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Kunstgüterbergung im Ischler Salzberg 1944/ 45 Dark moments at the Ischler Salzberg: art objects salvage 1944/45 Inhalt: 1. Ischler Salzberg wird Bergungsort 2. Einlagerungsorte 3. Eingelagerte Kunstschätze 4. Erste Entführung 5. Zweite Entführung 6. Sperre der Bergung im Ischler Salzberg 7. Die Befreiung Franz Juraschek, the regional conservator responsible for the Upper Danube and later the provincial conservator for Upper Austria during World War II, suggested the Ischler Salzberg as well as Aussee as a salvage site for endangered art treasures. Juraschek and Hans Dellbrügge, District President in Vienna, turned to the Erbstollen near Bad Ischl, particularly after the Aussee salt mine had become the “ Reich’s salvage site ” and especially for objects in the “ Fuhrer Museum” in Linz. wird Bergungsort Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, transport of art, 1944, archive Salinen Austria Kunstgütertransport, 1944, Archiv Salinen Austria 2. Einlagerungsorte: Für die Einlagerungen waren vorhandene und neue Bergungsräume im Erbstollen und im I. und II. Blindhorizont vorgesehen. Der I. und II. Blindhorizont wurden über den Distler Schacht vom Erbstollen und von Perneck, vom Leopoldstollen, erreicht. Aufgrund der leichteren Anlieferung zum Erbstollen wurden alle Einlagerungen über diesen durchgeführt. Einlagerungsorte Im I. Blindhorizont wurde das Werk XII mit 1100 Quadratmeter für Einlagerungen freigegeben. Plan Bergung: I. Blindhorizont 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Ein neuer Lagerraum wurde für Einlagerungen im Erbstollen bei Streckenmeter 250 ausgesprengt. Dieser war aber nicht durchlüftet und nicht im Salzstock angelegt und deshalb feucht! Dieser wäre für großformatige Einlagerungen des Sonderstabes Rosenberg, Führersammlung, vorgesehen gewesen. Reimer, Sonderbeauftragter Hitlers, verzichtete aber danach auf diese Räume und ermöglichte somit die Einlagerung der Wiener Sammlungen. Außerdem wurde das Sprengmitteldepot bei Streckenmeter 500 geräumt und für Einlagerungen freigegeben. Plan Bergung: Neue Bergungsräume und frühere Sprengmitteldepot im Erbstollen 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Im II. Blindhorizont wurde der sogenannte Bahnhof, der zum Verschub der Grubenbahn diente, für die Bergung vorbereitet. Ein vom I. zum II. Blindhorizont führender Schurf, wurde später verschüttet, damit niemand ungebeten die Lagerräume erreichen konnte. Anfang 1945 war der „Bahnhof“ so verkleidet, dass nur ein Gleis frei blieb. Der übrige Raum war für die Lagerung von Gemälden vorgesehen. Er wurde an beiden Enden mit schweren hölzernen Bohlentüren verschlossen. Das machte den Eingang absolut sicher. Nur die Lüftungsrohre blieben frei. Plan Bergung: II. Blindhorizont 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Salvage plan, 1944 Archive Salinen Austria Shaft machine Distlerschacht: All art objects were made with it transported to the second blind horizon, 1940 Archive Salinen Austria In der Endphase des Krieges wurden auch Lagerbereiche in der Ischler Saline verwendet: Zum Beispiel wurden am 27.3.1945 Bilder von Cassone aus der Sammlung Lanzkoronski hier eingelagert. Zur Vorgeschichte der Sammlung Lanzkoronski: Das Vermögen und auch die hochbedeutende Kunstsammlung des polnischen Staatsangehörigen Anton Lanzkoronski wurde unter Berufung auf eine “Verordnung über Behandlung von Vermögen der Angehörigen des ehemaligen polnischen Staates” beschlagnahmt und vom zuständigen Staatskommissar in Wien übernommen. Im ehemaligen Hotel Grüner Baum, Bad Ischl, wurden zu Kriegsende Kunstgüter aus Altausse eingelagert, um der befürchteten Zerstörung zu entgehen. Ein anderes Lager war die Villa Castiglioni am Grundlsee: hier wurde ein Teil der Bibliothek Hitlers eingelagert. Schloss Kogl bei Attersee war ein Lagerort für Kunstgüter, die Alfred Rosenberg für sich selbst reserviert hatte. From November 1944 it was decided to store the Viennese art collections and the Lichtenstein picture gallery in the Ischler Salzberg . The daily reports from Lauffen began on December 9, 1944 with the arrival of the restorers Josef Hajsinek from Vienna and Franz Sochor from Kremsmünster. The first transport arrived in Lauffen on December 12, 1944. Almost all Viennese collections relocated salvaged goods to Lauffen. Gert Adriani was appointed head of the salvage. But after a fatal mishap, he was replaced by Viktor Luithlen , head of the collection of ancient musical instruments. This remained so until the end of the repatriation in 1947. Eingelagerte Kunstschätze Gert Adriani, KHM Museum Association Viktor Luithlen , KHM Museum Association Storage of the art objects 1944/45: Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, art goods transport, 1944/45, archive Salinen Austria Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kunstgutdepot 2. Blindhorizont, 1986, Katharina Hammer Shine in the dark Valuable holdings from spiritual possessions were now also stored in the Ischler Erbstollen instead of in the Ausseer Salzberg. One transport after the other arrived from Vienna. Treasures came from almost all state collections: there were 150 boxes from the national library with manuscripts and printed works, each individual page of which is a treasure. Holdings from the Natural History Museum, the Ethnological Museum, the Museum of Decorative Arts, the Art History Museum, the Liechtenstein Gallery and the Graz State Archives were delivered. Pictures by such important artists as Rembrandt, Raffael, Brueghel, Albrecht Dürer, Jan van Eyck, Rubens and also by "modern" painters such as Munch, Monet, Klimt and Kokoschka were stored in Ischl. In addition, the gold treasure finds, ivories, vases, jewelery and statuettes from the antique collections. A small selection of the priceless art objects stored in the Ischler Salzberg: Tower of Babel Pieter Bruegel the Elder , 1563 Venus of Willendorf, around 30,000 years old peasant dance Pieter Bruegel the Elder , 1525/30 Requiem in D minor ( KV 626) from 1791 is Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart's last composition Madonna in the green Raphael Santi , 1505-1506 Tassilo chalice from the year 777 The “Tassilokelch” from Kremsmünster Abbey also had a special situation: Officially it was housed in the Aussee salvage, but after this became the official salvage location for Hitler in 1943, it was secretly stored in the Ischler Salzberg by district conservator Franz Juraschek. On April 18, 1945, a crisis team met in the general management of the saltworks to discuss the measures that were necessary to save the Ischler salvage from having to store a bomb like the one in Aussee. According to this plan, the salvage should be made completely inaccessible. The "filling point" of the Distler shaft in the Erbstollen should be completely filled up with rock, "collapsed". The elevator is to be pulled up to the ceiling of the Leopold horizon, i.e. to its highest point, and shut down there. The stairs that lead up next to the elevator, the so-called "rides", are to be torn out below and above the I. and II. underground constructions and the burial of the pit between the I. and II. underground constructions is to be strengthened. This work was completed by May 5, 1945. In the meantime, the situation in Ischl / Lauffen has also deteriorated dramatically. Between April 20 and 25, 1945, a total of 928 pictures of various origins from Kartause Gaming (Lower Austria) arrived here. On the orders of Hermann Stuppäck (General Cultural Officer of the Reich Governor Baldur von Schirach) in Gaming, the paintings had been thrown in a hurry "without any consideration and without the slightest care". Due to the "barbaric" nature of the transport, numerous paintings "were perforated, torn off, damp or otherwise damaged in Bad Ischl/Lauffen. But that was not all, Stuppäck arrived in Bad Ischl on April 25 with orders from Schirach to move the salvaged goods kept in Lauffen further west without delay. At first Luithlen successfully resisted the order, but the arrival of officers and soldiers from the "Fabian Combat Unit" from the SS Panzer Division "Großdeutschland" on the evening of May 1st made any further delay impossible. Captain Reinhardt and Lieutenant Kahles would not be put off. Bergrat Lepez refused the SS commander to provide the mine locomotive, the winding machine and the miners on the pretext that there was no corresponding clear written order from the Waffen SS command. Under threat of the use of weapons, the captain drove furiously to Gmunden to obtain the necessary powers of attorney. This saved valuable time again. On May 3rd, however, the 184 paintings desired by Schirach and Stuppäck - including all paintings by Rembrandt, P. Bruegel the Elder, had to be handed over. Ä., Titians and Velazquez, 49 tapestry sacks and two crates are loaded onto trucks. It turned out that a whole series of the main pieces from the Viennese picture gallery were to be kidnapped in this way. Among them were Bruegel's "Peasant Wedding" and "Peasant Fair", "Carnival Games", "Tower of Babel", "Homecoming of the Herd", "Storm at Sea", "Bird Thief" and "Pauli's Conversion", 6 Velasquez -Pictures, 7 Titians, including the cherries and the Gypsy Madonna, as well as the portrait of Jacopo della Strada, the two well-known self-portraits and the reading Titus by Rembrandt, and finally the "All Saints' Day" and "Emperor Maximilian" by Dürer. So you can safely say, not only the most valuable, but also a number of the most popular pictures in their gallery. You worked late into the night. The marching orders were given on May 4th. At 4 a.m. the convoy with the restorers Hajsinek and Sochor left Bad Ischl in the direction of Mittersill. In the evening of the same day, the convoy arrived in Bramberg in the Pinzgau region of Salzburg, where Stuppäck was already awaiting the transport. But the odyssey of the art treasures was not over yet. The very next day, Major Fabian ordered the paintings, boxes and tapestry sacks to be loaded onto the trucks. The transport could only be accompanied by officers. Franz Sochor and Josef Hajsinek stayed in Bramberg, where they contacted the advancing American army and reported the incident. All cultural assets were then found by the Americans in St. Johann in Tirol. The final result of the Ischl salvage was: 8 figures, 1428 paintings, 122 sacks with tapestries, 278 folder boxes with cadastral maps and 728 boxes. A total of 150 tons of salvage. On May 13, 1945, US troops arrived in Bad Ischl and took control of the salvage site. On June 1, 1945, with the permission of the occupiers, the work to uncover the treasures in the salt mine could also begin, namely in the Erbstollen and in Plant XII in the I. underground construction. The II. civil engineering was initially still buried, but its opening was tackled soon afterwards. On June 13, 1945, the main salvage at the "Bahnhof" in II. Civil Engineering was accessible again. The salvage proved to be in excellent condition, with the exception of a lost painting, a bouquet of flowers by Jan Brueghel the Elder. Ä., which later reappeared in a private