use the "Lipplesgraben - Hütte" at the Lipplesgraben - tunnel as a base for this. This hut was built in 1892 as a lodging hut for workers maintaining the gully and was used until the 1950's. Plan Langmoos with drainage ditches and drainage tunnel "Warmes Loch" 1860, archive Salinen Austria Entrance Hütterschacht in the "warm hole", archive IGM clean fold ramp In addition to the Langmoos, the Reinfalzschanze was also drained. This field designation, which has now been forgotten, extended to the SW of the Lower Rosenkogel, as can be seen on the following map from 1867. A small digression on the name Schanze: In earlier times, a hill fort meant a field fortification for defense. From the 16th century, the word "schanzen" was generally applied to any kind of earthwork. And therefore probably also on the drainage work SW of the Niederen Rosenkogel. This is probably where the name Reinfalzschanze came from. Drainage plan Reinfalzschanze 1854, archive Salinen Austria Work on the gutter then happened in the years 1890, 1892, 1894, 1896, 1898, 1902, 1904 and 1907. Through all this work on the gutter made of ashlar stones, the same now had a length of 864.7 m with an average width of 0. 45 - 0.50 m. From 1913 to 1919 another 155 m of the wooden gutter were replaced by cement gutters: Plan Rinnwerk Reinfalz 1907, archive Salinen Austria Despite all measures above and below ground, there were also large-scale landslides in the Reinfalzalm area up to the twentieth century , as can be seen on a map from 1933: Archive Salinen Austria 1933 Landslides in the years 1924 / 1925 / 1926 / 1927 / 1931. With marked water ingress into the Wolfen weir (Amalia - tunnel), water ingress into the Streibel weir (Amalia - tunnel), water ingress onto the Neuhauser Kehr (Lipplesgraben - tunnel). Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Geological Federal Institute, sheet 96 Bad Ischl, 2012 Reports of the Bavarian Botanical Society 87: 55-70, 2017 Moor revitalization of the Inner Salzkammergut, ÖBF

Reinfalz 02 Der Kaiser Franzens – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1794 – gemeinsam mit Kaiser Leopold – Stollen ( 1. Mai ) Länge : 884 m - 1834 Vortrieb eingestellt – noch 1540 m zur Salzgrenze Seehöhe : 588 m Weiterlesen » 03 Der Kaiser Leopold – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1794 – gemeinsam mit Niederer Kaiser Franzens – Stollen ( 1. Mai ) Länge : 1.800 m Seehöhe : 643 m Weiterlesen » 04 Der Kaiserin Maria Theresia – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1775 am 26. September, unter „merkwürdigen Feierlichkeiten“ Länge : 1.590 m Seehöhe : 680 m Weiterlesen » 05 Der Kaiser Josef Stollen Ursprünglich „Erzherzog Josef – Stollen“ Regierung Kaiserin Maria Theresia, 1740 – 1780 Angeschlagen : 1751 am 26. Oktober, „Feierlich aufgeschlagen“ Länge : 1.195 m Seehöhe : 722 m Weiterlesen » 06 Der Kaiserin Ludovika- Stollen Angeschlagen : 1747 Länge : 1.013 m Seehöhe : 764 m Letzte Befahrung : 5. März 1934 Weiterlesen » 07 Der Kaiserin Elisabeth – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1712 Länge : 750 m Seehöhe : 812 m Weiterlesen » 08 Der Kaiserin Amalia – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1687 Länge : 572 m Seehöhe : 851 m Weiterlesen » 09 Die Bergkirche Erbaut 1751 Weiterlesen » 10 Der Frauenholz – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1610 - am 2. Oktober, aber erst am 22. Juni 1632 Salz angetroffen Verlassen : bis 1745 unterhalten, verlassen um 1848 Länge : 706 m Seehöhe : 880 m Weiterlesen » 11 Der Lipplesgraben Stollen Angeschlagen : 1567 - 1654 schon „mehrentheils“ versotten Verlassen : 1933 Länge : 236 m Seehöhe : 1000 m Weiterlesen » 12 Der Johannes Stollen Angeschlagen : 1725 Verlassen : 1831 Länge : 230 m Seehöhe : 991 m Weiterlesen » 13 Der Kaiser Matthias Stollen Angeschlagen : 1577 Vortrieb 9 Jahre im Kalkgestein Verlassen : 1931 Auflassung beschlossen, am 5.2.1934 letzte Befahrung und Verriegelung der Eingänge Länge : 420 m Seehöhe : 959 m Weiterlesen » 14 Der Neuberg Stollen Angeschlagen : 1586 Verlassen : 1879 ( 1648 ? ) Länge : 994 m ( 834 Stabl bis zum Salz – in Fortsetzung lagen 11 Baue ) Seehöhe : 909 m Weiterlesen » 15 Der Mitterberg Stollen Angeschlagen : 1563 - 25.Juli, seit 1564 Wetter- und Wasserstollen Verlassen : gänzlich verlassen 1689 Länge : 130 m Seehöhe : 886 m Weiterlesen » 16 Der alte Steinberg Stollen Angeschlagen : 1567 Verlassen : Aufgelassen mit Rabenbrunn – Stollen, bald nach 1751 Länge : 902 m ( 658 m im Kalk, 244 m im Haselgebirge ) Seehöhe : 852 m Weiterlesen » 17 Der neue Steinberg Stollen Angeschlagen : um 1715 Verlassen : 1775 beendigte Benützung, dem gänzlichen Einsturz überlassen Länge : 280 m Seehöhe : 862 m Weiterlesen » 18 Der Rabenbrunn Stollen Angeschlagen : 1692 1707 rügte eine Kommission den voreiligen Aufschlag Verlassen : 1739 weitere Betreibung eingestellt , bald nach 1751 verlassen Länge : 1.116 m 1725 bereits 1088 m Vortrieb – erste Salzspuren ! Seehöhe : 800 m Weiterlesen » 19 Die Steinbergsäge Weiterlesen » Please reload

01 Perneck village square Stud Name: IGM - Studs Posted : 2019 Length : 1 m Altitude : 590 m No salt found. Information board Via Salis at the village square:

Quellen:

Mountain houses near Empress Maria Theresia – tunnels After the attack on the Empress Maria Theresia Stollen, which was called Kaiser Franz Stollen until 1808, with great solemnity on September 26, 1775, the kk Ministerial - Banko - Hof - Deputation approved the construction of a mountain house on Steinbalfen with a resolution of February 25, 1782 , the later so-called "Old Mountain House". The building, which was built in 1783, originally contained one large and two small servants' rooms and a kitchen on the ground floor, on the first floor two master rooms, a kitchen and a room with a chamber for one spectator. The construction costs were 2,693 fl 30 kr. (in 2020 approx. €53,900 monetary value according to the “Historical Currency Calculator”, www.eurologische.at ). The core substance of the Old Theresia Berghaus took up a floor plan area of 15.2 x 9.8 m, reached an eaves height of 6.9 m and a ridge height of 10.7 m. The double roof truss was covered with larch boards and in the eaves area with sheet metal strips . The living conditions can be illustrated by the fact that 24 servants slept on the ground floor on 44.5 m², while the viewer alone had a 18.5 m² bedroom at his disposal. As early as 1784, the mountain forge was built as the second mountain building directly at the mouth of the Maria Theresia tunnel.

