search results

12 The John tunnel Stud Name: "St. John of Nepomuk - Stollen" originally watering scree, named after "water saints" Struck: 1725 Leave: 1831 Length: 230 m Altitude: 991 m In 1725, the St. Johannes tunnel was struck to bring in the still unleached mountain thickness of 10 Stabel (11.9m) between the Matthias and Obernberg tunnels and to leach existing works above the level of the Matthias tunnel. Initially, this building was only intended to serve as ventilation and drainage for the princes' weir. However, when the salt was reached during the excavation of this Ebenschurf in 1730 and the cleansing pit was connected to the princes' weir by sinking, the still unnamed building was given the name St. John of Nepomuk tunnels. The St Johannes tunnel – main shaft was driven entirely in the squeezing clay rock. The tunnel timbering lasted barely 1 year. Therefore, 2 scaffolds were constantly needed to keep the tunnel open to traffic. Situation of the weirs in the St. Johannes tunnel around 1800: Length from the mouth hole to the salt boundary 219 bars (261.7 m), from there to the field site 190 bars (227.1 m). 2 hairpin bends with a total of 3 weirs, 2 of which are unusable (Fürsten - and Wimmer - Weir) and 1 usable (Zierler - Weir). Because of the rich salt mountains, the decision was made to extend the prince's weir beyond the Matthias tunnel. For this purpose, a cleaning pit, a sink works and 2 dam outlets were built from the St. Johannes tunnel. In 1733 the prince's weir could be watered again in order to be able to use the thickness of the mountain down to the St. Johannes tunnel. In 1744 the prince's weir went down because it was too close to the overlying rock and fresh water had broken in. The princes' weir now had to be dammed up and abandoned. The Kain and Tratl weir in the Matthias tunnel, which had been in operation since 1648, was also to be leached beyond the Matthias tunnel. Since the Kain and Tratl weir had already fallen into disrepair, a sinkage was sunk from the St. Johannes tunnel in 1738. In doing so, devious brine was encountered. In 1764, a second sinkage, located further towards the day, was sunk from the St. Johannes adit - main shaft against the Kain and Tratl weir. After the construction of 2 dams, the facility, now known as the Zierler weir, could be watered again and watered higher towards the St. Johannes tunnel. In 1802 there was an unexpected decline in the factory, which relocated the two drain boxes of the Zierler weir. The drain boxes could be found under the companionway and prepared. In 1807 the factory went down again. The Zierler weir, which had been emptied down to 17 rooms (1,924m³), could no longer be emptied any further. In 1 week, only ½ room (57m³) of brine drained away, then the drain dried up completely. Since the old sinkage also became completely unusable due to the decline, a new sinkage had to be sunk, and through this, the brine still in the weir had to be laboriously pumped up. The Wimmer weir was built in the eastern part of the St. Johannes tunnel to use the salt agents that remained behind the Zierler weir. However, since there was a risk when the Wimmer weir was flooded that the surface water in the Lipplesgraben tunnel could break through and the salt mountains were very poor, it was completely abandoned again in 1781. Around 1800, the weirs in the Johannes tunnel were largely exhausted. Despite the rich salt deposits that were still available in places, these could not be used further because they were too close to the surface and there was a risk of fresh water ingress. The remaining mountain forts were necessary to support the mountains and were not allowed to be weakened under any circumstances. The tunnel hut near the St. Johannes tunnel burned down completely in 1787. Situation of the weirs in the St. Johannes tunnel around 1850: A total of 3 weirs, all pronounced dead around 1850; Wimmer - weir, Zierler - weir, princes - weir. Until 1933, the drainage path led in the St. Johannes tunnel from the water intake point on the Sulzbach via the drainage pit to the main shaft and on to the Saherböck pit, over which the water flowed down into the Matthias tunnel. The rear part of the St. Johannes tunnel was finally abandoned. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018

05 The Emperor Josef – Stollen Stud Name: "Archduke Josef - Stollen" until 1764, then "Kaiser Josef - Stollen" Emperor Joseph II, reign 1765 – 1790, son of Maria Theresa Struck: October 26, 1751 Length: 1,195 m Altitude: 722 m The Josef tunnel was officially opened on October 26, 1751. In order to speed up the advance of the main shaft as much as possible, two counter structures were built, namely the first from the mouth hole uphill, and from the Zierler Schurf, sunk from the Ludovika tunnel, towards the day. As early as 1756, the breakthrough of the first counter building took place. The second counter-construction was organized between the Salzobermatsrat v. Ehrlach Schurf and the Johann Lemberger Schurf. This second counter-building became clear in 1766. In 1767 the Salzoberamt approved the estimated cost of 2125 fl. for the construction of a mountain house on the Josef tunnel. A place above the Mundloch, where a chapel had previously stood, was initially chosen as the building site, but the Salzamtmann Scharf moved the new building further down the stream. Only the Kaiser Josef tunnel reached the salt dome in a deeper horizon, so that the mountain blessing opened up in a wide field. The existence of the Ischler Salzberg, together with the blasting work introduced at the same time and the resulting high rate of advance, was secured for the future. Situation of the weirs in the Kaiser Josef tunnel around 1800: Length from the mouth hole to the salt line 1,029 Stabel (1,226.6m), from there to the field site 510 Stabel (607.9m). 