apartment in Munich and returned to the Kunsthistorisches Museum in 1959 after a court decision. Rosenberg Erste Entführung Zweite Entführung Sperre Befreiung Am 11. Juli 1945 erschien „Monuments Man“ Lieutenant Frederick Shrady in Bad Ischl und kündigte an, dass die im ehemaligen Hotel Grüner Baum , Grazerstraße Nr. 39, und in der Kaiservilla gelagerten Objekte, nach München zum „Central Collection Point“ gebracht werden würden. Lieutenant Frederick Shrady, Internet On August 7, 1946, the first major transport back from Ischl to Vienna for an exhibition in Switzerland took place. On April 25, 1947, the last large transport of art goods left the Ischl salt mine. After checking the rooms in the presence of the gendarmerie commander, the final commissioning took place and the salt works management took over sole supervision of the mountain again. The salvage in Lauffen took place without any major losses or damage. Only the loss of 7 paintings for the Kunsthistorisches Museum had to be lamented, which are still considered lost today: Landscape by Nicolaes Berchem (GG 623), The Painter Jan Wildens by Anthonis van Dyck (GG 694), A Female Portrait by Peter Paul Rubens (GG 711), Hoffnung by Maerten van Heemskerck (GG 1946) and Faith (GG 1953.), a Venetian ceiling sketch (GG 6398), and a loan were still available at the general inspection on April 26, 1945. Sources used: Katharina Hammer "Shine in the Dark", Altaussee 1996 Franz Juraschek "Heimatblatt Oberösterreich", Linz 1947 British information service "World Press", 9 July 1947 Salzkammergut newspaper, January 6, 1946 Vienna Courier, November 19, 1945 Sabine Loitfellner, Pia Schölnberger "Salvage of cultural property under National Socialism: Myths - Background - Effects", April 18, 2016 Theodor Brückler, Art theft, art recovery and restitution in Austria 1938 to the present, 1999

Arschleder und Ledersprung Brauchtum Ass leather and leather jump The mountain or butt leather, also known as leather for short , is an important item of clothing for miners and is associated with a great deal of symbolism. It is cut out of a piece of black calfskin in a semicircle and sewn to a belt. The belt has a clasp decorated with a mallet and iron. At first glance, the ass leather looks like a leather apron that is a bit too short. Aprons are part of many old craft costumes. Blacksmiths, carpenters, gardeners, cooks and winegrowers wear them. Of course, aprons are also part of the basic equipment of every good housewife. And yet the miner's apron is something very special! It has been the only apron that has been worn backwards for 500 years now. And we miners are even proud of that! The reason for this is that, in the past, miners often had to do their work sitting on the wet rock for hours. The leather was a protection against wet and cold. When entering the miners' ranks, the start-up leather was awarded as a sign of belonging. Every miner had to take good care of this leather, it was a kind of membership confirmation that brought many advantages of the status. If a miner committed dishonorable acts, he was expelled from the Knappschaft. His leather was tied off and he was chased away in disgrace. So to untie someone's ass leather was to declare them forfeited. An ass leather attached to a long pole was considered a sign of rebellion in earlier times. When it was carried forward by a mob of grim-faced miners, it did not bode well for the trades or miners. Everyone shuddered at the sight! Because miners like to adorn themselves, there used to be a separate butt leather with the appropriate fashionable accessories for each class of miners. The higher the rank, the richer and larger the leather. At the head of the miners were the trades as owners and the miners as the highest-ranking officials. The leather of these honorable gentlemen was lined with brightly colored silk and decorated with a wide gold border at the edge. The middle classes, which today would include managers and foremen, had to make do with unlined leather, which was only decorated with a silver cord. All other members of the Knappschaft were left behind in the truest sense of the word. They were only allowed to wear the plain black leather without any ornaments. Higher level miners commonly had at least 3 different butt leathers in their wardrobe: The somewhat more decorative start-up leather, which was awarded at the beginning of the miner's life, the simpler everyday leather for everyday use and, as a highlight, the parade leather equipped with all the fashionable chicanes. It is hardly known that the ass leather was also used as a kind of musical instrument. Mountain musicians in Saxony rolled up the leather and blew firmly into it. The range of tones reportedly ranged from the roar of a deer to the fart of a deserving miner. But now back to a much more serious meaning of leather. The ass leather was part of important legal acts. In the past, mining authorization was granted as part of the so-called inheritance survey. This legal act expired as follows: The mining officials came to the newly found ore vein on horseback in miners' festive costumes. The trades also came in festive costume, but with a carriage. The rest of the hill tribe, the common miners, had to walk to the new mine. Everyone lined up in a circle around the newly found outcrop. Mine officials had to measure the thickness of the vein and use that to determine the survey or rental fee. Up to this point, today's negotiations with an on-site inspection would not have gone much differently. Only the mining captain and the managing director would no longer travel on horseback, but in a befitting petrol carriage. The common mountain people would of course appear on site with much smaller petrol carriages. But earlier, when paying the survey fee, something quite unexpected happened to us: All miners present stood in a circle and the miner placed his ass leather in the middle of the circle. The trades were sentenced to pay the award fee by means of a quick verbal decision. The tradesman immediately had to pay the required amount in the form of coins on the ass leather in the middle. And now comes the unbelievable: The miner took some of the coins and tossed them to the miners present. Then the mining official took a few more handfuls of coins and invited the entire assembly to a measuring meal followed by a feast. Only the money that was left was delivered to the state authorities by the mining authorities. This form of negotiation should be reintroduced as soon as possible. This ensures that everyone involved goes home happy with full pockets and bellies after the legal act has been completed. Unfortunately, there are no such efforts to be found in the current mining or commercial law! In the course of the measurement meal, a kind of decision was also issued. The ass leather, on which the money was previously placed, was cut up by the mining captain. Everyone present immediately received a piece as a sign of participation in the award ceremony. It's that easy to solve our current problems with complicated postal routes, long processing times and high stamp fees. In earlier times, a successful mining company was not characterized by folders full of valid or less valid notices, but by a sack with as many pieces of ass leather as possible. For the miners, it is still a great honor and distinction to be able to jump over such a historical, but also misjudged piece of clothing at the leather jump! The leather jump The leather jump is undoubtedly the celebratory highlight of every Barbara celebration. Perhaps one of you has already seen the butcher's jump at Salzburg's Residenzplatz. After a public pledge to their profession, the newly minted butcher journeymen jump into a water-filled vat. This symbolically washes them clean of the sins of the apprenticeship. They then demonstrate courage and strength by waving the guild flag, which weighs more than 60 kg. Our valued Ledersprung also originates from this tradition of medieval guilds. Its roots probably lie in the Saxon Ore Mountains. The form of the leather jump that is common today came to Austria in 1848 from Schemnitz in the Czech Republic. In the course of the unrest at the time, the German-speaking mining professors and their students had to leave the Bergakademie Schemnitz. At the invitation of Peter Tuner, they were admitted to the mining school in Vordernberg near Leoben. The mining customs they brought with them, such as the leather jump, but also their black mountain smocks, quickly spread to all Austrian mining areas. How does a traditional leather jump work? The leather jump can be roughly divided into 3 sections: Namely in questioning the candidate, in emptying the glass and finally in jumping over the leather. The questioning of name, origin and status is a public declaration of your homeland and profession. The following sayings are usually more original than meant seriously. Emptying the glass is intended to express the new miner's zest for life. Of course, the "Ex" before the jump can be emphatically demanded by the audience. After all, the jump over the leather is the core of the ritual: It symbolizes courageous entry into the new state, which can entail great dangers. The jump means courage. With both feet at the same time, one jumps into the new, freely chosen position, which does not tolerate stumbling, but does require rapid determination and energy. The miners of all social levels see themselves as a community of destiny. This is expressed by the fact that the oldest present miner as well as the highest ranking official hold the leather for the jump. Where are leather jumps still celebrated today in the old mining tradition? In the traditional, active mining operations, of course. After successfully passing the hewer's test, the candidate with the leather jump is officially accepted into the miner's rank. Large leather jumps take place annually at mining universities such as Leoben, Clausthal, Freiberg, Krakow, Miskolc or Laibach. Every young student is invited to the leather jump. After passing the exam and having a merry party, he has the right to wear his mountain smock with pride as a young miner. The leather jump is an important event in student life that we look back on fondly. And therein lies a certain obligation for us miners. In our active professional life, we should also give this joy to young colleagues! Another area in which leather jumps are still actively held is that of miners' and traditional clubs. In these associations, classic miners, representatives of institutions and companies meet with people who are interested in mining for a wide variety of reasons and who openly support mining. In addition to maintaining friendship and sociability, an intensive exchange of experiences and mutual appreciation in club life are considered particularly important. Of course, leather jumps are an important, connecting element! But we must not forget one thing: The leather jump is and remains a mining tradition, namely ours! Under no circumstances must it degenerate into an empty, folkloric event! A home evening with Hansi Hinterseer songs is definitely something else!!!