How long has mining been around? The question "When did mining start?" is not easy to answer, since written records go back barely 1 millennium. To answer the question "What was before?" one has to rely on archaeologists and often on dedicated miners who are looking for traces of the past. People have known how to use the natural resources of the Alps for at least 6000 years . That's how old Austria's oldest mine is in Mauer near Vienna , where flint was mined. 12 m deep shafts, stretches and cross passages as well as large heaps still bear witness to the activities of Stone Age miners. A number of copper mines from Schwaz in Tyrol via the Kelchalm near Kitzbühel to Mühlbach am Hochkönig were already in operation in the Bronze Age 4000 years ago . A total of 3.3 million tons of raw ore were extracted and around 50,000 tons of copper were smelted. Eastern Alpine copper production was of European importance. 3000 years ago, salt was mined in Hallstatt . And in Roman times, Noric iron from Carinthia and Tauern gold were coveted trade products. Evidence of early mining activity is the glacier man "Ötzi" . Extremely high concentrations of copper and nickel were found in the hair of the man who died 5,300 years ago. This suggests that Ötzi worked in ore smelting . In addition, Ötzi was armed with an East Alpine copper ax. Also in other parts of the world there are interesting, sometimes much, much older traces of mining. The oldest pit map, for example, dates from the time of the Egyptian ruler Ramses IV, who lived 3,300 years ago. It shows roads, gold mines and miners' dwellings. In North America from 3000 - 1200 B.C. About 500,000 tons of copper ore were mined by an unknown people on the Isle Royale in Michigan. However, the associated copper was never found. Where the not inconsiderable amount of copper went to will probably remain a great mystery of archeology. The world's oldest traces of mining can be found where mankind originated - namely in Africa. Unfortunately, much of the past lies in the dark on the black continent. Records from the pre-colonial period are practically non-existent. Most finds of prehistoric mining were only made in the course of modern large-scale mining. The roots of classic mining lie in southern Africa in the Ngwenya Mountains in today's Swaziland. It is home to one of the oldest underground mines in the world, dating back an incredible 43,000 years . The object of the extensive mining, which reached a depth of up to 30m, was hematite in the form of silvery micaceous iron mica. The iron ore was crushed in stone mortars and probably used for cultic-cosmetic purposes. There is no doubt that the Stone Age hunters rubbed their faces, hands and bodies with mineral paints and then made the cave paintings, which are still colorful today. During the nearly 20,000-year mining period, several thousand tons of ore were mined in the Ngwenya Mountains. As a last example, I would like to mention the discovery of a Rhodesia man, a 200,000-year-old early human form . Bones and teeth of this early human have been discovered in a limestone cave opened up by mining at Broken Hill in Zambia. The living space of this man was unique: Zinc and lead phosphate crystals literally littered the ceiling of his den. So there is a suspicion that he really is the oldest miner in the world! Mining has shaped the fortunes of people for thousands of years. Without it, progress and prosperity would be unthinkable. Miners can rightly be proud of having inherited a profession that is thousands of years old.

06 Der Kaiserin Ludovika- Stollen Stollenname: „Kaiserin Maria Theresia – Stollen“ bis 11. Juni 1808 „Kaiserin Maria Ludovika – Stollen“ ab 11. Juni 1808 Dritte Gattin von Kaiser Franz II., Heirat am 04.01.1808 in Wien Angeschlagen: 1747 Länge: 1.013 m Seehöhe: 764 m Der Kaiserin Maria Theresia – Stollen wurde 1747 eröffnet. Dieser wurde aber nach der von Befahrung Ihrer Allerhöchsten kk Majestäten am 11. Juni 1808 in Kaiserin Maria Ludovika –Stollen umbenannt. Der Kaiserin Maria Ludovika – Stollen wurde exakt 48 Höhenmeter unterm Kaiserin Elisabeth – Stollen angelegt. Es waren 1013 m taubes Gestein zu durchörtern bis man an das begehrte Salz gelangte. Bei einer Vortriebsleistung von etwa 30 Laufmeter pro Jahr im Dreischichtbetrieb ein langwieriges Unterfangen. Um die Bauführung der Ludovika Stollen – Hauptschachtricht zu beschleunigen wurden zwei Gegenbaue angelegt. Der Erste wurde vom Solinger Schurf aus tagwärts angegangen, wobei bereits 1752 der Durchschlag gemacht werden konnte. Der Zweite wurde vom Ablass der Monsperg – Wehr tagwärts und vom Sollinger Schurf bergwärts angelegt; 1761 trafen die beiden Vortriebe glücklich zusammen. Ein Stück oberhalb des Stollens am Wiesenrand steht das monumentale „Obere“ oder „Ludovika – Berghaus“, erbaut 1769. Es ist das älteste noch erhaltene Berghaus am Ischler Salzberg. Der Betriebsstandort für den Abbau des Pernecker Salzlagers wurde 1769 zum Ludovika – Stollen verlegt, wo er bis 1884 verbleibt. Wegen des rolligen, mit schiebenden Tonschichten durchsetzten Gebirges konnten gut 34 Stabel (41m) der Ludovika Stollen – Hauptschachtricht vom Mundloch bergwärts trotz massiver Verzimmerung nicht offengehalten werden. 