2 hairpin bends with a total of 10 weirs, 7 of which are usable and 3 new weirs that are not yet usable. In 1826, the foreign trail led through the Empress Ludovika tunnel and the Ignatz Lindner factory in the Kaiser Josef horizon. These weirs were medium-sized, holding 40 barrels or 80,000 buckets (4,528 m²). In 1821 the Chorinsky bend in the Kaiser Josef tunnel was extended to the west and the Miller bend tackled. In 1840 an underground connection of the Pernecker salt dome with the Steinberg camp, which already belonged to the Lauffener salt dome, was considered. For this purpose, the Chorinsky turn from the Josef tunnel should be advanced in a north-westerly direction. The Chorinsky - Kehr was in the direction towards the Rabenbrunn - and Steinberg tunnels were advanced, but since in the Rabenbrunn tunnels, as the deepest tunnels of the Steinberg camp, the salt was only available in such a short amount of time that not even a single pumping station could be created, further driving the turn hardly made sense. The still outstanding, considerable distance to undercut the Steinberg camp of 1,100 Stabel (1311.2m) in the Tauber Mountains, also through hard limestone masses, was finally not tackled. Situation of the weirs in the Kaiser Josef tunnel around 1850: A total of 12 weirs, all of them in operation around 1850. Reiter - weir, Lenoble - weir, Gaisberger - weir, Ehrmann - weir, Appold - weir, Miss. Riethaler - weir, Harsch - weir, Lötsch - weir, Mrs. Riethaler - weir, Preßl - weir, Lindner - weir, Helms - weir. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Josefstollen Gaisbachklause / saw The hermitage and the sawmill on the Gaisberg had completely collapsed in 1816 and were restored in three years for 12,000 guilders. In 1839 the woodwork was once again completely rotten. That is why Franz v. Schwind upgraded the Steinberg saw to make it more efficient. By using an overshot water wheel and the belt transmission in the gearbox - the first saw drive of this type in the monarchy - Franz Schwind succeeded in increasing sawn timber production fourfold. The Gaisbach saw was abandoned. Quarry / lime mill / stamp mill / lime kiln About 50 m above the mouth of the Josef tunnel, hydraulic limestone was mined in a quarry from 1846, transported via the Radgrabenbach to the "hydraulic stamp mill and lime mill" and heated in a "hydraulic furnace". fired (hydrauer). annual production about 6,000 hundredweight (from private sale) Kohlstatt A "Kohlstatt" for the production of charcoal was built below the Josef tunnel. This charcoal was needed in the miners' forges to repair the "teasome" (miner's tool).

08 The Empress Amalia – Stollen Stud Name: "Empress Amalia - Stollen" Wife of Emperor Joseph I, married on February 24, 1699 in Vienna Struck: 1687 Length: 572 m Altitude: 851 m The Empress Amalia tunnel was opened in 1687 in order to drive under the next upper Frauenholz tunnel and to be able to use the salt storage facility below. The year the main shaft was expanded cannot be found, but this must not have happened long after the 18th century, because in 1725 several pumping works in these tunnels were already in use. In 1734, a collapse and water ingress occurred in the rear part of the Amalia tunnel - main shaft, which is why a conversion had to be made. The main shaft was then cleared out again and the water that had collapsed was drained back to the surface without causing any damage. The great squeezing pressure of the poor Haselgebirge made it necessary to reinforce the carpentry of the routes. In order to limit the consumption of firewood, Oberamtrat Kner ordered it to be soaked in brine in 1796, as in Hallstatt in Ischl, for which purpose the brine room next to the mouth of the Amalia tunnel was used. This could hold 1000 stamping sticks, which were soaked in the brine for three months. Situation of the weirs in the Empress Amalia tunnel around 1800: Length from the mouth hole to the salt boundary 496 Stabel (591.2m), from there to the field site 404 Stabel 4 hairpin bends with a total of 8 weirs, 4 of which are useless and 4 usable. The hairpin bends originally laid out in these tunnels were mostly broken and abandoned quickly because of the enormous mountain pressure. In order to ensure access to the main shaft, complex conversion sections had to be created. In 1839 the workers Preßel, Schwaiger, Rappan and Baron Sternbach suffered massive injuries in the Amalia tunnel. The mine workings that were still open had to be treated with particular care. On May 11, 1843, Vasold Schurf (Amalia – on Elisabeth – tunnel) to such an extent that the entire mining area was endangered. The massive inrush of water was a result of the collapse of the Erlach weir in the Frauenholz tunnel and the Mohr and Freund weir in the Elisabeth tunnel. As early as May 20, 1844, a commission made up of the most experienced miners of the Kammergut met to save the Ischler Salzberg, which was threatened with collapse. At the suggestion of the commission, the area of the collapse was measured and a wooden model of the Ischler Salzberg was made. The model showed that the waters descended from the Niederen Rosenkogel and could be intercepted by an extension from the Potie - Schurf (Neuberg - on Frauenholz - tunnel). After several unsuccessful attempts to build, the stormwater was finally managed in this way, it was caught and drained off harmlessly. The collapse rooms made accessible by the extension could be secured with numerous wooden support boxes. The extension was occupied in three-thirds shifts and Häuer also came to help from Hallstatt. The incompletely collected waste water continued to leach out the collapsed Haselgebirge, which settled and with it the support boxes, which