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Aus‐ und Vorrichtung

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte krankenversrgung Social affairs – health care: The medical services in the Kammergut were under the supervision of graduated doctors from an early stage. The first Salzamtsphysicus mentioned in the resolution books was 1628 Dr. Brown. Since 1656 (3rd Reformation Libel) free medical treatment and the free purchase of medicines have been among the most important benefits for masters and workers permanently employed in the salt industry. In the second half of the 18th century, workers who were unable to work as a result of illness received full wages for the first 14 days, then sick pay of 30 kreuzers a week until they recovered and a commission (mercy pension) in the event of permanent disability. The officials had to diligently monitor the sick worker, deal with the surgeon or barber after the end of the cure (sick leave) and submit the cost calculation to the salt office physician for review before payment was made. In order to reduce the high cost of sickness, the authorities were instructed not to pay any workers the allowance (sick pay) until they had been examined by the surgeon and found to be ill. All bathers, surgeons and surgeons of the saltworks offices, ie also the markets there, were subordinate to the salt office physician. From 1735 he inspected their activities, calculations and healing successes quarterly. He pronounced the inability to work to obtain the commissions. The official bather treated the salt people and usually also gave them the medicines. He submitted bills to the Salt Office for payment. It was often paid incompletely and it often took a long time, which is why two thirds of the accounts were paid in advance by the salt office. The Kammergut was already under the supervision of certified state doctors in the 16th century. The exercise of health care, however, was in the hands of practitioners without formal training, with bathers, surgeons or surgeons. They were also barbers, therefore craftsmen with their own craft regulations, approved by the Emperor in 1646 and confirmed in 1662. Neither the barbers and surgeons nor the pharmacists were imperial servants with a fixed salary. Their income was low, so they received aid money and often maintained era bathhouses. For the treatment of sick people there have always been two spas in Ischl and from 1711 a third spa. The barbers needed the approval of the Salt Office to practice their trade. They also had to take a vow at the market court and at the verwesamt. The Salzamt invoices also contain entries that there were two midwives in Ischl who received an annual subsidy from the market and had to take their vows before the market court. An important part of the medical system was the Kammergutapotheke in Gmunden, which was first mentioned in the Salzakten in 1616. In 1740, the reimbursement of doctor's wages and medicine costs granted from 1656 was still only available to workers in imperial service if they fell ill or were seriously injured in the course of their work and could no longer be prepared with regular household remedies. Only the unprejudiced and philanthropic physician Dr. In 1746 Lebzelter found the courage to openly declare that internal illnesses required treatment just as much as external illnesses, which is why such patients should be treated free of charge. Treatment costs for workers suffering from toothache were not reimbursed in 1745. If a worker fell ill with the French plague (syphilis), he had to be examined by the surgeon, who would decide whether the illness was the result of accident or his own fault. In the latter case, the doctor's wages were paid by the office, but the costs of treatment and maintenance were deducted from the worker's wages and he was also punished. To deter others, a salt worker from Ischl was dismissed from his work in 1738. In 1746 Dr. Lebzelter was one of the brightest minds of his time in the Salzamt. In order to make it easier for the salt workers to drink milk, which is indispensable for better nutrition for the children, Dr. Despite all resistance, Lebzelter managed to get the general ban on grazing for goats, which was issued to protect the forest stock and whose milk he declared curative against scurvy, partially lifted and raising was permitted wherever the animals could not damage the grazing culture. He recognized the inexpediency of the workers' vegetable-poor diet, which consisted almost entirely of flour, semolina, lard, and the daily Schott soup, and he was a zealous advocate of the cultivation of potatoes, which he considered to be of great value as a supplement to the diet. Through his efforts, the Salzamt also improved and expanded the unhealthy, unclean and cramped sleeping quarters in the miners' houses on the Salzbergen. From time immemorial, free medical treatment and sick pay were only due to workers directly employed by the era, and in 1777 the Court Chamber renewed the ban on granting these advantages to woodcutters employed by the entrepreneurs. However, as early as 1778, she softened this harsh provision to the extent that the salt office was allowed to pay the doctor's wages if such workers had an accident or fell ill while on duty. Provisional workers were long excluded from any sickness allowance; only from 1790 onwards did the Salt Office replace their doctor's wages. The Salzkammergut was not entirely spared from the risk of epidemics. The plague claimed larger numbers of victims in 1625, 1675 and at the beginning of the 18th century. The plague was probably brought in from Lower Austria, despite the border closure that was imposed on the country when it first appeared. The Kammergut was closed to all through traffic and the border crossings were strictly guarded. Every epidemic required an expansion of the old cemetery, which was located directly next to the Ischl church. The fire in the Hallstatt market in 1750 also destroyed the Salinenspital. The new building, which was only started in 1770 and completed in 1772, was no longer built in the market square, but in the Lahn like the Sud- and Amtshaus. The new hospital was dimensioned for the accommodation of 16 patients of both sexes, from among whom the court clerk entrusted with the overall management and supervision chose a hospital father and a hospital mother. These two, as well as the other patients, received a weekly benefice and were obliged to spin or knit according to their strength for the needs of the hospital. The beneficiaries were free to live with their relatives; in this case they were entitled to a payment of the weekly hostel rate. The interest on the assets was initially available to the hospital administration to cover current expenses. In addition, there were annual co-payments by the erar. With the growing knowledge of the causes of diseases and the means of combating them from the end of the 18th century, the medical service not only increased in size and prestige, but also the demands on the people responsible for the immediate treatment of the sick had increased. From 1790 onwards, the Court Chamber demanded Magistri and Doctors who had already been examined and approved at the University of Vienna for vacant barber positions, but there were still no such applicants for the Chamber estate. The bathing and barber trades, which used to be left almost entirely to the practice of treatment, lost more and more importance compared to the better trained and certified surgeons, of whom there were a few in every larger town. The salt workers were free to choose their bathers and surgeons, which is why they preferred the more competent ones and thus also contributed to raising the status of healers. The protection smallpox vaccination discovered in 1796 had already found its way into the Kammergut in 1802; from 1802 to 1806, 1,261 children had already been vaccinated free of charge by the saline surgeons. In 1807 the Court Chamber assigned the Gmunden pharmacist the establishment and operation of a branch pharmacy in Ischl, which became independent from 1821. In 1807 a saline physics department was created in Ischl. The former regimental doctor Dr. Josef Götz was in charge of the inner Kammergut and the forest districts around Mondsee and Attersee. From 1826, stable workers had to obtain spa certificates from the office in the event of illness, on the basis of which they were entitled to free medical treatment. Free treatment was excluded if a worker injured himself off duty. After six months of illness, the erar's obligation to provide medical assistance was ended, and the office then had to decide whether the worker was to be commissioned for a certain period of time or permanently. From 1827 onwards, dependent or interim workers enjoyed free medical treatment for injuries sustained on the job, but not for internal illnesses. In general, however, they were not entitled to sick pay. Seriously ill or injured Ischl salt workers could be accommodated in the hospital operated by the market community. For this purpose, the salt works management had 2 rooms available for 8 sick salt workers in return for an annual fee of 16 Rachel firewood. Here the saline workers were treated by the Ischl saline physician, and the erar paid the subsistence costs directly to the market town. The Ischl "infirmary" was first mentioned in 1586. This house was built for the sick, not for the old and poor. Around the middle of the 17th century it stood behind the church. When the hospital disappeared at the end of 1770 when the church was enlarged, the sick were accommodated in an old barracks outside the keep. Through an agreement with the saltworks, a new house was built on the so-called Pfarrwiesen and put into operation around 1800. In Ischl there was a second private hospital in Eglmoos in the village of Ahorn from 1827, where the sick received medical treatment and care for a certain fee. The health of the workforce was an important concern for the saltworks. At the turn of the century, workers' bathrooms were available for employees. In the mining industry, there were hot kitchens to give the workers the opportunity to eat regularly and healthily. Spiritual nourishment was available to the saline workers in their own saline libraries. However, the libraries were not used very actively, about one book per worker and year was borrowed. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