1791 kam es zu massiven Verbrüchen der Hauptschachtricht in diesem Streckenabschnitt. Da das neu errichtete Berghaus nur 17 Stabel (20,3m) oberhalb der verstürzten Stollenachse lag, drohte dieses einzusinken. Als Sicherungsmaßnahme wurde die Hauptschachtricht unterhalb des Berghauses komplett verstürzt und 1792 eine 80 Stabel (95,4m) lange Umbaustrecke in Gegenbauführung errichtet. Situation der Wehren im Maria Theresia – Stollen, später Ludovika – Stollen um 1800: Länge vom Mundloch bis zur Salzgrenze 835 Stabel (995,3m), von da bis zum Feldort 477 Stabel (568,6m). 2 Kehren mit 9 brauchbaren Wehren. Die immer größer werdende Bedeutung des Ischler Salzberges brachte immer wieder hohe und höchste Persönlichkeiten in diesen Winkel des Kammergutes. Am bekanntesten waren wohl die Besuche Kaiser Franz I. mit seiner Gemahlin Ludovika und mehreren Erzherzögen mit der Befahrung des Kaiserin Ludovika Stollens in den Jahren 1808 und 1814. Der Ischler Bergmeister Anton Dicklberger verfasste Denksprüche, die auf den Granitpyramiden des Kaiserin Ludovika – Stollens verewigt wurden. Erinnerung an den Kaiser – Besuch 1808 am Sockel der linken Pyramide: Franz und Loiße. Sie befuhren, Diese Berges innern Schoß, Wo die Hoheit Segensspuren, In des Salzes Fülle goß, Lang leb in Glanz und Freuden, Unser hohes Kaiserpaar, Lang blüh in späteren Zeiten, Dieser Salzberg immerdar. Erinnerung an den Kaiser – Besuch 1814 am Sockel der rechten Pyramide: Franz der Beste aller Väter, Deutschlands Stolz, Europens Retter, der des Feindes Macht gedämpft, und Friedenspsalm erkämpft, ist mit Anton und Theresen, Ferdinanden hier gewesen.“ Anno Dom. MDCCCXIV Die Aufstellung der Pyramiden vor dem Stollenmundloch wurde durch einen Erlass der k. k. Hofkammer vom 1. Juni 1818 mit einem Kostenaufwand von 322 fl. 53 kr. bewilligt. Ursprünglich befanden sich auf den beiden Pyramiden noch 2 vergoldete Kaiserkronen mit Szepter und Schwert, die auf Polster ruhten. Sie dürften vor 1900 abmontiert worden sein. Das Abbaufeld blieb im Ludovika Stollen unverändert klein, wenige 100m lang und nur 50 bis 60m breit, so dass nur eine Reihe Solegewinnungswerke angelegt werden konnte. Außerdem wechselte die Reichhaltigkeit des Salzgebirges noch stark. 1839 mussten viele Werker totgesprochen oder in Feier gestellt werden, um das Tiefergreifen des Niederganges im Amalia – Horizont zu vermeiden. Die Chotek – Kehr im Ludovika – Stollen sowie der Poniatovsky – Schurf vom Elisabeth – auf den Ludovika – Stollen mussten zur Ableitung der Raubwässer, die über die Ludovika Stollen – Hauptschachtricht austraten, gesichert werden. Zur besseren Beherrschung der Wasserzutritte wurden ab 1840 die ersten Grubenmauerungen am Ischler Salzberg im Ludovika – Stollen ausgeführt. 1843 war das eingebrochene, auf dem Wege durch das Haselgebirge halbsatt gewordene Wasser über die Schürfe schon auf die Chotek – Kehr im Ludovika – Stollen in so großer Menge vorgedrungen, dass die halbgrädige Sole in den noch verfügbaren Einschlagwerken fast nicht mehr Platz gefunden hätte. Situation der Wehren im Kaiserin Ludovika – Stollen um 1850: Insgesamt 10 Wehren, davon 8 totgesprochen und 2 brauchbar. Nagel - und Grünwald - Wehr (verschnitten), Nefzern - Wehr, Zinsendorf - Wehr, Erzherzog Karl - Wehr, Lemberg - und Sollinger - Wehr (verschnitten), Schiller – Wehr; Stuppan – Wehr und Lebenau - Wehr um 1850 noch in Betrieb. Die Fremdenbefahrung führte von ca. 1800 bis 1934 über den Ludovika – in den Josef – Stollen. Vom Stollenmundloch ging man entweder zu Fuß auf dem Gestänge oder man ließ sich in den zu kleinen Wägelchen hergerichteten Grubenhunten in den Berg hineinschieben. Zur Befahrung wurden die Grubenhunte ordentlich zusammengerichtet, einige sogar mit Laternen versehen. Als Mannschaft ging ein Leuchtmann voraus, daneben ein Ziehender, und je nach Gewichtsverhältnis ein oder zwei nachschiebende Bergleute. Seit ca. 1800 war für die Fremdenbefahrung die Erzherzog Karl - Wehr vorgesehen, die 30 Klafter (56,9m) lang, und 25 Klafter (47,4m) breit war, sowie über 60 000 Eimer (3.400m³) Sole fasste. In der Abbaukammer konnten alle Manipulationszweige der Salzgewinnung besichtigt werden. Der Befahrungsweg erfolgte über die Ludovika – Stollen Hauptschachtricht und die Chotek – Kehr in die Erzherzog Karl – Wehr, dann wieder über zurück die Chotek – Kehr zum Lemberger – Schurf, der in den Josef – Stollen hinunterführte. Über die Josef Stollen – Hauptschachtricht fuhr man wieder aus. Die Gesamtlänge des Führungsweges lag bei rund 3.500m. Am 5. März 1934 wurde der vordere Teil des Ludovika – Stollens sowie der Lemberger – Schurf vom Ludovika – in den Josef – Stollen zum letzten Mal befahren, da diese Grubenstrecken infolge Umlegung des Fremdenweges in den Maria Theresia – Stollen aufgelassen wurden. Verwendete Quellen: Carl Schraml „Das oberösterreichische Salinenwesen von 1750 bis zur Zeit nach den Franzosenkriegen“, Wien 1934 Carl Schraml „Das oberösterreichische Salinenwesen von 1818 bis zum Ende des Salzamtes 1850“, Wien 1936 Ischler Heimatverein „Bad Ischl Heimatbuch 2004“, Bad Ischl 2004 Leopold Schiendorfer „Perneck – Ein Dorf im Wandel der Zeit“, Linz 2006 Johann Steiner „Der Reisegefährte durch die Oberösterreichische Schweiz“, Linz 1820, Reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Kanzler „Ischls Chronik“, Ischl 1881, Reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer „Beschreibung Hauptkarten des kk Salzberges zu Ischl“, 1820, Transkription Thomas Nussbaumer, Stand 13.09.2016 Restored tunnel portal 24.8.2019: Ludovikastollen Congratulations to the Ischler Heimatverein and many thanks to the companies involved and all supporters.