became detached from the ceiling and no longer served their purpose. In 1845, an attempt was made to counteract the renewed threat of decline by filling in the cavern spaces with debris and quarry stones extracted from the surface. In addition, the search for the origin of the waste water hidden under the sinkhole continued with success. The approximately 60m high Keeler rubble , including the horn sites, was extremely brittle and could only be secured by lining. For the same reason, in 1848 the fifth water extension in Neuberg - the tunnel and parts of the Amalia tunnel - had to be built into the main shaft. Longer iron pipes made of cast iron pipes were laid for the first time on the Ischler Salzberg in the Keeler - rubble and in the Layer - conversion for the quick, safe drainage of the enormous amounts of stormwater. Another measure to reduce the water inflow from above ground was the construction of a widespread system of gutters and water catches in the area of the Reinfalzalm, which required constant maintenance and supervision. As a last measure, the water supply should be relocated to improve the leaching conditions in the weirs. The more rapid leaching of the weirs reduced the risk of factory overlaps. To do this, however, the amount of fresh water fed into the pit had to be increased significantly. In addition to the installation of iron pipes with larger cross-sections, a new water supply route from Bader - Schurf (Frauenholz - on Amalia - tunnel) via the Springer - Kehr, the Scharf - and Liska - conversion (Amalia - tunnel) to Vasold - Schurf (Amalia - on Elizabeth – tunnels) have been planned. This was intended to enable the supply of larger amounts of water to the production workers and to drain the sections that had been soaked by the weeping wooden pipes. According to the decision of the Court Chamber, the procurement of the necessary iron pipes was to be spread over the years 1842, 1843 and 1844. Those connecting structures that had become superfluous after the drainage pipe was relocated in 1842 were left open. These included the Niedere Wasserberg shaft and the water digging from the Niederen water tunnel to the Lipplesgraben tunnel, the rear Lipplesgraben and Johannes tunnel, some stretches in the Matthias and Neuberg tunnel and the Kößler conversion in the Frauenholz tunnel. Situation of the weirs in the Empress Amalia tunnel – weirs around 1850: A total of 9 weirs, all pronounced dead around 1850. Wolfen - and Colonel Kammergraf v. Baron Sternbach - weir (cut), Kappan - weir, Sternbach - weir, Schwaiger - weir, Preßel - weir, Landsteiner - and Eberl - weir (cut), Boiger - weir. An elaborate underground pipe system was maintained until 1933 to supply water to the production workers. Only after the above-ground version of the Törlbach and the supply of this water through the Maria Theresia tunnel could the watering be significantly simplified from 1933. Dynamite explosion on June 4, 1919 - Salzkammergut newspaper June 15, 2019: From Bad Ischl we will be informed under the 6th d. M. on the phone: On June 4, 1919 at around 6:30 am, explosives expert Gschwandtner, who lives in Perneck No. 9, carried out blasting in the Amalia tunnel in Perneck. Since all shots did not have the full effect, Gschwandtner grabbed dynamite. But it was frozen and so he went out of the tunnel to look for a dressing hut in the vicinity, heated the oven there and put a board on the stovetop, whereupon he wanted to warm up approx. 35 dynamite cartridges with a total weight of 2.5 kg. Gschwandtner then sat down in front of the stove and watched the cartridges. The miners Matthias Zeppezauer, resident at Untereck No. 4, and Josef Kogler, resident at Wirling No. 10, were also in the hut to change. Suddenly the 3 workers noticed a blue flame near a dynamite cartridge and heard a hiss. They wanted to flee, but the explosion had already taken place. Gschwandtner and Zeppezauer suffered a shattered eardrum and a concussion, Kogler internal abdominal injuries and also a concussion. The injuries are serious but not fatal. Josef Gschwandtner, who is a blaster and should be familiar with the handling of dynamite cartridges, is facing a misdemeanor accountable under the Explosives Act. (It is unbelievable that the saltworks administration has no facility for heating up frozen cartridges of dynamite, so that the workers are forced to heat them up at the furnace, with the consequences mentioned above brings with it. It's the second time in two months that in the Salzberg of Bad Ischl due to the negligence of the administration, fathers of families have to perish or become unable to work.) Watering path until 1933: John - Stollen: Drainage scour - main shaft - Saherböck scour Matthias - studs: Drainage Schürfl - main shaft - Plenzner Schurf Neuberg - tunnels: Albrecht conversion – Ritschner conversion – Schwind Schurf Frauenholz - Stollen: Kössler conversion – Schmidt Schurf Amalia - Studs: Main shaft – Wimmer Schurf In the Amalia tunnel, the highest still passable tunnel at 841 m above sea level above the Ischl mountain church, which is still used today for ventilation and the drainage of mine water, renovation work was started in 1994 and an access road to the tunnel mouth was built for this purpose. Furthermore, extensive maintenance work was carried out by external companies in 1983 in the Liska and Layer conversions as well as in the Keeler rubble. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 August Aigner "Salt mining in the Austrian Alps", Berg- und Hüttenmännisches yearbook, Vienna 1892 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Michael Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016