Hoher Wasserstollen - höchster Stollen am Ischler Salzberg 11 a High water tunnel Stud Name: "High Water Gallery" Struck: 1689 Leave: 1766 Length: 40 m water tunnel (total drive 243 m) Altitude: 1,114m In 1689 the Hoher Wasserstollen was struck in order to be able to examine the part of the salt dome assumed to be above the Lipplesgraben tunnel. This was the highest tunnel ever driven on the Ischler Salzberg. The Hoher Wasserstollen was installed in the so-called "Fleck" at the foot of the Niederer Rosenkogel. However, since the same was built too high, the salt mountains, which do not reach far up the Lipplesgraben tunnel, were completely run over. It therefore did not live up to its purpose as a hope for salt and the tunnel soon fell into disrepair. High water tunnel, pit plan Michael Kefer, 1829, Upper Austrian Provincial Archive The main shaft was initially in gravel rock, then in gypsum and limestone, its total length was 204 rods (243.2 m). In 1757, 34 bars (40 m) of the main shaft were brought back into a navigable position and used to divert surface water. Since the daily water used was insignificant and did not increase even in heavy rain, the Hoher Wasserstollen was completely abandoned in 1766 and from that point on it was left to decay. High water tunnel, location in the slide area, 1927, Archiv Salinen Austria High water tunnel, landslide, around 1930, archive Salinen Austria The exact location of the Hoher Wasserstollen can no longer be precisely determined today, since extensive subsidence and landslides occurred in the entire area as a result of factory collapses from 1924 onwards. By 1927, an area of more than 9,500 m² was in motion. The attachment point of the high water tunnel was also affected. Sources used: Michael Kefer "Description and explanation of the main maps kk Salzberg zu Ischel", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016

03 The Emperor Leopold – tunnel Stud Name: "Emperor Leopold - Stollen" Emperor Leopold II (son of Maria Theresa), reigned 1790 - 1792 Struck: May 1, 1794 - together with "Unteren Kaiser Franz - Stollen" Length: 1,800m Altitude: 643 m The Emperor Leopold Stollen was built together with the Lower Emperor Franz Stollen on Struck May 1, 1794. Around 1800, the Kaiser Leopold tunnel had only been extended to 100 bars (119.5 m). In 1815, the Ischl mountain jury member Michael Kefer submitted a plan to the Salt Office to make the Kaiser Leopold tunnel dispensable by installing elevator machines and to stop driving it. In return, Kefer wanted the Lower Emperor Franz Stollen to continue to operate vigorously. This would have created the first blind horizon in the Kammergut. The Court Chamber, however, did not respond to the suggestion because it saw no advantage. The operation would become very difficult and the cleaning up would become more cumbersome and expensive. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel was to be driven further in the opposite building, but with lower ascents in order not to lose any of the usable mountain thickness. Until 1850 neither the Emperor Leopold reached Stollen nor the Lower Kaiser Franz tunnel also only the salt limit. The work in the dense and hard limestone of the Leopold tunnel caused great difficulties for the workers, the field site only advanced by 1 ½ bar (1.8m) in four weeks, the yearly advance was therefore limited to an average of 18 bar (21.5m) for a long time. In 1827, the court chamber complained about the little progress, in ten years only 171 rods (204.3m) had been advanced. It would therefore take a good 30 years to reach the salt dome, which is still 541 Stabel (646.5m) away. In order to speed up the advance, both the counter and the forward construction with two passes should now be initiated from the Pohl - Schurf. A water inrush in 1832 delayed the advance of the main town and prompted the mining administration to temporarily stop the counter building. In 1834, however, all places were in operation again. It was hoped that with the increased workforce, the Leopold tunnel could be completed in eight years up to the Wokurka dig and in another 15 years to the Pohl dig. A water drum set up at the Dicklberger - Schurf was used to ventilate the tunnel. In 1842, according to the program, the breakthrough from Dicklberger to Wokurka dig took place. Five years later, in the 840th fathom (1,592.6m) of the main tunnel, the huts came across the sulfur springs from the Maria Theresia tunnel. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel was driven to a height of 2.2 m and a width of 1.15 m; This resulted in a cross-sectional area of around 2.5 m². Its gradient was around 2.2%. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel led 1800 m through a deaf medium until it reached the Hasel Mountains. The tunnel was initially driven in a purely N-S direction, and then later turned towards the NNW-SSE towards the salt boundary. In 1850 the Mining Directorate approved the driving of the Lobkowitz bend in the dead end of the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. From the Lobkowitz-Kehr, the alignment of the salt storage should be carried out by transverse parallels in a southerly direction towards the hanging wall. In the years 1874 – 1875, the Dunajewski exploratory shaft was sunk from the Rosenfeld bend in the Leopold tunnel to a depth of 94 m and another borehole was drilled from the base of the shaft, which got stuck at a depth of 160 m in the Hasel Mountains. This proved the extension of the Perneck salt storage towards the depths. In 1895, the Kaiser Franz Josef heritage tunnel was dug near Sulzbach, not far from Lauffen, in order to capture the deeper parts of the salt mine. In addition, the Freiherr von Distler shaft was sunk 180 m deep from the Kaiser Leopold tunnel as the deepest horizon of Perneck. In the years 1957 to 1960 the central shaft from the Maria Theresia - tunnel to the Franz Josef - Erbstollen with a height of 203.8m was sunk by our own staff. In 1964, the central shaft in the limestone replaced the Freiherr von Distler shaft built between the Leopold tunnel and the level of the Franz Josef Erbstollen. The Distler shaft, which was excavated in the Hasel Mountains, required an excessive amount of maintenance work. In 1923, the salt mines on the Radgrabenbach not far from the Maria Theresia tunnel converted a dam for a small power station. The dam was originally used for a water wheel to drive the blacksmith's hammer in the Maria Theresia tunnel. A pressure pipeline DN 120 mm was laid from this dam to the mouth of the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. This had a length of 250 m with a gradient of 45 m. The hydromotor device consisted of a Pelton turbine with two inlet nozzles and a water consumption of 13 to 15 l/s. The turbine was made by the Josef Oser company, Krems, and had an output of 6.5 hp. The driven DC generator supplied a voltage of 220 V with an output of around 4 kW. According to the Wasserbuch, the system was used to illuminate the saline buildings and the salt mines. This small power plant was closed after the Second World War and the Salzberg was supplied with electrical energy via the Kaiser Franz Josef - Erbstollen from Lauffen's own power plant. In 1954 there were several major factory failures in the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. Brine had drained into the Sulzbach and destroyed the fish population. From the 1920s, the Leopold tunnel was used as an exit route for visitors. As a result, the attractive slide of the Pohl - Schurfes, which leads from the Maria Theresia - into the Leopold - tunnel, could be installed in the guideway. From about 1953, after the tunnel was demolished and the Ruhrthal mine locomotive G22 Z was put into service, crew hoists were again driven out of the Maria Theresia tunnel. From 1957 all the leaching works of the Pernecker tunnels, which lay above the horizon of the