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Wirtschaftliche Lager der Salzbergarbeiter Social - economic situation of the salt workers in earlier times: Introduction: The situation of the Salzkammergut workers has always been bad and deplorable. Dependent on the salt works, they were completely in the hands of one company, which also had all the administrative and judicial power. Employment as a "Kammergutarbeiter" was associated with "certain poverty" because the wages were meager and insufficient. In addition to the low wages, the salt workers were supplied with cheap grain and lard. Nevertheless, cheap grain and lard and one-off grants were of little help in times of need, since the Hofkammer did not increase wages despite constant inflation. Salt Rack: Salt production was reserved for the emperor as a royal rule. Along with taxes, the salt shelf was by far the most important source of income for the state, which was always in financial difficulties. When the salt industry was at its peak, the salt works in Hallstatt, Ischl, Aussee, Hall in Tirol and Hallein supplied all of southern Central Europe (from Switzerland via Swabia and Bavaria to Bohemia, Moravia, western Hungary and Carniola). The rich profits from the salt mines owned by the sovereign covered up to a third of the state budget. If the emperor didn't know what to do because the state coffers were almost always empty, he simply had the price of salt increased. Complaints about the plight of the population, about the damage to cattle breeding, about outbreaks of cattle disease as a result of the increase in the price of salt were not able to prevent the price increases. As the financial capabilities of the salt rack were pushed to the extreme, any link between the cost of production and the price of salt ceased. At the beginning of the 19th century, the production costs for a salt barrel were between 24 and 30 kr, depending on the location of the salt works. However, the Hofkammer was able to sell a salt barrel for 11 fl 40 kr, which corresponded to 700 kr. Thus, the sales price was more than 25 times higher than the manufacturing costs!!! The increasing need for the financial exploitation of the salt monopoly was not limited to increasing prices and reducing the cost of transporting and selling salt, but also worked towards reducing production costs with ever more intensified methods. Since wage costs were the main part of production costs, wages were practically not increased over long periods of time, despite constant inflation. Privileges of chamber estate workers: In addition to their wages, the salt workers also had important benefits that were unknown outside of the Kammergut. They were exempt from military service and from military billeting, paid no taxes or levies unless they were homeowners, they had free medical treatment in the event of illness and constant care in old age. The Kammergutarbeiter needed to not worry about the future of their sons. As late as the first half of the 18th century, every able-bodied man from the Kammergütler found a suitable job at the Salzamt. In order not to raise wages, which Vienna stubbornly resisted, attempts were made to reduce the cost of living for the working population as much as possible, to keep food prices down in every way and to prevent their rise as far as possible in times of rising prices. Hofkorn and Hofschmalz: For this purpose, the Salzamt supplied the residents of the Kammergut with grain and lard. The bread grain was brought cheaply to the Kammergut as return freight on the emptied Salzzillen, because as imperial goods it was exempt from all taxes during transport. The sale of grain was strictly regulated, no official was allowed to trade in it, the selling price was strictly regulated for the grain traders, mostly citizens of Gmunden, Ischl, Laufen and Hallstatt. The Salt Office had to ensure that there was always a sufficient supply of grain stored in the official storerooms, the "grain boxes". The beneficiaries always received the grain below the market price and the cost price, which not only strengthened the bond between the crew and the imperial work, but also freed the government from the otherwise indispensable wage increase. As coveted as the meat was, it never became the staple food for the people of the Kammergut because of its unaffordable price. The farm grain had accustomed them to the flour diet, to which they could not do without lard as an added fat. This was more important to them than the meat. The inner Salzkammergut sourced most of its lard from the Abtenau region, whose inhabitants traded it vigorously in exchange for salt, grain and wine. The meat prices were also fixed by the authorities and the butchers were supported with subsidies so that they were able to keep prices low even in difficult times. The civil servants, master craftsmen and workers employed in salt boiling have always received as much salt as they needed in the household, free of charge. The miners and woodcutters and then all the other inhabitants of the chamber estate who were in the service of the sovereign joined the boilers to obtain the free salt. The allocation was generous and fully sufficient for the needs of a small farm. According to an approximate calculation, a Kammergut resident in the 17th century received 30 pounds (16.8 kg) of “mandatory salt” per year for one head of his family, i.e. more than double the actual requirement. Those entitled to “mandatory salt”, who numbered in the thousands, usually had no better use of what was left over in the household than to sell it. The Gmundner weekly market, among other things, offered a good opportunity for this. For the longest time, the Salt Office watched this trade, which noticeably affected its own consumption of salt, without doing anything. It was not until 1706 that the Hofkammer took up the matter and, much to the opposition of those concerned, restricted the "must salt purchase" to 12 pounds (6.72 kg) for each family member per year. First uprising 1392: In 1392, the citizens of Lauffen and Hallstatt "revolted" together with the cooper, shipmen and hermits. They wrote a petition to the sovereign and complained about the officials, especially the salt official, because their wages were too low or wages were withheld. The uprising was crushed bloodily, the "rebels" were severely punished, the ringleaders, if they had not escaped, imprisoned, blinded or even hanged. The penalties corresponded to the legal practice of the time. In the document of Duke Albrecht III. of September 5, 1392, with which he gave Ischl the trading rights, he expressly emphasized that the people of Ischl had not participated in the uprising. Wages of chamber farm workers: According to the 1st Reformation Dragonfly of 1524, the Salt Office was obliged to provide the workers with a decent salary from which they could subsist. In the 2nd Reformation Libel of 1563, the wages of the chamber estate workers were set numerically. For example, the wage for a male day laborer was 6 kr. and for a worker 3.5 kr. 100 years later, at the time of the 3rd Reformation Dragonfly of 1656, an ordinary day laborer got 10 kr. and a “female” 5 kr. In addition, the workers, with little increased wages, still had small allowances, which did not make much difference. A comparison of 1656 with the wages fixed in the second Libellus of 1563 shows that the daily earnings of skilled miners have remained fairly unchanged, while those of day laborers and other unskilled laborers have increased by about 50%. Under the pressure of economic hardship, the government had to at least improve the wages of the lower classes in order to keep them viable and able to work. The wages of the salt workers were still meager. Employment conditions in the rest of Upper Austria were significantly more favorable. A journeyman and a day laborer earned a good 50% more than a salt worker. For the imperial authorities, it was an irrefutable maxim that