15 The Mitterberg tunnel Stud Name: "Mitterberg - Stollen" as locality name Struck: 7/25/1563 Length: 130 m Altitude: 886 m Under Emperor Ferdinand I, the Mitterberg tunnel was opened on July 25, 1563 as the first and original salt tunnel on the Ischler Salzberg. A mine survey carried out on October 15, 1567 by Georg Neuhauser Salzamtmann, Balthasar Blindhammer court clerk at Hallstatt, Jakob Schmiedauer Unterpfleger at Wildenstein, with the involvement of the mine masters and other people who were familiar with the work of the salt pans at Hallstatt and Aussee, revealed that in the Mitterberg tunnel there was a shaft with 2 sinkworks in the salted mountains had been sunk. From this, great hopes were drawn of finding a salt store worth building in order to be able to set up a salt works in Ischl. For further investigation of the found salt deposit, it was decided to create a level excavation from the sinkhole sunk at 47 Stabel (56.2m) in the salted mountains and to sunk another sinkhole from the same. As the salt mountain stretched further down, a deeper tunnel was to be built at the "Hohensteg". In 1575, experts from the salt works in Aussee, Hallstatt and Ischl carried out another inspection and consultation on the Ischler Salzberg. In the Mitterberg tunnel there were two prepared pumping works, which were already being used to produce brine. The mountain master and mountain workers from Ischl, who had twice seen the salt industry in Hallein and Schellenberg, suggested driving under these structures through the Steinberg tunnel to avoid the costly brine pumping and cleaning, as was still customary with the salt pans in the Salzkammergut and convert to discharge weirs. This proposal, which was recognized as useful, was carried out, the connection was established with the nearest water dam in the Steinberg tunnel - main shaft and then in the Mitterberg tunnel the first discharge weir according to the "Schellenberger form" of the Upper Austrian salt works was put into operation. This was the start of replacing the ancient pumping stations with drainage works. But it still took a long time to completely suppress them. In a pit plan drawn up in 1654, one can see that the Mitterberg tunnel – the main shaft after 66 5/8 Stabel (79.4m) of driving in the limestone reached the salt mountains. This was lengthened and a 99 bar (118.3 m) long side shaft, the so-called "Neue Kehr", was created. The field site of the Neue Kehr stood in deaf mountains. At the front of the Neue Kehr there was an old weir, already rotten in 1654, which was the first drainage weir, prepared in 1575 according to the Schellenberg model. Behind it was a 44 bar (52.6m) long main pit down the Steinberg tunnel, which was used for weather management and drainage. On the further continuation of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which is referred to in the Reformation Libel from 1656 as "Krechenschafftgericht" ("straight shaft"), a building was laid out on the right. This was driven under by the then Bergmeister Hanns Kalß and by the worker Wolfgang Kalß to save the expensive scooping and to reduce the costs of cleaning, through the Steinberg tunnel and also made into a weir according to the Schellenberger form. Furthermore, on the left hand side of the main shaft there was a 32 bar (38.2 m) long Ebenschurf, which was initially operated as a detection blow, then connected to the side shaft or "Neuen Kehr" by a wing site and later to a Lettendamm, the "Schwarzel Weir". called, has been devoured. When 34 ½ Stabel (41.2 m) left the salt mountains on the main shaft continuation and fresh water was built, several water openings were knocked out. In addition, the first water tunnel was created 7 Stabel (8.4m) above the Mitterberg tunnel and advanced to a length of 93 Stabel (111.1m). Due to the inexperience of the miners, who believed that the limestone in the back of their heads was a deposit, after which salt would have to come again after it had been breached, strong self-watering waters were approached, the mastering of which caused great difficulties. The total length of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which had a total gradient of 4 ¼ Stabel (5.1m or 4%), was 108 Stabel (129.1m). Only 65 of these (77.7m) were in the Hasel Mountains, the rest in dense, water-bearing limestone. The outcrops of the Hasel Mountains in the Mitterberg tunnel formed only a small, cut-off part of the main deposit, which was fully utilized by the construction of 3 barrages. The Mitterberg tunnel was already in use around 1656 and was only used to drain mine water. The collapse had already taken place in 1596 and the amount of scraped water was so large that it was able to drive a mill wheel. Despite all the effort, it had not been possible to find the place where the burglary had taken place, and in the end one had to content oneself with collecting the waste water in the main shaft and channeling it to the surface in gutters. Because of the inrush of water in 1596, the main shaft had to be maintained almost entirely in expensive timber. The Mitterberg tunnel also served to ventilate the Steinberg tunnel. In 1689 the Mitterberg tunnel was finally completely abandoned. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 B. Pillwein "History, Geography and Statistics of the Archduchy above the Enns and the Duchy of Salzburg", 2nd part Traunkreis, Linz 1828 Mitterberg - tunnels, routes and buildings, 1757, Solingen, IGM archive Plan Salzberg Bad Ischl in 1654

