Salztransport auf der Traun

Signs of miners The world of miners is rich in signs and symbols. Mining Sign “Mallet and Iron” The symbol of mining par excellence is the crossed mining sign made up of mallet and iron. The chisel is a one-sided pointed iron wedge for chipping off the rock. The mallet is a heavy hand mallet. The squire's left hand held the iron, its point was set against the mining site and driven in with the mallet held by the right hand. When the work was done, the squire put the iron down with the tip pointing to the right. Above that came the mallet crossed to the left. The teeth thus discarded were a symbol for the face being cut. Until the introduction of blasting in the 17th and 18th centuries, mallets and irons were the miner's most important tools. Mallets and irons have been used as symbols for mines since the 14th century. Miner's greeting "Glück Auf" Although the miners' language dates back to the Middle Ages, the miners' greeting "Glück Auf" first emerged in the 17th century. Its roots are probably in the wish "Luck is opening up to you!". Ore veins should open up so that the miner is granted a rich mountain blessing. The much older form of the miner's greeting "God give!" has been preserved in Carinthian ore mining to this day. Miner's costume “mountain smock” The miner's costume has always been important for the miners' self-portrayal on festive days. The miners' oldest uniform, the white or Maximilian costume, has its origins in the working clothes of medieval miners. It consisted of a light-colored mountain smock with a hood that reached down to the thighs and the ass leather tied around it. Light, non-dyed fabrics were cheaper and more visible in the dark of the tunnels. The hood served as protection for the head and shoulders. The butt leather protected against moisture when playing the drumsticks, which often had to be done while sitting. The introduction of today's black miner's costume dates back to the end of the 18th century. This costume was prescribed by decree by the imperial family for the mountain officials. The reasons for this are likely to have been fashion considerations as well as disciplining measures. The miner's costume, which is common today, has 3 rows of brass buttons on which the mining sign "Schlägel und Eisen" is shown. Furthermore, shoulder straps with the mining symbol are attached to the mountain smock. Some symbolic components are very important: the 29 buttons of the smock are dedicated to the 29 years of St. Attributed to Barbara, the patron saint of miners. The golden buttons are supposed to symbolize the sun and the black cloth the color of the night, i.e. underground work. The mountain smock is worn on festive occasions such as mountain parades, Barbara celebrations as well as weddings or other anniversaries. But also on sad occasions such as funerals. The mountain smock accompanies its owner from the test of courage of the leather jump to the last trip to the pit in the cemetery. Ass leather and leather jump The mountain or butt leather, also known as leather for short, is an important item of clothing for miners and is associated with a great deal of symbolism. It is cut out of a piece of black calfskin in a semicircle and sewn to a belt. The belt has a clasp decorated with a mallet and iron. At first glance, the ass leather looks like a leather apron that is a bit too short. Aprons are part of many old craft costumes. Blacksmiths, carpenters, gardeners, cooks and winegrowers wear them. Of course, aprons are also part of the basic equipment of every good housewife. And yet the miner's apron is something very special! It has been the only apron that has been worn backwards for 500 years now. And we miners are even proud of that! The reason for this is that, in the past, miners often had to do their work sitting on the wet rock for hours. The leather was a protection against wet and cold. When entering the miners' ranks, the start-up leather was awarded as a sign of belonging. Every miner had to take good care of this leather, it was a kind of membership confirmation that brought many advantages of the status. If a miner committed dishonorable acts, he was expelled from the Knappschaft. His leather was tied off and he was chased away in disgrace. So to untie someone's ass leather was to declare them forfeited. An ass leather attached to a long pole was considered a sign of rebellion in earlier times. When it was carried forward by a mob of grim-faced miners, it did not bode well for the trades or miners. Everyone shuddered at the sight! Because miners like to adorn themselves, there used to be a separate butt leather with the appropriate fashionable accessories for each class of miners. The higher the rank, the richer and larger the leather. At the head of the miners were the trades as owners and the miners as the highest-ranking officials. The leather of these honorable gentlemen was lined with brightly colored silk and decorated with a wide gold border at the edge. The middle classes, which today would include managers and foremen, had to make do with unlined leather, which was only decorated with a silver cord. All other members of the Knappschaft were left behind in the truest sense of the word. They were only allowed to wear the plain black leather without any ornaments. Higher level miners commonly had at least 3 different butt leathers in their wardrobe: The somewhat more decorative start-up leather, which was awarded at the beginning of the miner's life, the simpler everyday leather for everyday use and, as a highlight, the parade leather equipped with all the fashionable chicanes. It is hardly known that the ass leather was also used as a kind of musical instrument. Mountain musicians in Saxony rolled up the leather and blew firmly into it. The range of tones reportedly ranged from the roar of a deer to the fart of a deserving miner. But now back to a much more serious meaning of leather. The ass leather was part of important legal acts. In the past, mining authorization was granted as part of the so-called inheritance survey. This legal act expired as follows: The mining