Leopold tunnel, were used up and the brine produced in the lower horizons has since been released via the central or Distler shaft and the Franz Josef Erbstollen. As a result, in 1957 the brine pipelines in the Leopold tunnel and subsequently also the entire Pernecker Strehn including the brine rooms could be closed. In September 1978, February 1980 and March 1981, about 130,000 m³ fell from the Zwerchwand - SW - side of the 120 m high rock face, whereby the boulders of Tressensteinkalk, up to the size of a house, flowed down the valley on the Haselgebirge and marl. These landslides can be linked to leachate collapses in the Ischler Salzberg, especially in the horizon of the Leopold tunnel. Leopold Stollen – weirs around 1966: 21 weirs (18 weirs in operation around 1966, 2 weirs under construction) Mayerhofer (XIX) - weir (under construction), Vogl (XX) - weir (under construction around 1966), Schauberger (XVIII) - weir (under construction), Ressel - weir, Rotter - weir, Münzer (XIV) - weir, Mayerhoffer (XIII) - Weir, Krenn - weir, Griessenböck - weir, Backhaus - weir, Balzberg - weir, Janiss - weir, Pickl - weir, Sorgo - weir, Posanner - weir, Kirnbauer - weir, Haupolter - weir, Schraml - weir, Bretschneider - weir, Krempl - and Birnbacher - weir (cut). In 1983 the desolate tunnel building was demolished, a concrete retaining wall was erected to protect the slope and the pink limestone ashlar portal was restored. Additional parking areas were created on the tunnel forecourt for visitors to use. At present there is a firing channel in the Kaiser Leopold tunnel that is used privately by the Rieger "Ischler Waffen" company. For this purpose, the tunnel was closed after 100 m and the entrance area was blocked off with a massive steel door. Not far from the Leopold tunnel in the area of the parking lot and the garages you can still find iron slag, which probably comes from a smelting works operated in the 16th century, in which the ores extracted from the Rainfalz were smelted. In order to save time-consuming and long tunnel driving from above ground, 2 underground mines were created below the Leopold tunnel. These underground works can only be reached via the two pits (Distler and Central pit) and via several pits (sloping pits with stairs) from the Leopold and Erbstollen level. Originally it was planned to create a total of 6 civil engineering sections, each 30 m thick, in the 180 m high mountain center between the Erbstollen and Leopold levels. I. Civil engineering: After completion of the Dister shaft in 1895, the preparatory work for the exposure of the first blind horizon at the Ischler Salzberg could begin. Starting in 1904, starting from the Distler shaft 30 m below the Leopold level, the drivage for the first civil engineering began. The first civil engineering served to derive the brine from the workers laid out in the Leopold horizon. In addition, a total of 13 plants were built in the first civil engineering. In December 1944, Plant XII, the so-called Ebensee plant, was released for the storage of works of art in the first civil engineering works. The plant had a storage area of 1100 m² and a capacity of 2700 m³. A trench leading from the first to the second civil engineering was buried in 1945 so that nobody could reach the storage uninvited. In the 1950s, a place of honor was created for the fallen salt miners in the Pernecker Salzberg. In the first civil engineering works, a leaching plant was baptized as a “heroic work” to commemorate the fallen. A plaque with the names of the im 2nd World War remaining work comrades attached. However, since the route had to be closed in the 1980s, the plaque was moved to the mountain chapel on the Salzberg. I. Civil Engineering - Weirs around 1983: 13 weirs Lepez - weir, Köck - weir, Grundmüller - weir, Krieger - weir, Rettenbacher - weir, Heldenwerk, Gmunder - weir, Lauffen - weir, Ebensee - weir, plant 6, Hampl - weir, plant 8, Mock - weir, Mitterauer - weir. II. Civil engineering: Starting in 1934, starting from the Distler shaft 37 m below the 1st underground construction and 67 m below the Leopold level, the roadway drivage for the 2nd underground construction began. In the area of the Distler shaft, a spacious, two-track filling point, the so-called "Bahnhof", was driven up. The Häuerberge was excavated via the Distler shaft and the Franz Josef Erbstollen to an above-ground heap. If you climbed out of the conveyor shell of the Distler shaft in the II. civil engineering, you first arrived at the "filling point", a room that measured about 8 by 4 m and was used for loading and unloading the elevator. From there, the "Bahnhof" branched off diagonally to the right, equipped with 2 tracks for moving the mine railway, which was also built for this mining horizon and was therefore wider than the other tunnels in the mountain. II. Civil Engineering - Weirs around 1983: 6 depth workers (putten) and 3 borehole probes Pütte 2, Pütte 3, Pütte 4, Pütte 6, Vogl - Pütte, Pütte 9, boreholes 1/II, 2/II and 3/II In 1989, extensive construction and device work was carried out in II. Civil Engineering for underground brine extraction. Boreholes 4/II – 6/II were drilled. At the time brine production was stopped in 2010, Pütte 4/II was being used as a spillway for Häuerberge and Pütte 6/II was being used to extract bath mud. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Walter Medwenitsch "The geology of the salt deposits Bad Ischl and Altaussee", communications from the Geological Society, 50th vol. 1957, Vienna 1957 Dark moments: salvage of art objects 1944/45 Dark moments: salvage of art objects 1944/45

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sprengmittellagerung

19 The Steinberg saw

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Ernährung Social – Nutrition: The need and poverty of the salt workers is repeatedly emphasized in all dragonflies and ordinances and mitigated by various privileges. The workers were exempt from paying any taxes, fines were not allowed to be imposed and transgressions were only punished by imprisonment in the tower with water and bread. It was also forbidden for the nursing court in Wildenstein to sentence people connected with the salt industry without the knowledge of the officials in Gmunden. A particularly valuable benefit for the residents of the Kammergut during the warlike times of the time was the exemption from military quarters, which spared them the usually high burden of requisitions that the rest of Upper Austria often had to bear. In order not to raise wages, which was stubbornly resisted in Vienna, efforts were made to reduce the cost of living for the working population as far as possible, to keep food prices down in every way and to prevent their rise as far as possible in times of rising prices. In the 17th century, a worker needed around 100 Kreuzer per week for grain, meat, lard, eggs, milk, beets, turnips, cabbage and candles for himself and his family. A miner from Hallstatt, unless he was an Eisenhauer, could cover the absolutely essential food needs for the household with his wages, he had nothing left for clothes, linen and shoes, he was therefore forced and usually also able to earn an extra income woodwork or from the salt makers. The poverty of the Kammergut population at this time can also be seen from the amount of food, which corresponds to the value of a week's wages then and now. The worker could/can buy for his weekly wages: grain (flour) ……………………………… 41.5kg 1524 …………………………. 348kg 2016 clarified butter ………………………………. 4.8kg 1524 …………………………. 50kg 2016 beef ……………………………… 19.3kg 1524 …………………………. 35kg 2016 At the time of the first Reformation Libel around 1524, meat was only twice as expensive as it is today, but bread and fat cost around ten times more. The Kammergut could not feed itself and, with the exception of fish, had to obtain all important food from abroad. After the grain, it was primarily the meat that was an important goal for the sovereign government to procure adequately and cheaply. The bread grain was brought cheaply to the Kammergut as return freight on the emptied Salzzillen, because as imperial goods it was exempt from all taxes during transport. The sale of grain was strictly regulated, no official was allowed to trade in it, the sellers, mostly citizens of Gmunden, Ischl, Laufen and Hallstatt, were not allowed to make more profit than 6 Kreuzer per Metzen (62 l) grain. The Salt Office had to ensure that there was always a sufficient supply of grain stored in the official warehouses. In order to better secure the grain supply of the Salzkammergut, the area between the Traun and the mountains behind Kremsmünster was freed and banned "that nobody from this Hofmark sell grain elsewhere, but bring everything directly to the Gmunden market". In order to protect the buyers against cheating, standard measures were kept in the court clerk's office and a quarterly inspection was ordered from the merchants "so that the poor workers are not cheated." The grain purchased by the Salzamt was only given to the imperial servants, the other residents were dependent on the supply of the Gmundner weekly market and on their own purchases. The