11 The Lipplesgraben – tunnel Stud Name: "Obernberg - Stollen", original name as a new hill climb above the Mitterberg tunnel in the Perneck salt storage facility. "Lipplesgraben - Stollen", later name as locality designation. Struck: 1567 Length: 236 m Altitude: 1,001 m In 1567, under Emperor Maximilian II, the "Alte Steinberg tunnel" in the Steinberg camp and the "Obernberg tunnel" in the Perneck camp were struck. The Lipplesgraben tunnel, located at 1,001m above sea level, was the highest horizon on the Ischler Salzberg that led to the salt storage. A mountain survey in 1575 found the field site of the Obernberg tunnel in the Tauben and a trial dig sunk from the back of the head, also in very poor mountains. Nevertheless, it was decided to drive the main shaft a further 110 stakes (119.5 m) in the hope that salt would be found again, albeit in vain. In the Obernberg tunnel, later known as the Lippelsgraben tunnel, the Pernecker salt deposit was discovered only by chance. Since the tunnel was started at the outcrop of the Pernecker camp below the Reinfalzalm, only the mostly depleted Haselgebirge could be approached. In 1577, after 14 years of searching and yet nothing special could be found, the mining experts of the Salzamt decided to only design the test dig from the Neuhauser - Kehr im Lipplesgraben - tunnel to a construction and to drain the brine below, a new one Stollen, the Matthias – Stollen, open. Situation of the pumping pits in the Oberberg tunnel - building around 1600: A total of 5 waterworks; on the Neuhauser – bend of the St. Florian – , the Rettenbacher – and an unnamed burrow; on the main shaft of the Spiller - burrow and an unnamed burrow. The main shaft of the Lipplesgraben tunnel first went 128 bars (152.6m) through solid limestone, then 45 bars (53.6m) through barren, exhausted rock to reach the salt limit, where the Neuhauser bend was extended to the right. On the Neuhauser turn there was an old probation pit that was built to investigate the depths of the salt mountains, then the St. Florian - and Rettenbacher - construction and another, unnamed construction. The field location of the 95-stabel (113.2m) long Neuhauser Kehr was in stone and since a stretch of 39-stabel (46.5m) had already fallen, freshwater penetrated there. On the continuation of the main shaft there was the main quarry down the Archduke Matthias tunnel, because of the poor salt mountain 77 Stabel (92.0m) inwards the Spiller construction and another, unnamed construction, which were later undercut by the Archduke Matthias tunnel and have been prepared for discharge weirs. There was also an old test pit and a lettue weir at the site of the main shaft to prevent the inflow of fresh water. The length of the Lipplesgraben tunnel - main shaft from the mouth hole to the field site was initially 424 4/8 Stabel (506.0m); but since 199 ½ poles (237.8 m) had fallen back from the field site, 225 poles (268.2 m) were still open. The two burrows on the main shaft collapsed as well. There were also 4 trenches in the Lipplesgraben tunnel, namely three on the main shaft and one on the Neuhauser bend, namely the drainage trench from the "Lower Water Gallery", which was referred to as the "main treasurer Tusch - Schurf". In addition, there was a test dig from the main shaft and from the Neuhauser - Kehr to explore the salt mountains down to the Archduke Matthias - tunnel. In order to introduce the fresh water required for watering, the "Nieder Wasserstollen" was installed above the Lipplesgraben tunnel at 1,024m above sea level on the Rainfalz. The Nieder Wasserstollen was driven 75 Stabel (89.4m) long in the Tauben Mountains and was connected via a 31 Stabel (37.0m) long watering pit with the Neuhauser - Kehr located in the Lipplesgraben - adit. The fresh water was collected from a spring located above the drainage pit during the day and brought to this pit through vertical wooden pipes. Around 1654 the Lipplesgraben tunnel was almost completely drained. From this time on, the tunnel was only kept open to drain fresh water so that it could not cause any damage to the tunnels below. In 1739 the "middle water gallery" with lateral openings at the Rainfalz and the extension of the drainage system between the mountains were built. Although some water was built with this new tunnel, the hoped-for success was not achieved because the fresh water was still penetrating the Streubel and Seutzen weir in the Frauenholz tunnel. It was not until 1769 that the access to the water was successfully contained by the water digging in the Lipplesgraben tunnel. In 1769 Hofkammerrat Gigant found the surface water that had penetrated into the Frauenholz tunnel well summarized in the Lipplesgraben tunnel. To protect the salt storage against the sedimentation of rainwater, the daytime area at Rainfalz and between the mountains was criss-crossed by a dense network of drainage ditches and side channels, the constant good maintenance of which required great expense. In order to reduce this, the Verwesamt decided in 1795 to give up that part of the drainage system that ran over lettuce, i.e. water-impermeable ground, and where there was no fear of the ingress of surface water. Around 1820, the Lipplesgraben tunnel was kept open for ventilation and for the drainage of the fresh water that had been built in this tunnel by creating several water openings. Those connecting structures that had become superfluous after the drainage pipe was relocated in 1842 were left open. These included the "Niedere Wasserberg - Schachtricht" and the Wasserschurf (Niederer - water tunnel on Lipplesgraben - tunnel), the rear Lipplesgraben - and St. Johannes - tunnel, some stretches in Matthias - and Neuberg - tunnels as well as the Kößler - conversion in the Frauenholz - tunnel. In 1892, the Imperial and Royal Ministry of Finance approved the construction of a workers' accommodation hut made of stone masonry in place of the wooden hut that stood near the Lipplesgraben tunnel opened in 1567. The construction costs amounted to 934 fl 70 Kr. for the land plaque - insert no. 1023, KG Perneck, BP. No. 18 with a size of 32 m². Until 1950, the "Stone and wooden water channel on the Rainfalz and between the mountains" was repaired annually by the Ischl salt mine and the construction crew lived in the tunnel hut near the Lipplesgraben tunnel. On December 31, 1933, the Neuhauser - Kehr and the Wasseröffen in the Lipplesgraben tunnel were closed and shut down. Finally, on April 3, 1934, the proper sealing off of the abandoned Lipplesgraben tunnel was completed and approved in the course of a main inspection. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by ThomasNussbaumer, as of 09/13/2016 Alfred Pichler "Lipplesgrabenstollenhütte", LFH Linz, 2003 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018