officials came to the newly found ore vein on horseback in miners' festive costumes. The trades also came in festive costume, but with a carriage. The rest of the hill tribe, the common miners, had to walk to the new mine. Everyone lined up in a circle around the newly found outcrop. Mine officials had to measure the thickness of the vein and use that to determine the survey or rental fee. Up to this point, today's negotiations with an on-site inspection would not have gone much differently. Only the mining captain and the managing director would no longer travel on horseback, but in a befitting petrol carriage. The common mountain people would of course appear on site with much smaller petrol carriages. But earlier, when paying the survey fee, something quite unexpected happened to us: All miners present stood in a circle and the miner placed his ass leather in the middle of the circle. The trades were sentenced to pay the award fee by means of a quick verbal decision. The tradesman immediately had to pay the required amount in the form of coins on the ass leather in the middle. And now comes the unbelievable: The miner took some of the coins and tossed them to the miners present. Then the mining official took a few more handfuls of coins and invited the entire assembly to a measuring meal followed by a feast. Only the money that was left was delivered to the state authorities by the mining authorities. This form of negotiation should be reintroduced as soon as possible. This ensures that everyone involved goes home happy with full pockets and bellies after the legal act has been completed. Unfortunately, there are no such efforts to be found in the current mining or commercial law! In the course of the measurement meal, a kind of decision was also issued. The ass leather, on which the money was previously placed, was cut up by the mining captain. Everyone present immediately received a piece as a sign of participation in the award ceremony. It's that easy to solve our current problems with complicated postal routes, long processing times and high stamp fees. In earlier times, a successful mining company was not characterized by folders full of valid or less valid notices, but by a sack with as many pieces of ass leather as possible. For the miners, it is still a great honor and distinction to be able to jump over such a historical, but also misjudged piece of clothing at the leather jump! The leather jump The leather jump is undoubtedly the celebratory highlight of every Barbara celebration. Perhaps one of you has already seen the butcher's jump at Salzburg's Residenzplatz. After a public pledge to their profession, the newly minted butcher journeymen jump into a water-filled vat. This symbolically washes them clean of the sins of the apprenticeship. They then demonstrate courage and strength by waving the guild flag, which weighs more than 60 kg. Our valued Ledersprung also originates from this tradition of medieval guilds. Its roots probably lie in the Saxon Ore Mountains. The form of the leather jump that is common today came to Austria in 1848 from Schemnitz in the Czech Republic. In the course of the unrest at the time, the German-speaking mining professors and their students had to leave the Bergakademie Schemnitz. At the invitation of Peter Tuner, they were admitted to the mining school in Vordernberg near Leoben. The mining customs they brought with them, such as the leather jump, but also their black mountain smocks, quickly spread to all Austrian mining areas. How does a traditional leather jump work? The leather jump can be roughly divided into 3 sections: Namely in questioning the candidate, in emptying the glass and finally in jumping over the leather. The questioning of name, origin and status is a public declaration of your homeland and profession. The following sayings are usually more original than meant seriously. Emptying the glass is intended to express the new miner's zest for life. Of course, the "Ex" before the jump can be emphatically demanded by the audience. After all, the jump over the leather is the core of the ritual: It symbolizes courageous entry into the new state, which can entail great dangers. The jump means courage. With both feet at the same time, one jumps into the new, freely chosen position, which does not tolerate stumbling, but does require rapid determination and energy. The miners of all social levels see themselves as a community of destiny. This is expressed by the fact that the oldest present miner as well as the highest ranking official hold the leather for the jump. Where are leather jumps still celebrated today in the old mining tradition? In the traditional, active mining operations, of course. After successfully passing the hewer's test, the candidate with the leather jump is officially accepted into the miner's rank. Large leather jumps take place annually at mining universities such as Leoben, Clausthal, Freiberg, Krakow, Miskolc or Laibach. Every young student is invited to the leather jump. After passing the exam and having a merry party, he has the right to wear his mountain smock with pride as a young miner. The leather jump is an important event in student life that we look back on fondly. And therein lies a certain obligation for us miners. In our active professional life, we should also give this joy to young colleagues! Another area in which leather jumps are still actively held is that of miners' and traditional clubs. In these associations, classic miners, representatives of institutions and companies meet with people who are interested in mining for a wide variety of reasons and who openly support mining. In addition to maintaining friendship and sociability, an intensive exchange of experiences and mutual appreciation in club life are considered particularly important. Of course, leather jumps are an important, connecting element! But we must not forget one thing: The leather jump is and remains a mining tradition, namely ours! Under no circumstances must it degenerate into an empty, folkloric event! A home evening with Hansi Hinterseer songs is definitely something else!!!