nothing could be changed in wages. In times of hardship and high prices, people preferred to resort to all sorts of temporary help and support than to raise wages. Temporary help was temporary, but wage increases were very difficult to get rid of. It is also interesting that the miners in Ischl were paid much better than those in Hallstatt, so their economic situation was more favourable. Unfortunately, the historical sources do not reveal the reasons for the unequal treatment of the two companies. The difference is all the more striking as the other provisions of the Reformation dragonfly are almost identical for both salt mountains. Pledging of the chamber property: In 1622 the Kammergut and all of Upper Austria was pledged to the Electors in Bavaria, where it remained until 1628. In 1623 there was a great famine in the Kammergut, as prices rose enormously. Grain became so expensive that people were forced to grind grummet and straw and bake it under the bread. Under the impression of great hardship and high prices, the electoral officials, ignorant of or disregarding the old imperial rule, granted the salt workers a wage increase. After returning to the imperial administration, the consequences of this new way of thinking were hastened to be undone, and on May 23, 1633 all wage increases were canceled and the old wages were reintroduced. The situation of the workers did not correspond to what one would have expected from a social, state administration. The supreme and sole concern of the imperial court chamber was to keep wages unchanged for more than a century, after the increase introduced by the Bavarian administration, unfamiliar with Austrian tradition, had been abolished. Everything went up in price, only wages remained low, unchanged. And all because they had calculated that even the slightest increase in wages would be more expensive than the support given when the workers were starving. Poverty in the Kammergut: In the 17th century, a worker needed around 100 Kreuzer per week for grain, meat, lard, eggs, milk, beets, turnips, cabbage and candles for himself and his family. A miner's wage of an average of 50 - 60 Kreuzer per week was just enough for the essential food needs of a household. The salt workers had no other choice when it came to buying clothes, linen and shoes, so they were forced and usually able to earn an additional income from woodwork or from the finishers. At the end of the 17th century, the state finances were particularly bad because of the "War of the Spanish Succession", and going into debt became the norm. Neither the income from the salt regime nor the tax revenue was sufficient to satisfy the empire's financial needs. All available means were necessary to maintain the empire and the army. Even for the operation of the salt works in the Kammergut, the necessary cash was sometimes still lacking. Going into debt had become the norm in Austria in order to get over the current shortage of money. The year 1696 was one of the saddest in the eventful history of the Salzamt. The Imperial War Pay Office claimed all of his receipts immediately. The Salzamt treasury was temporarily completely empty. In some cases, the Salt Office could not pay wages to workers and officials. They feared national bankruptcy and the loss of good faith among the people. The emperor himself urged the salt office to send money to Gmunden so that the Gmunden office could pay the interest and pay the workers. In 1693 the Kammergutarbeiter sent an emergency cry to the Court Chamber for grain; In Ebensee, Ischl and Hallstatt there was hunger and dysentery, the pans could no longer be operated, the deteriorating coinage had devalued the money. The buyers, shipwrights and Stadlinger who worked in the manufacturing sector suffered even more than the imperial workers. In a petition written in Ischl, they complained that they had nothing left on their bodies and nothing to eat, in Lauffen some had already died of hunger and the rest were about to emigrate with their wives and children and go begging. The manufacturers were also impoverished and could no longer pay their workers wages. In 1714, the Salt Office refused to take responsibility for the imperial authorities in Vienna if the workers were to “crepe out of famine”. In 1715 the Salzamt wrote to Vienna again that the need was increasing and that people had to “crepe”. The workers could not buy clothes and were so exhausted that they could no longer do difficult work. There was fear that the people in the Kammergut could no longer be held back. But as is well known, help did not come so quickly from Vienna. On March 27, 1715, the Gmundner Salzamt reported to Vienna that the workers, who had been driven to despair, wanted to go to Vienna themselves in large numbers to ask for help there. The desperate salt workers only allowed themselves to be deterred from this plan by being granted an extra grain advance. In 1717 scurvy broke out among the Aussee workers, and only then was the danger recognized in Vienna. This time, orders were immediately given to give the sick workers free medical treatment and medicines. In 1718 it was reported from Aussee that the wives and children of the workers were already going out to beg. The misery in the Salzkammergut was an almost regular occurrence. The officials were helpless, their hands were tied by the Vienna Hofkammer. The workers' petitions often found support from the Gmundner Salzamt, but none from the Hofkammer. And with the misery and overpopulation of the Salzkammergut came the workers' unrest. As long as people trembled for every worker, as long as every worker was valuable for securing the imperial work, as long as everything was used for salt works, the Salzkammergut was not without poverty and hunger, but without workers' unrest. In 1731, the Viennese Court Chamber issued a sharp reprimand to the salt offices. A survey of the age structure of the employees showed that among the 2,156 workers from Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee, 1,134 were under the age of 18, of whom 355 were even between 7 and 12 years old, were accepted into the imperial service. According to the opinion of the Hofkammer, the young lads marry as soon as they earn a piece of bread, and so the Kammergut becomes "too populess", and that's not all, the young lads are clumsy and careless at work, are often "damaged", and it costs the treasury only doctor's salaries and commissions. Such young people are therefore no longer allowed to work. The Salt Office was strictly instructed to encourage young people to do anything other than salt work, to remove immigrant foreigners from the country, to restrict marriages, and to hand over "stubborn elements" to the militia as recruits. The rationalization measures that began in the 18th century, combined with the reduction in the number of workers, the dismissal of older, weaker workers, cuts in pensions (“commissions”) and doctor’s wages, led to unrest and hard conflicts. The officials in the Salzkammergut were no friends of this new economic trend, but their hands were tied. Ischl Shrove Tuesday - Revolt 1733: From 1733 things started to ferment among the workers. On February 23, 1733, the Verwesamt reports on a revolt by the Ischl workers. Since time immemorial, workers in Ischl have been given the day off at 12 noon on Shrove Tuesday and have been paid the whole day. Now that the greatest economy was ordered, they didn't think they had the right to do so, because it would amount to 36 fl. for 470 people, and the workers were not allowed to go home. Despite this, the angry workers left their work earlier, gathered in front of the office building, and "made their complaints with unvoiced and punishable freedom". In times of the greatest famine, it remained calm in the Kammergut, and now there was a revolt because of 36 fl. But in the meantime, the much more serious religious unrest was caused in the Salzkammergut, and the situation was