beneficiaries always received the grain below the market price and the cost price, which not only strengthened the bond between the crew and the imperial work, but also freed the government from the otherwise indispensable wage increase. It was particularly important for the salt industry that the grain that had reached the Kammergut was consumed there and not exported across the border again. The strict export bans, mainly aimed at Salzburg, did not receive enough attention for good reasons, nor did they prevent grain smuggling via the Gschütt Pass. There was a lively exchange between Abtenau and Hallstatt early on; the people of Hallstatt needed lard and cheese because they could not keep cattle, whereas the people of Abtenau needed salt and grain. The grain was of great value in mountainous Salzburg and became the subject of a flourishing smuggling trade. The massive smuggling of grain to Salzburg caused the price of grain to rise at the Gmunden weekly market and made living more expensive, which the Salzamt could not remain indifferent to. It then tackled the smugglers energetically, erected a guard hut and a barrier on the road to Gosau in 1700, prohibited the authorities from issuing passports on their own and increased the monitoring of prohibited trade. However, the smuggling to Salzburg continued; In 1739 the Schwärzers came in gangs to the border and gave bloody battles to the border guards, who had been augmented by the Ischl team. According to the market regulations newly issued in 1742, grain could only be traded on the open market, but not in inns or in the suburbs. Before the flag was unfurled at the Gmunden weekly market, no one was allowed to buy grain, then it was the turn of the Gmundner, Hallstätter, Laufner, Ischler and Ebenseer, while the people from Wolfgang, St. Gilgner and the other foreign market visitors grain only after the flag had been lowered were allowed to buy. The grain purchased by the Salzamt was stored in the Gmundner Hofkasten, whose management was assigned to the Hofkastner. Annual sales depended on the number of beneficiaries and increased to an average of 24,000 hundredweight in the 18th century. The Hofkorn was initially distributed weekly, at the request of the workers, who lost a lot of time doing so, monthly from 1654 onwards. In 1720 there were a total of 1,910 people who were entitled to farm grain and received around 3/10 Metzen (18.5 l) of grain per week. In contrast to the official grain management, the purchase and slaughtering of the cattle was left to the local butchers, but the Court Chamber secured a decisive influence on the level of the sales price by granting subsidies, which enabled the butchers to make do with the officially set prices to find. As coveted as the meat was, it did not become the staple food for the population of the Kammergut. The farm corn accustomed them to the flour diet, to which they could not do without lard as an added fat, which is why it was more important to them than meat. The inner Salzkammergut sourced most of its lard from the Abtenau region, whose inhabitants traded it vigorously in exchange for salt, grain and wine. As long as the court clerk's office was solely responsible for bartering with Abtenau, the workers had no shortage of lard, and soon the citizens of Hallstatt were also involved in this lucrative trade, without taking the needs of the local population into account. Abtenauer lard also went to Laufen and Ischl, but they were able to cover their need for butter and lard at the Gmundner weekly market, where it was traded freely. The Salzamtmann, who was also the highest official of the Wildenstein court, had to take care of all branches of the economy in the Kammergut, the brewery in Ort, which supplied the beer for the taverns in Ebensee, he decided on the purchase of wine and forbade it Distilling brandy when there was a shortage of grain. Finally, the Salt Office also had an influence on middle-class trade in favor of the workers The civil servants, master craftsmen and workers employed in salt boiling have always received as much salt as they needed in the household, free of charge. The miners and woodcutters and then all the other inhabitants of the chamber estate who were in the service of the sovereign joined the boilers to obtain the free salt. The allocation was generous and fully sufficient for the needs of a small farm. According to an approximate calculation, a Kammergut resident in the 17th century received 30 pounds of must salt per head of his family per year, i.e. more than double the actual requirement. The name "Mußsalz" comes from the recipient's obligation to serve the salt industry in the Kammergut. Those entitled to Mußsalz, and their number ran into the thousands, usually had nothing better to do with the leftovers that were not used in the household than to sell them, for which the Gmundner weekly market, among other things, offered them a good opportunity. For the longest time, the Salt Office watched this trade, which noticeably affected their own consumption of salt, inactively. It was not until 1706 that the court chamber took up the matter and, much to the resistance of those affected, restricted the purchase of compulsory salt to 12 pounds a year for each family member. From 1737 onwards there was an annual salt description in all places of the chamber estate, which had to record all beneficiaries and their marital status and was used to calculate the amount of salt to be handed out. The Salzamt's demand for Hofkorn, which by the middle of the 18th century had about 24,000 Metzen (1,100 t) in the year, increased significantly in the period that followed. The reasons for this were the increase in the number of beneficiaries, temporary grain help to non-authorized employees of the salt works, the grain tax to the Hallamt in Aussee and to Salzburg and the supply of the own and foreign military during the war years. In 1815, 72,000 butchers (3,350 tons) of grain were needed. The permanent procurement of such quantities of grain was associated with considerable difficulties. From 1700 onwards, grain imports from Hungary increasingly covered the needs of the chamber estate. Grain was brought in from Hungary on large salt ships in trains of two or three ships under the direction of the transport office, whose organs also accompanied the trains. A trip from Bratislava to Linz took 26 to 28 days. The delivery of the farm grain to the entitled workers took place monthly at the beginning, then every six weeks by a ratification (accounting) in advance; This is because the workers would otherwise have had to wait too long for the grain to be delivered when they started work. When the payment was made, the limit value (purchase price) of the grain received was deducted from the wage. If an enemy invasion was to be feared, the administrative offices were not only allowed to give the workers their wages and farm grain, but also limito lard for a quarter of a year in advance. With the onset of warlike complications towards the end of the 18th century, disruptions in trade with Salzburg and Bavaria began. The salt office often did not get any more lard from there and was forced to purchase it within the borders of the empire. In 1785 the shortage of lard in the Kammergut increased to such an extent that the population even boiled linseed oil and tallow. From 1794 onwards, the Salzamt often purchased lard from Hungary. The population in the Kammergut had grown so much by the middle of the 18th century that the number of job seekers considerably exceeded the need for workers. To compensate for this imbalance, it was considered necessary in Vienna to restrict marriages. The Salt Office was instructed to no longer issue marriage consents, without which the workers in the imperial service were not allowed to marry. The market judges were only entitled to issue marriage permits to those parties who did not serve in the salt industry and did not burden the arar with a commission. Even more precise instructions had been given to the Salt Office for issuing marriage consents to workers. The marriage could be approved at any time: 1. A resident with a dwelling who was in work and enjoying farm grain. 2. A worker without farm grain who was in constant work and owned a estate. 3. Good artisans with enough income to pay for their housing. 