The hiking guide to the VIA SALIS Bad Ischl Concentrated information on 64 pages for the tour. There are many more details in the hiking guide about the information on the boards by the tunnels: Historical information about the individual tunnels, geology, faith and church, the inventive spirit of the Salzkammergut people and technology are explained here in depth. Sale: Salt world shop of Salinen Tourismus GmbH in Bad Ischl (Kaiser-Franz-Josef-Straße) Tourismusverband Bad Ischl, Auböckplatz 5 - pump room, A-4820 Bad Ischl Orders can also be placed with us: Tel. No. 067761168967 , e-mail: horst.feichtinger@gmx.at Price: € 5.00 Hier gibt es das Buch: Ischler Heimatverein, donnerstags 9 – 12 Uhr Salzkammerguttouristik Götzstraße Tourismusverband Trinkhalle Buchhandlung Thalia, Pfarrgasse

Social – Nutrition: The need and poverty of the salt workers is repeatedly emphasized in all dragonflies and ordinances and mitigated by various privileges. The workers were exempt from paying any taxes, fines were not allowed to be imposed and transgressions were only punished by imprisonment in the tower with water and bread. It was also forbidden for the nursing court in Wildenstein to sentence people connected with the salt industry without the knowledge of the officials in Gmunden. A particularly valuable benefit for the residents of the Kammergut during the warlike times of the time was the exemption from military quarters, which spared them the usually high burden of requisitions that the rest of Upper Austria often had to bear. In order not to raise wages, which was stubbornly resisted in Vienna, efforts were made to reduce the cost of living for the working population as far as possible, to keep food prices down in every way and to prevent their rise as far as possible in times of rising prices. In the 17th century, a worker needed around 100 Kreuzer per week for grain, meat, lard, eggs, milk, beets, turnips, cabbage and candles for himself and his family. A miner from Hallstatt, unless he was an Eisenhauer, could cover the absolutely essential food needs for the household with his wages, he had nothing left for clothes, linen and shoes, he was therefore forced and usually also able to earn an extra income woodwork or from the salt makers. The poverty of the Kammergut population at this time can also be seen from the amount of food, which corresponds to the value of a week's wages then and now. The worker could/can buy for his weekly wages: grain (flour) ……………………………… 41.5kg 1524 …………………………. 348kg 2016 clarified butter ………………………………. 4.8kg 1524 …………………………. 50kg 2016 beef ……………………………… 19.3kg 1524 …………………………. 35kg 2016 At the time of the first Reformation Libel around 1524, meat was only twice as expensive as it is today, but bread and fat cost around ten times more. The Kammergut could not feed itself and, with the exception of fish, had to obtain all important food from abroad. After the grain, it was primarily the meat that was an important goal for the sovereign government to procure adequately and cheaply. The bread grain was brought cheaply to the Kammergut as return freight on the emptied Salzzillen, because as imperial goods it was exempt from all taxes during transport. The sale of grain was strictly regulated, no official was allowed to trade in it, the sellers, mostly citizens of Gmunden, Ischl, Laufen and Hallstatt, were not allowed to make more profit than 6 Kreuzer per Metzen (62 l) grain. The Salt Office had to ensure that there was always a sufficient supply of grain stored in the official warehouses. In order to better secure the grain supply of the Salzkammergut, the area between the Traun and the mountains behind Kremsmünster was freed and banned "that nobody from this Hofmark sell grain elsewhere, but bring everything directly to the Gmunden market". In order to protect the buyers against cheating, standard measures were kept in the court clerk's office and a quarterly inspection was ordered from the merchants "so that the poor workers are not cheated." The grain purchased by the Salzamt was only given to the imperial servants, the other residents were dependent on the supply of the Gmundner weekly market and on their own purchases. The beneficiaries always received the grain below the market price and the cost price, which not only strengthened the bond between the crew and the imperial work, but also freed the government from the otherwise indispensable wage increase. It was particularly important for the salt industry that the grain that had reached the Kammergut was consumed there and not exported across the border again. The strict export bans, mainly aimed at Salzburg, did not receive enough attention for good reasons, nor did they prevent grain smuggling via the Gschütt Pass. There was a lively exchange between Abtenau and Hallstatt early on; the people of Hallstatt needed lard and cheese because they could not keep cattle, whereas the people of Abtenau needed salt and grain. The grain was of great value in mountainous Salzburg and became the subject of a flourishing smuggling trade. The massive smuggling of grain to Salzburg caused the price of grain to rise at