so dangerous that Salzamtmann Graf Seeau not only refrained from punishing the ringleaders, but even released Shrove Tuesday afternoon. This is how the unnecessarily conjured up Shrove Tuesday revolt of the Ischl workers ended. This was the first workers' revolt in the Salzkammergut that had endured 23 years of terrible hardship without the workers daring to do anything more than the most humble begging, and yet they were starving. But at least they saw the good intentions of the officials, and from time to time a small gift of grace came from Vienna. The petty savings, the abolition of old customs irritated, the restrictions on commissions and doctor's wages embittered, and when Sternbach came along with his innovations, a revolt broke out that no longer ended like a carnival joke. Uprising of the Ebensee woodworkers in 1746: In May 1746, the news came to Vienna that the woodcutters and shipbuilders in Ebensee, through "punitive defiance and the tumultuous proceedings" had forced the Salzamtmann Sternbach to sign the earlier, now forbidden "excesses and negligence" again. The Ischl servitude desired the same. After long pleas, the Ebensee woodworkers strictly rejected Sternbach's innovations on May 1, 1746. About 300 of them gathered and impetuously demanded their piece of bread from the salt clerk who was present in the vicarage. They also horribly beat various "wood watchers" employed by the Salzamt. The woodcutters also demanded that the woodruff be dismissed and that several of them should get the farm grain again. They presented all demands loudly and very impetuously. People were no longer satisfied with verbal promises, "as if they had often been promised something but never kept it". The salt official had to put his promise in writing, threatening to meet again if the promise was not kept. In Vienna people were extremely upset about this incident. An investigative commissioner with 300 men on foot and 30 on horseback was ordered to the Salzkammergut to ensure law and order. The culprits should be punished and Sternbach's new guidelines should be implemented quickly. Every worker was to submit to the new regulations, every meeting of workers was to be prevented and the "rioters" were to be punished with corporal punishment. Some officials were accused of taking sides with the workers and should be punished without any leniency. The rebellion of the workers had become dangerous because some of the officials felt that the harsh actions of the Viennese Hofkammer were disadvantageous for them too, which is why the officials openly or secretly sided with the workers and abetted the rebellion. The criminal investigations in Ischl and Ebensee yielded nothing. All the woodcutters answered in the same voice that only "sheer necessity" had driven them to the unrest. It was impossible to identify the instigators of the riot. The crime report also gives the causes of the riots. Salzamtmann Sternbach had abolished the previous system for supplying wood by eliminating the woodworkers and creating lumberjacks as "imperial lumberjack parties" who were supposed to work on piecework wages. He wanted to eliminate the numerous fraudulent machinations in the timber industry. But the woodcutters and master woodworkers did not put up with this. The investigating commissioner reported that as early as August 1746, most of the workers had returned to work repentant. When the military finally withdrew in April 1749, this was done with an explicit warning to the workers to continue to behave docilely and to follow the orders of the salt official at all costs. Sternbach had found employment in Hallein in Salzburg, in Hungary and in Lower Austria for the superfluous people who were able to work, but the workers did not want this. Nobody wanted to go there, they didn't even want to go to work from one detention center in the Kammergut to another. The Salzkammergut workers were used to having their own way, and they didn't like the stricter discipline that was in use today. They were tied to the Salzkammergut for centuries, they were artificially brought up to the point that they shouldn't even think of moving away, and now, against their will, they are to be dragged onto the foreign market as work goods. weekly rate: Until 1753, the salt workers were regularly paid their wages on Saturdays after the “weekly rait”. Files report that in Ischl it was customary not to work on Saturdays or Sundays in the imperial salt mines. Instead of the miners using Saturday for their domestic work in order to rest on the following Sunday to strengthen themselves for the exertions of the coming week, on Saturday evenings they exhaust their last strength and usually their hard-earned maternity pay in the inns. On Monday, exhausted and usually without money, they began their arduous day's work all over again. The Kammergut in general, but Hallstatt in particular, was always considered the most expensive part of the country before it was opened up for traffic. In addition, the cost of living had risen steadily since the mid-eighteenth century, but wages had risen only imperceptibly, if at all. For example, in Hallstatt around 1788, a pound of smoked meat cost 19 kr. At that time a bricklayer earned only 19 kr, an ordinary worker only 17 kr. during the day. Paper money or “bank note”: Four wars lost within a decade (Peace of Campo Formio 1797, of Luneville 1801, of Preßburg 1805 and of Vienna 1809) had not only costs, but also losses on land and thus tax revenues, and finally also the loss of maritime trade , and the "Continental Blockade" imposed by Napoleon on Europe severely damaged the Austrian economy. Nevertheless, the state had to continue to arm and to manage the proceeds from its salt business as one of its last secure incomes as stingily as possible. The tense economic situation led to a shortage of money and devaluation. As a countermeasure, paper coupons were put into circulation as a substitute for coins as early as 1761. From the beginning, the population did not enjoy it because it was constantly declining in value and the misery of the workers increased again. In the years 1808 and 1809 the imperial printing press produced more and more paper money. By 1810 this had almost entirely replaced cash. As a result, the paper currency fell so badly that the Austrian financial system almost collapsed. On December 11, 1810, Austria stopped cash payments entirely, the bank notes were confiscated and replaced by new "redemption slips" with a fifth of the previous nominal value. The money suddenly lost 80% of its value! It was not until 1816, with the establishment of the National Bank, that the Austrian monetary economy began to rebuild. From now on, only the National Bank was authorized to issue banknotes and obliged to redeem the current bills. This quickly led to a stabilization of the monetary value. French occupation in the Kammergut: Austria's struggle against Napoleon required the utmost exertion of all forces and suppressed all other considerations. The imperial patent of October 25, 1804 granted exemption from military service only to the most important management bodies and the most distinguished workers in the mines. With the strict application of this regulation, the Salt Office would have had to stop all operations that were not allowed to be interrupted because of the salt supply of the Reich. The salt office and the administration offices made constant efforts to get their people free from conscription, but the recruitment commission instructed by the court war council made no exception for the chamber estate and called up 183 men from the chamber estate in July 1805. After the Salt Office objected, the recruiting commission from the Kammergut only held back 41 men. The long period of war, with its insatiable demands on men fit for arms, had eliminated the old privilege of the salt workers, who had also become conscripts and were subject to military laws. Naturally, the Salzamt was