4. Homeless workers who enjoyed farm corn. On the other hand, Werkbuben (unskilled workers), Tschanderer (occasional workers), Kufer (coopers) and fittings (lids placed on filled salt vessels) without housing and without funds did not receive marriage licenses. The salt office warned the nursing offices against the indiscriminate granting of marriage consent, the children of such marriages would become beggars or thieves. A commission of inquiry meeting in 1763 came to the conclusion that the main reason for the frequent violations of the sixth commandment in the Kammergut was the restriction of the freedom to marry, and so it spoke out in favor of the cancellation of the marriage consent. A court chamber resolution from 1793 clearly states: "There is no ban on marriage, so marriages in the chamber estate, where so many workers are needed, should be encouraged rather than made difficult." The creation of their own hearth not only arose from the needs of the married workers, but was also an advantage for the Salt Office, which could only wish for the down-to-earth nature of the staff and which therefore promoted house building where practical. Only the erection of rental houses for third parties, i.e. not for personal use, was forbidden. In 1797 the Hofkammer recognized the urgent need for more houses in the Kammergut, but they should be built of stone to save wood. The staff was severely affected by the confiscation of the family grain for all newly married workers ordered by the Court Chamber in 1825. In the case of illness and short holidays, the purchase of the farm grain was not interrupted, but if the holiday exceeded one week, it was reduced by the corresponding quota. 40% of the total consumption of farm grain was family grain. The Hofkammer took measures to curb the increase in grain consumption caused by early working-class marriages. The authorization provided by the Oberamt to reduce the number of marriages, to issue marriage permits only after the economic situation of the applicant had been checked, was inadmissible under the statutory provisions. However, the Salt Office was free to determine whether and how many married and unmarried workers it wanted to employ. In 1848 the Hofkammer lifted all restrictions on the Hofkorn tax, restored the uniform normal tax of 8 Metzen (372 kg) annually for each stable worker and also approved the family grain. Of course, the grain tax now went up by leaps and bounds, according to the compilation it had risen from 1848 to 1849 for the Kammergut without Aussee from 27,000 to 44,200 Metzen (2,055 t). In order to determine the amount of farm grain to be given to the parties, a grain description was carried out every year, in which the family members entitled to receive it and the changes that had occurred during the past year due to death, provision or leaving the service and due to family growth were recorded. Grain gathering took place alternately every six and seven weeks eight times a year. The purchase of grain made the workers dependent on the millers and bakers who were needed to process the grain. Their relationship with them was not always the best, and the worse the price of grain rose, and bread became more expensive as a result. The price of bread was officially regulated and constantly monitored. In 1848 the Ischl workers ganged up to take violent action against the bakers and millers and thus force a reduction in the price of flour and semolina. The year 1848 brought the salt workers a notable improvement in the purchase of lard. A permanent worker, depending on his pay grade and category, would churn out 48-60 pounds (27-34 kg) of lard annually. The distribution in the era's lard cellars took place at the same time as that of the farm grain and within the same deadlines, the limit price was deducted from the wages of the workers. Workers with their own farms, which enabled them to keep at least three cows, were excluded from purchasing lard. It was almost always clarified butter that was handed out, only in exceptional cases, and only as emergency help, were the workers also given pork bacon. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016

15 The Mitterberg tunnel Stud Name: "Mitterberg - Stollen" as locality name Struck: 7/25/1563 Length: 130 m Altitude: 886 m Under Emperor Ferdinand I, the Mitterberg tunnel was opened on July 25, 1563 as the first and original salt tunnel on the Ischler Salzberg. A mine survey carried out on October 15, 1567 by Georg Neuhauser Salzamtmann, Balthasar Blindhammer court clerk at Hallstatt, Jakob Schmiedauer Unterpfleger at Wildenstein, with the involvement of the mine masters and other people who were familiar with the work of the salt pans at Hallstatt and Aussee, revealed that in the Mitterberg tunnel there was a shaft with 2 sinkworks in the salted mountains had been sunk. From this, great hopes were drawn of finding a salt store worth building in order to be able to set up a salt works in Ischl. For further investigation of the found salt deposit, it was decided to create a level excavation from the sinkhole sunk at 47 Stabel (56.2m) in the salted mountains and to sunk another sinkhole from the same. As the salt mountain stretched further down, a deeper tunnel was to be built at the "Hohensteg". In 1575, experts from the salt works in Aussee, Hallstatt and Ischl carried out another inspection and consultation on the Ischler Salzberg. In the Mitterberg tunnel there were two prepared pumping works, which were already being used to produce brine. The mountain master and mountain workers from Ischl, who had twice seen the salt industry in Hallein and Schellenberg, suggested driving under these structures through the Steinberg tunnel to avoid the costly brine pumping and cleaning, as was still customary with the salt pans in the Salzkammergut and convert to discharge weirs. This proposal, which was recognized as useful, was carried out, the connection was established with the nearest water dam in the Steinberg tunnel - main shaft and then in the Mitterberg tunnel the first discharge weir according to the "Schellenberger form" of the Upper Austrian salt works was put into operation. This was the start of replacing the ancient pumping stations with drainage works. But it still took a long time to completely suppress them. In a pit plan drawn up in 1654, one can see that the Mitterberg tunnel – the main shaft after 66 5/8 Stabel (79.4m) of driving in the limestone reached the salt mountains. This was lengthened and a 99 bar (118.3 m) long side shaft, the so-called "Neue Kehr", was created. The field site of the Neue Kehr stood in deaf mountains. At the front of the Neue Kehr there was an old weir, already rotten in 1654, which was the first drainage weir, prepared in 1575 according to the Schellenberg model. Behind it was a 44 bar (52.6m) long main pit down the Steinberg tunnel, which was used for weather management and drainage. On the further continuation of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which is referred to in the Reformation Libel from 1656 as "Krechenschafftgericht" ("straight shaft"), a building was laid out on the right. This was driven under by the then Bergmeister Hanns Kalß and by the worker Wolfgang Kalß to save the expensive scooping and to reduce the costs of cleaning, through the Steinberg tunnel and also made into a weir according to the Schellenberger form. Furthermore, on the left hand side of the main shaft there was a 32 bar (38.2 m) long Ebenschurf, which was initially operated as a detection blow, then connected to the side shaft or "Neuen Kehr" by a wing site and later to a Lettendamm, the "Schwarzel Weir". called, has been devoured. When 34 ½ Stabel (41.2 m) left the salt mountains on the main shaft continuation and fresh water was built, several water openings were knocked out. In addition, the first water tunnel was created 7 Stabel (8.4m) above the Mitterberg tunnel and advanced to a length of 93 Stabel (111.1m). Due to the inexperience of the miners, who believed that the limestone in the back of their heads was a deposit, after which salt would have to come again after it had been breached, strong self-watering waters were approached, the mastering of which caused great difficulties. The total length of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which had a total gradient of 4 ¼ Stabel (5.1m or 4%), was 108 Stabel (129.1m). Only 65 of these (77.7m) were in the Hasel Mountains, the rest in dense, water-bearing limestone. The outcrops of the Hasel Mountains in the Mitterberg tunnel formed only a small, cut-off part of the main deposit, which was fully utilized by the construction of 3 barrages. The Mitterberg tunnel was already in use around 1656 and was only used to drain mine water. The collapse had already taken place in 1596 and the amount of scraped water was so large that it was able to drive a mill wheel. Despite all the effort, it had not been possible to find the place where the burglary had taken place, and in the end one had to content oneself with collecting the waste water in the main shaft and channeling it to the surface in gutters. Because of the inrush of water in 1596, the main shaft had to be maintained almost entirely in expensive timber. The Mitterberg tunnel also served to ventilate the Steinberg tunnel. In 1689 the Mitterberg tunnel was finally completely abandoned. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 B. Pillwein "History, Geography and Statistics of the Archduchy above the Enns and the Duchy of Salzburg", 2nd part Traunkreis, Linz 1828 Mitterberg - tunnels, routes and buildings, 1757, Solingen, IGM archive Plan Salzberg Bad Ischl in 1654

Salztransport auf der Traun