the Gmunden weekly market and made living more expensive, which the Salzamt could not remain indifferent to. It then tackled the smugglers energetically, erected a guard hut and a barrier on the road to Gosau in 1700, prohibited the authorities from issuing passports on their own and increased the monitoring of prohibited trade. However, the smuggling to Salzburg continued; In 1739 the Schwärzers came in gangs to the border and gave bloody battles to the border guards, who had been augmented by the Ischl team. According to the market regulations newly issued in 1742, grain could only be traded on the open market, but not in inns or in the suburbs. Before the flag was unfurled at the Gmunden weekly market, no one was allowed to buy grain, then it was the turn of the Gmundner, Hallstätter, Laufner, Ischler and Ebenseer, while the people from Wolfgang, St. Gilgner and the other foreign market visitors grain only after the flag had been lowered were allowed to buy. The grain purchased by the Salzamt was stored in the Gmundner Hofkasten, whose management was assigned to the Hofkastner. Annual sales depended on the number of beneficiaries and increased to an average of 24,000 hundredweight in the 18th century. The Hofkorn was initially distributed weekly, at the request of the workers, who lost a lot of time doing so, monthly from 1654 onwards. In 1720 there were a total of 1,910 people who were entitled to farm grain and received around 3/10 Metzen (18.5 l) of grain per week. In contrast to the official grain management, the purchase and slaughtering of the cattle was left to the local butchers, but the Court Chamber secured a decisive influence on the level of the sales price by granting subsidies, which enabled the butchers to make do with the officially set prices to find. As coveted as the meat was, it did not become the staple food for the population of the Kammergut. The farm corn accustomed them to the flour diet, to which they could not do without lard as an added fat, which is why it was more important to them than meat. The inner Salzkammergut sourced most of its lard from the Abtenau region, whose inhabitants traded it vigorously in exchange for salt, grain and wine. As long as the court clerk's office was solely responsible for bartering with Abtenau, the workers had no shortage of lard, and soon the citizens of Hallstatt were also involved in this lucrative trade, without taking the needs of the local population into account. Abtenauer lard also went to Laufen and Ischl, but they were able to cover their need for butter and lard at the Gmundner weekly market, where it was traded freely. The Salzamtmann, who was also the highest official of the Wildenstein court, had to take care of all branches of the economy in the Kammergut, the brewery in Ort, which supplied the beer for the taverns in Ebensee, he decided on the purchase of wine and forbade it Distilling brandy when there was a shortage of grain. Finally, the Salt Office also had an influence on middle-class trade in favor of the workers The civil servants, master craftsmen and workers employed in salt boiling have always received as much salt as they needed in the household, free of charge. The miners and woodcutters and then all the other inhabitants of the chamber estate who were in the service of the sovereign joined the boilers to obtain the free salt. The allocation was generous and fully sufficient for the needs of a small farm. According to an approximate calculation, a Kammergut resident in the 17th century received 30 pounds of must salt per head of his family per year, i.e. more than double the actual requirement. The name "Mußsalz" comes from the recipient's obligation to serve the salt industry in the Kammergut. Those entitled to Mußsalz, and their number ran into the thousands, usually had nothing better to do with the leftovers that were not used in the household than to sell them, for which the Gmundner weekly market, among other things, offered them a good opportunity. For the longest time, the Salt Office watched this trade, which noticeably affected their own consumption of salt, inactively. It was not until 1706 that the court chamber took up the matter and, much to the resistance of those affected, restricted the purchase of compulsory salt to 12 pounds a year for each family member. From 1737 onwards there was an annual salt description in all places of the chamber estate, which had to record all beneficiaries and their marital status and was used to calculate the amount of salt to be handed out. The Salzamt's demand for Hofkorn, which by the middle of the 18th century had about 24,000 Metzen (1,100 t) in the year, increased significantly in the period that followed. The reasons for this were the increase in the number of beneficiaries, temporary grain help to non-authorized employees of the salt works, the grain tax to the Hallamt in Aussee and to Salzburg and the supply of the own and foreign military during the war years. In 1815, 72,000 butchers (3,350 tons) of grain were needed. The permanent procurement of such quantities of grain was associated with considerable difficulties. From 1700 onwards, grain imports from Hungary increasingly covered the needs of the chamber estate. Grain was brought in from Hungary on large salt ships in trains of two or three ships under the direction of the transport office, whose organs also accompanied the trains. A trip from Bratislava to Linz took 26 to 28 days. The delivery of the farm grain to the entitled workers took place monthly at the beginning, then every six weeks by a ratification (accounting) in advance; This is because the workers would otherwise have had to wait too long for the grain to be delivered when they started work. When the payment was made, the limit value (purchase