concerned with freeing people from military service who were indispensable for the company or who were difficult to replace. A joint commission consisting of representatives of the district office, the salt office and the military district command was to determine the categories desired for military liberation. The deliberations revealed that out of a total of 5,530 employees, only 1,385 men were suitable for temporary exemption. Continuing operations was such an almost impossible task for the Salzamt. The period of French rule from 1809 onwards was downright catastrophic for the salt industry. The income from the sale of salt in the country flowed into the coffers of the occupying power, so the Salt Office could neither pay the wages of the salt workers nor procure the food they needed to feed themselves. During the summer months of 1809, Hallstatt workers waited seven weeks for their wages. Hundreds of them marched in front of the office building in Lahn and threatened to make money with the salt from the magazines if help didn't come soon. Revolution 1848: The winter of 1847 increased the misery of the workers unbearably again. The people sold their livestock, got into debt, couldn't get flour from the millers in advance, lost their strength and didn't have enough to clothe themselves. At the beginning of 1848, the Ischl workers ganged up to take violent action against the bakers and millers and to force a reduction in the price of flour and semolina. As a result, in January 1848 the Court Chamber set about working out a new wage system that was intended to bring the workers a substantial improvement in their income. The new wage regulation that came into force at the end of 1848 contained notable concessions to the workers, who were agitated in the year of the revolution and suffering from inflation. In addition to a general wage increase for all service classes, the court grain and lard purchases were increased and their prices reduced at the same time. In addition, all restrictions on the purchase of farm grain have been lifted. In 1848, the Court Chamber set the 48-hour week for all miners equally and wanted to break it down into six eight-hour shifts. However, she only found the approval of the Ausseer miners, while those in Hallstatt and Ischl insisted on the six-hour pit shift that had been granted to them in 1771. Mining lasted from Monday to Friday, leaving Saturday to take care of the household chores. The low-wage miners preferred to work short shifts because it gave them the opportunity to earn extra income. There was no real uprising movement in the Kammergut, but fears of such a movement prompted the authorities to take some precautionary measures. The Saline Ebensee had set up a fire station for a short time. A section of the National Guard had taken up position in Ischl. In October 1848, due to a shortage of firearms, the Board of Directors of the National Guard requested that the Salt Oberamt make 120 pikes (polearm or spear) and contribute to the uniforming of the poor guards from the working class. The Salzoberamt had no objection to the production of pikes in the Ebensee court smithy, the saltworks actually supplied the National Guard with 60 pikes. But she refused the uniform expenses, the workers should draw on the brother shop's assets. Limit provisions: The salt workers in the Kammergut also received a "limito provision", a certain amount of lard and grain, which could be obtained at reduced prices. On the other hand, the basic wage of the salt workers in the 19th century was always below that of the skilled factory workers. The system of “safe poverty” thus continued into the 19th century. Working as a stable miner or salt worker was secure employment even in times of crisis, but cuts in pay had to be accepted. If an enemy invasion was to be feared, the administrative offices were not only allowed to give the workers their wages and farm grain, but also limito lard for a quarter of a year in advance. From 1789 onwards, the purchase of Hofkorn was extended to all family members. Annually the following was given out: for men 350 kg, for women 200 kg and for each child under 12 years 100 kg. The delivery of the farm grain to the workers entitled to receive it took place monthly at first, then every six weeks. The limit value of the grain received was then deducted from the wages when the next payment was made. In 1815, almost 3,200 tons of grain were imported into the Kammergut from the Salzoberamt and made available to the workers at a limit price, which was usually even below the cost price. Grain gathering took place alternately every six and seven weeks eight times a year. The year 1848 brought the staff a notable improvement in the purchase of lard. A full worker weighed 20.2 and 33.9 kg annually, depending on his wage grade and category. The distribution in the era's lard cellars took place at the same time as that of the Hofkorn, the limit price was deducted from the wages of the workers. Workers with their own farms, which enabled them to keep three cows, were excluded from purchasing lard. It was almost always clarified butter that was handed out, only in exceptional cases, and only as emergency help, were the workers also given pork bacon. The wage deduction for these groceries was 48 Kr. for 1 Metzen Korn and 10 Kr. for 1 Pound of Lard, ie for the former a third and for the latter half of the usual market price. In certain cases, however, discounts were still made on these wage deductions, which were introduced in place of the monetary allowances that had been customary in times of inflation. In 1873, the supply of food was finally stopped and wages increased accordingly. Only the deputat salt and a preferential purchase of firewood remained in kind. The purchase of wood was only intended for personal use, selling it to third parties was strictly forbidden. Officials and those workers who were unable to get the wood in the forest could get it at the Aufsatzplatz or from the drift. A fee had to be paid for the deputate wood. After the Law on Associations passed in 1867, it was possible to set up workers' support associations. The miners and smelters of the Aussee, Altaussee, Hallstatt and Ebensee saltworks founded their own consumer associations to improve the food situation. Social situation of the miners around 1868: In 1868, the annual need for money for a family of workers (man, woman, two children) in Upper Austria was around 250 guilders. This roughly corresponded to the annual earnings of a hewer in a salt mine. Of this amount, around 20-40 guilders went to rent for small apartments. Those workers who were not themselves smallholders mostly lived in rented accommodation in villages close to the factory. The family apartment often consisted of a single, low room. Since this was also used for cooking and washing, and for reasons of economy it was often not aired for weeks in winter, the rooms were damp and moldy. The often numerous family members lived here in a small room huddled together without separating the sexes, sometimes even unmarried workers were sublet. About 13 - 15 guilders had to be spent on heating the small apartments, despite the preferential purchase of firewood. Besides his work clothes, the worker usually has better clothes for Sunday. The average annual outlay for clothing was between 20 and 30 guilders, depending on the size of the family. In general, the mining families subsisted on pastries prepared with lard, vegetables and legumes, and meat was very rarely on the table. In 1868 a family spent 150 - 180 guilders on food in Upper Austria. Housing situation of the salt workers: Around 1870 there were 22 company-owned workers' living quarters or dormitories at the saltworks in the Kammergut. The latter, which were in the immediate vicinity of the workplace, were used as accommodation during the working days by the workers living away from the mine, who could only return to their families once a week. Only