10 Der Frauenholz – Stollen Stollenname: „Frauenholz – Stollen“ Ischler Verweser Raphael Frauenholz Angeschlagen: 2. Oktober 1610 Verlassen: bis 1745 unterhalten, verlassen um 1848 Länge: 706 m Seehöhe: 880 m Der Frauenholz - Stollen wurde anfangs durch einen vom Neuberg – Stollen abgeteuften, 30 Stabel (35,8m) langen Probe – Schurf („Probschurf“) von oben herunter untersucht. Nachdem die weitere Tiefenerstreckung des Salzlagers nachgewiesen werden konnte, wurde der nach dem damaligen Ischler Verweser Raphael Frauenholz benannte neue Stollen am 2. Oktober 1610 angeschlagen. Es dauerte bis am 22. Juni 1632, also 22 (!) Jahre, bis das Salzlager erreicht wurde. Um das Salz zu erreichen mussten ca. 530 m taubes Gestein durchörtert werden, was einem Jahresvortrieb von ganzen 25 m entspricht (sofern der Stollen dauernd mit Mannschaft belegt war). Der Frauenholz – Stollen war der erste Stollen, der das Pernecker Salzlager von Nord nach Süd („Mitternacht gegen Mittag“) unterfuhr. Alle höher gelegenen Stollen vom Neuberg – bis Johannes – Stollen wurden von West nach Ost („Abend gegen Morgen“) angesetzt. Da das Gelände auf der Nordseite und wesentlich steiler ist, war die Hauptschachtricht um einiges kürzer und der Aufschluss deshalb mit wesentlich geringeren Kosten möglich. Eines der ältesten Denkmäler alter Ischler Bergbautätigkeit ist die in Stein gehauene Inschrift des Frauenholz – Stollens. Nach wechselvoller Geschichte, heute am Kaiser Maria Theresia – Stollen angebracht, berichtet diese Tafel vom Anschlag des Frauenholz – Stollens 1610 bis zum Antreffen des Salzes nach 22 Jahren: Den 2. Octobris nach Christ, unseres Heilands Geburt, im 1610 Jahr, unter Rudolfo dem anderten Römischen Kaiser Matthia dem anderten König zu Ungarn Designierten zum König in Böhmen regierenden Erzherzogen zu Österreich etc., bei Herrn Veit Spindler, Salzamtmann, Raphael Fraunholzen, Verwesern und Georg Nützen, Gegenschreibern ist dieser Salzberg durch Andrä Kälssen, Bergmeistern, Leonhard Astern, Bergschaffern, aufgeschlagen, angefangen und von den Bergleuten nach Gedachtes ihres Verwesers Name der Fraunholzberg genennet. Das Salz aber angetroffen worden den 22. Juni 1632 unter Ferdinand dem anderten, Römischen Kaiser Ferdinand dem dritten erwählten und gekrönten König zu Ungarn und Böhmen, Erzherzog zu Österreich, bei Herrn Georg Brugglachern Salzamtmann Johann Resfelt von Rosenthal, Verwesern und obgedachten Georg Nützen, Gegenschreiber, Andrä Kälssen, Bergmeistern und Martin Kälssen, Bergschaffern. Gott geb Gnade. Amen. Die Länge der Frauenholz Stollen – Hauptschachtricht betrug bis zur ersten Kehre („Kößler – Umbau“) durch das taube Gebirge hinein 339 Stabel (404,1m). Anschließend wurde noch die „Krechen“ – Hauptschachtricht („Gerade“ – Hauptschachtricht) im Salzgebirge weitergetrieben und der Streubel – Schöpfbau darauf angelegt. Die Krechen – Hauptschachtricht wurde in der Hoffnung, das Salz länger anzutreffen, im tauben Hangendgebirge noch über 250 Stabel (298,0m) fortgesetzt. Weil aber nur Stein, taubes Gebirge und süßes Wasser erbaut wurde und daraus kein Nutzen zu ziehen war, wurde die Verlängerung der Krechen – Hauptschachtricht mit einem Lettenverschlag verdämmt und das dahinter erbaute Wasser durch Röhren bis zum Mundloch des Frauenholz – Stollens ausgeleitet. Situation Schöpfbaue im Frauenholz – Stollen um 1654: Insgesamt 15 Schöpfbaue in Betrieb. Streubel-, Seutzen-, Hanns Georg Jünger-, Jungen Kessenhüller-, Johann Philibert-, Seeau-, Hölzl-, Seywalder-, Metzler-, Schweibelmayr -, Jesuiter-, Pruklacher-, Soltinger-, Harrach- und Spitzel – Bau. Auf der gegen Osten („Morgen“) ausgelängten Hauptschachtricht befanden sich 8 Schöpfbaue, nämlich der Seutzen-, Hanns Georg Jünger-, Jungen Kessenhüller-, Johann Philibert-, Seeau-, Hölzl-, Seywalder- und Metzler – Bau, welche sich mit dem Streubel – Bau vereinigten und später unter dem Namen der Streubel und Seutzen – Wehr zu einem Ablaswerk vorgerichtet wurden. Hinter dem Metzler – Bau lag links die Kufstein – Kehr, auf welcher der mit dem Metzler – Bau zusammengeschnittene Schweibelmayr – Bau lag. Auf der von der Hauptschachtricht links gelegenen Kapuziner – Kehr lag der Jesuiter – Bau, ihr Feldort stand in tauben Gebirge. In der Fortsetzung der Hauptschachtricht befanden sich der Pruklacher-, Soltinger- und Harrach – Bau, welche in der Folge mit dem Jesuiter- und Spitzel – Bau vereinigten, unter dem Namen Porg – Wehr zu einem Ablaswerk vorgerichtet und benützt wurden. Die Porg – Wehr wurde bis zu einem 1745 erfolgten Einbruch süßer Tagwässer betrieben. Weiter hinten lag der vom Neubergstollen abgebaute Einwässerungs – Schurf, auch Registrator v. Riethaler Schurf genannt, welcher die Hauptschachtricht des Neuberg – Stollens mit der alten Hauptschachtricht des Frauenholz – Stollens verband. 1637 wurden anstatt des baufälligen Holzgebäudes am Frauenholz – Stollen ein Berghaus und eine Schmiede errichtet. 1707 waren im Frauenholz – Stollen 15 Schöpfbaue in Betrieb. Zur Erleichterung der Soleförderung war deren Vereinigung in zwei Damm - Wehren zu 70 und 50 Stuben Fassungsraum ( 17.115m³ und 12.225m³) geplant. Die Umstellung des Laugbetriebes hatte sich verzögert, weil der unterliegende, zum Abfluss der Sole benötigte Amalia – Stollen erst 1687 eröffnet wurde. 1707 rügte die Starhembergsche – Kommission erneut scharf den Vortrieb eines Untersuchungsbaues als Fortsetzung der Hauptschachtricht im Frauenholz – Stollen 300 Stabel (358,5m) über die Salzgrenze hinaus ins Taube. Die Aussichtslosigkeit dieses Vortriebes wurde durch eine Tagvermessung nachgewiesen, denn oberhalb dieser Strecke stand eine hochragende Felswand. Als die sich im Frauenholz – Stollen befindliche Streubel – und Seutzen – Wehr 1729 zusammengeschnitten war, ereignete sich 1738 in der Streubel – Wehr ein Werksniedergang. Dabei drang eine große Menge Süßwasser in die Wehr ein. Am 16 April 1738 wurde in einer Beschau beschlossen, einen Hauerschlag zur Aufsuchung des Süßwassers in der Streubel – Wehr auszuführen, und dieses, wenn gefasst wäre, durch einen Schurf in den Kaiserin Amalia – Stollen auf die Springer – Kehr zu leiten, und von dort schadlos auszuleiten. Dieser Vorschlag konnte jedoch nicht ausgeführt werden, weil das Wasser überraschend aus dem Deckgebirge oberhalb der Wehr zufloss und nicht gefasst werden konnte. Zur Fassung des Wasserzutrittes in die Streubel – Wehr wurde 1738 ein neuer Wasser – Stollen mit Wasserfassungsstrecken („Seitenöffen“) am Reinfalz und die Verlängerung des Rinnwerks zwischen den Bergen vorgenommen. Obschon mit dem 54m langen, in 1.030m Seehöhe angesetzten neuen Stollen („Mittlerer Wasserberg – Stollen“) einiges Wasser erbaut wurde, erreichte man doch nicht den damit erhofften Erfolg, weil das Süßwasser noch immer in die Streubel – Wehr eindrang. Erst 1769 konnte durch den im Lipplesgraben – Stollen angelegten Wasser – Schurf der Süßwasserzutritt endgültig gefasst und abgeleitet werden. Da der „Mittlere Wasserberg – Stollen“ mit den tiefer angelegten Stollen keine Verbindung hatte, wurde er 1816 wieder aufgelassen. Dadurch konnten die Rüstkosten, die zur Instandhaltung des im druckhaften Gebirge angelegten Stollens nötig waren, eingespart werden. Das gemauerte Berghaus, in dem sich die Bergkanzlei befand, wurde 1740 erweitert. Im Jahr 1781 wurde aber das Berghaus beim Frauenholz – Stollen wieder abgebrochen und die dort wohnenden Arbeiter in das Berghaus beim Kaiserin Elisabeth – Stollen und sowie in jenes beim Kaiserin Maria Ludovika – Stollen umgesiedelt. Situation Wehren im Frauenholz – Stollen um 1800: Länge vom Mundloch bis zur Salzgrenze 428 Stabel (510,2m), von da bis zum Feldort 372 Stabel (443,4m). Er hat 1 Kehr mit insgesamt 4 Wehren, davon 2 brauchbare und 2 unbrauchbare Wehren. Um 1820 war nur mehr der vordere Teil der Frauenholz Stollen – Hauptschachtricht vom Mundloch bis zum Wasser – Umbau befahrbar, sowie im rückwärtigen Teil der morgenseitigen Hauptschachtricht die Strecke vom Wimmer – Ebenschurf bis zum Vasold – Schurf (beide Schürfe vom Frauenholz – in den Amalia – Stollen), die aus Bewetterungsgründen offengehalten werden musste. Situation Wehren im Frauenholz – Stollen um 1850: Insgesamt 5 Wehren (um 1850 alle totgesprochen); Erlach - Wehr, Lang - Wehr, Porg - Wehr, Streubel - und Seutzen - Wehr (verschnitten). 1933 wurden im Zuge der Umlegung der Einwässerungs – Strecken die Frauenholz Stollen – Hauptschachtricht, der Kössler – Umbau sowie der Schmidl – Schurf (Frauenholz – auf Amalia – Stollen) stillgelegt. Verwendete Quellen: Carl Schraml „Das oberösterreichische Salinenwesen vom Beginne des 16. Bis zur Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts“, Wien 1932 Carl Schraml „Das oberösterreichische Salinenwesen von 1750 bis zur Zeit nach den Franzosenkriegen“, Wien 1934 Carl Schraml „Das oberösterreichische Salinenwesen von 1818 bis zum Ende des Salzamtes 1850“, Wien 1936 August Aigner „Der Salzbergbau in den österreichischen Alpen“, Berg- und Hüttenmännisches Jahrbuch, Wien 1892 Leopold Schiendorfer „Perneck – Ein Dorf im Wandel der Zeit“, Linz 2006 Johann Steiner „Der Reisegefährte durch die Oberösterreichische Schweiz“, Linz 1820, Reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Kanzler „Ischls Chronik“, Ischl 1881, Reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer „Beschreibung Hauptkarten des kk Salzberges zu Ischl“, 1820, Transkription Michael Nussbaumer, Stand 13.09.2016 Anton Dicklberger „Systematische Geschichte der Salinen Oberösterreichs“, I. Band, Ischl 1807, Transkription Thomas Nussbaumer