price) of the grain received was deducted from the wage. If an enemy invasion was to be feared, the administrative offices were not only allowed to give the workers their wages and farm grain, but also limito lard for a quarter of a year in advance. With the onset of warlike complications towards the end of the 18th century, disruptions in trade with Salzburg and Bavaria began. The salt office often did not get any more lard from there and was forced to purchase it within the borders of the empire. In 1785 the shortage of lard in the Kammergut increased to such an extent that the population even boiled linseed oil and tallow. From 1794 onwards, the Salzamt often purchased lard from Hungary. The population in the Kammergut had grown so much by the middle of the 18th century that the number of job seekers considerably exceeded the need for workers. To compensate for this imbalance, it was considered necessary in Vienna to restrict marriages. The Salt Office was instructed to no longer issue marriage consents, without which the workers in the imperial service were not allowed to marry. The market judges were only entitled to issue marriage permits to those parties who did not serve in the salt industry and did not burden the arar with a commission. Even more precise instructions had been given to the Salt Office for issuing marriage consents to workers. The marriage could be approved at any time: 1. A resident with a dwelling who was in work and enjoying farm grain. 2. A worker without farm grain who was in constant work and owned a estate. 3. Good artisans with enough income to pay for their housing. 4. Homeless workers who enjoyed farm corn. On the other hand, Werkbuben (unskilled workers), Tschanderer (occasional workers), Kufer (coopers) and fittings (lids placed on filled salt vessels) without housing and without funds did not receive marriage licenses. The salt office warned the nursing offices against the indiscriminate granting of marriage consent, the children of such marriages would become beggars or thieves. A commission of inquiry meeting in 1763 came to the conclusion that the main reason for the frequent violations of the sixth commandment in the Kammergut was the restriction of the freedom to marry, and so it spoke out in favor of the cancellation of the marriage consent. A court chamber resolution from 1793 clearly states: "There is no ban on marriage, so marriages in the chamber estate, where so many workers are needed, should be encouraged rather than made difficult." The creation of their own hearth not only arose from the needs of the married workers, but was also an advantage for the Salt Office, which could only wish for the down-to-earth nature of the staff and which therefore promoted house building where practical. Only the erection of rental houses for third parties, i.e. not for personal use, was forbidden. In 1797 the Hofkammer recognized the urgent need for more houses in the Kammergut, but they should be built of stone to save wood. The staff was severely affected by the confiscation of the family grain for all newly married workers ordered by the Court Chamber in 1825. In the case of illness and short holidays, the purchase of the farm grain was not interrupted, but if the holiday exceeded one week, it was reduced by the corresponding quota. 40% of the total consumption of farm grain was family grain. The Hofkammer took measures to curb the increase in grain consumption caused by early working-class marriages. The authorization provided by the Oberamt to reduce the number of marriages, to issue marriage permits only after the economic situation of the applicant had been checked, was inadmissible under the statutory provisions. However, the Salt Office was free to determine whether and how many married and unmarried workers it wanted to employ. In 1848 the Hofkammer lifted all restrictions on the Hofkorn tax, restored the uniform normal tax of 8 Metzen (372 kg) annually for each stable worker and also approved the family grain. Of course, the grain tax now went up by leaps and bounds, according to the compilation it had risen from 1848 to 1849 for the Kammergut without Aussee from 27,000 to 44,200 Metzen (2,055 t). In order to determine the amount of farm grain to be given to the parties, a grain description was carried out every year, in which the family members entitled to receive it and the changes that had occurred during the past year due to death, provision or leaving the service and due to family growth were recorded. Grain gathering took place alternately every six and seven weeks eight times a year. The purchase of grain made the workers dependent on the millers and bakers who were needed to process the grain. Their relationship with them was not always the best, and the worse the price of grain rose, and bread became more expensive as a result. The price of bread was officially regulated and constantly monitored. In 1848 the Ischl workers ganged up to take violent action against the bakers and millers and thus force a reduction in the price of flour and semolina. The year 1848 brought the salt workers a notable improvement in the purchase of lard. A permanent worker, depending on his pay grade and category, would churn out 48-60 pounds (27-34 kg) of lard annually. The distribution in the era's lard cellars took place at the same time as that of the farm grain and within the same deadlines, the limit price was deducted from the wages of the workers. Workers with their own farms, which enabled them to keep at least three cows, were excluded from purchasing lard. It was almost always clarified butter that was handed out, only in exceptional cases, and only as emergency help, were the workers also given pork bacon. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016

saline