at the end of the 19th century, small apartments were newly built for the salt workers, which brought a big improvement. The typical worker's apartment consisted of an almost 10 m² kitchen, an approximately 20 m² heated room and an almost 10 m² cabinet without heating. Only 10% of wages were retained as rent. Outlook: A regular system of privileges and disciplining shaped the everyday work and life of the salt workers. In return for social security, the state expected a special loyalty and the preservation of the honor of the group of salt workers even outside of working hours. When you were hired, you not only had to provide birth certificates and certificates of origin, but also a “certificate of morality”. Service regulations from 1899 not only regulated behavior during working hours. Avoiding "violence and bickering", "appearing at the work place at the appointed time" or the prohibition on leaving the work place without permission can still be understood as regulations that were necessary for a functioning workflow. The ban on "smoking tobacco" outdoors, on the other hand, points to an almost patriarchal control, as do the reasons for dismissal in the case of "reasonable suspicion of poaching", in the case of secret or open "incitement against official orders" or "essential breaches of duty in relation to loyalty, diligence and due respect and obedience to superiors”. The system of privileges and disciplining, in which workers and employers entered into a close symbiosis, should not lead to a glorified picture of exclusive harmony. There have always been conflicts between the salt workers and the state as the employer. In the 19th century, however, the forms of protest changed. Until then, the close ties between the salt workers and the state had favored cooperative conflict resolution mechanisms. The strike as a form of protest only came into use in the early 20th century; before that, the salt workers tried to present their requests and claims in the form of petitions. As an employer, the state usually reacted very willingly to these “gentle” demands with concessions. After the turn of the century, the forms of protest changed. Spontaneous actions were replaced by more organized, longer-term protest movements. In the large demonstrations to obtain universal, equal and direct suffrage in 1907, the salt workers took part together with other groups of workers and marched under the red flags of social democracy, but without being clearly organized as social democrats. For the miners and smelters, there was still a long way to go, full of protests, before the hard and dangerous nature of their work was fully recognized in terms of wages and social benefits. Only during the construction period after the Second World War did the miners receive the financial compensation they were entitled to. Sources used: Gustav Brachmann "Three contributions to the history of our salt industry", Upper Austria Heimatblatt, 18th year, issue 3-4, Linz 1964 Franz Hufnagl "The toll to Gmunden", Böhlau Verlag, Vienna 2008 August Huysen "Salt Mining and Saline Operation in Austria, Styria and Salzburg", Berlin 1854 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Karel Kramar "The state wage policy and the situation of the workers in the salt pans of the Salzkammergut up to 1748", yearbook for national economy, Vienna 1896 Ewald Hiebl "Safe work and state protection" in: "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Halleiner salt works", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Volume 10, Salzburg, 1998 Anton Schauenstein "Denkbuch des austrian mining and metallurgy", Vienna 1873 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936

12 The John tunnel Stud Name: "St. John of Nepomuk - Stollen" originally watering scree, named after "water saints" Struck: 1725 Leave: 1831 Length: 230 m Altitude: 991 m In 1725, the St. Johannes tunnel was struck to bring in the still unleached mountain thickness of 10 Stabel (11.9m) between the Matthias and Obernberg tunnels and to leach existing works above the level of the Matthias tunnel. Initially, this building was only intended to serve as ventilation and drainage for the princes' weir. However, when the salt was reached during the excavation of this Ebenschurf in 1730 and the cleansing pit was connected to the princes' weir by sinking, the still unnamed building was given the name St. John of Nepomuk tunnels. The St Johannes tunnel – main shaft was driven entirely in the squeezing clay rock. The tunnel timbering lasted barely 1 year. Therefore, 2 scaffolds were constantly needed to keep the tunnel open to traffic. Situation of the weirs in the St. Johannes tunnel around 1800: Length from the mouth hole to the salt boundary 219 bars (261.7 m), from there to the field site 190 bars (227.1 m). 2 hairpin bends with a total of 3 weirs, 2 of which are unusable (Fürsten - and Wimmer - Weir) and 1 usable (Zierler - Weir). Because of the rich salt mountains, the decision was made to extend the prince's weir beyond the Matthias tunnel. For this purpose, a cleaning pit, a sink works and 2 dam outlets were built from the St. Johannes tunnel. In 1733 the prince's weir could be watered again in order to be able to use the thickness of the mountain down to the St. Johannes tunnel. In 1744 the prince's weir went down because it was too close to the overlying rock and fresh water had broken in. The princes' weir now had to be dammed up and abandoned. The Kain and Tratl weir in the Matthias tunnel, which had been in operation since 1648, was also to be leached beyond the Matthias tunnel. Since the Kain and Tratl weir had already fallen into disrepair, a sinkage was sunk from the St. Johannes tunnel in 1738. In doing so, devious brine was encountered. In 1764, a second sinkage, located further towards the day, was sunk from the St. Johannes adit - main shaft against the Kain and Tratl weir. After the construction of 2 dams, the facility, now known as the Zierler weir, could be watered again and watered higher towards the St. Johannes tunnel. In 1802 there was an unexpected decline in the factory, which relocated the two drain boxes of the Zierler weir. The drain boxes could be found under the companionway and prepared. In 1807 the factory went down again. The Zierler weir, which had been emptied down to 17 rooms (1,924m³), could no longer be emptied any further. In 1 week, only ½ room (57m³) of brine drained away, then the drain dried up completely. Since the old sinkage also became completely unusable due to the decline, a new sinkage had to be sunk, and through this, the brine still in the weir had to be laboriously pumped up. The Wimmer weir was built in the eastern part of the St. Johannes tunnel to use the salt agents that remained behind the Zierler weir. However, since there was a risk when the Wimmer weir was flooded that the surface water in the Lipplesgraben tunnel could break through and the salt mountains were very poor, it was completely abandoned again in 1781. Around 1800, the weirs in the Johannes tunnel were largely exhausted. Despite the rich salt deposits that were still available in places, these could not be used further because they were too close to the surface and there was a risk of fresh water ingress. The remaining mountain forts were necessary to support the mountains and were not allowed to be weakened under any circumstances. The tunnel hut near the St. Johannes tunnel burned down completely in 1787. Situation of the weirs in the St. Johannes tunnel around 1850: A total of 3 weirs, all pronounced dead around 1850; Wimmer - weir, Zierler - weir, princes - weir. Until 1933, the drainage path led in the St. Johannes tunnel from the water intake point on the Sulzbach via the drainage pit to the main shaft and on to the Saherböck pit, over which the water flowed down into the Matthias tunnel. The rear part of the St. Johannes tunnel was finally abandoned. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018