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Ernährung Social – Nutrition: The need and poverty of the salt workers is repeatedly emphasized in all dragonflies and ordinances and mitigated by various privileges. The workers were exempt from paying any taxes, fines were not allowed to be imposed and transgressions were only punished by imprisonment in the tower with water and bread. It was also forbidden for the nursing court in Wildenstein to sentence people connected with the salt industry without the knowledge of the officials in Gmunden. A particularly valuable benefit for the residents of the Kammergut during the warlike times of the time was the exemption from military quarters, which spared them the usually high burden of requisitions that the rest of Upper Austria often had to bear. In order not to raise wages, which was stubbornly resisted in Vienna, efforts were made to reduce the cost of living for the working population as far as possible, to keep food prices down in every way and to prevent their rise as far as possible in times of rising prices. In the 17th century, a worker needed around 100 Kreuzer per week for grain, meat, lard, eggs, milk, beets, turnips, cabbage and candles for himself and his family. A miner from Hallstatt, unless he was an Eisenhauer, could cover the absolutely essential food needs for the household with his wages, he had nothing left for clothes, linen and shoes, he was therefore forced and usually also able to earn an extra income woodwork or from the salt makers. The poverty of the Kammergut population at this time can also be seen from the amount of food, which corresponds to the value of a week's wages then and now. The worker could/can buy for his weekly wages: grain (flour) ……………………………… 41.5kg 1524 …………………………. 348kg 2016 clarified butter ………………………………. 4.8kg 1524 …………………………. 50kg 2016 beef ……………………………… 19.3kg 1524 …………………………. 35kg 2016 At the time of the first Reformation Libel around 1524, meat was only twice as expensive as it is today, but bread and fat cost around ten times more. The Kammergut could not feed itself and, with the exception of fish, had to obtain all important food from abroad. After the grain, it was primarily the meat that was an important goal for the sovereign government to procure adequately and cheaply. The bread grain was brought cheaply to the Kammergut as return freight on the emptied Salzzillen, because as imperial goods it was exempt from all taxes during transport. The sale of grain was strictly regulated, no official was allowed to trade in it, the sellers, mostly citizens of Gmunden, Ischl, Laufen and Hallstatt, were not allowed to make more profit than 6 Kreuzer per Metzen (62 l) grain. The Salt Office had to ensure that there was always a sufficient supply of grain stored in the official warehouses. In order to better secure the grain supply of the Salzkammergut, the area between the Traun and the mountains behind Kremsmünster was freed and banned "that nobody from this Hofmark sell grain elsewhere, but bring everything directly to the Gmunden market". In order to protect the buyers against cheating, standard measures were kept in the court clerk's office and a quarterly inspection was ordered from the merchants "so that the poor workers are not cheated." The grain purchased by the Salzamt was only given to the imperial servants, the other residents were dependent on the supply of the Gmundner weekly market and on their own purchases. The beneficiaries always received the grain below the market price and the cost price, which not only strengthened the bond between the crew and the imperial work, but also freed the government from the otherwise indispensable wage increase. It was particularly important for the salt industry that the grain that had reached the Kammergut was consumed there and not exported across the border again. The strict export bans, mainly aimed at Salzburg, did not receive enough attention for good reasons, nor did they prevent grain smuggling via the Gschütt Pass. There was a lively exchange between Abtenau and Hallstatt early on; the people of Hallstatt needed lard and cheese because they could not keep cattle, whereas the people of Abtenau needed salt and grain. The grain was of great value in mountainous Salzburg and became the subject of a flourishing smuggling trade. The massive smuggling of grain to Salzburg caused the price of grain to rise at the Gmunden weekly market and made living more expensive, which the Salzamt could not remain indifferent to. It then tackled the smugglers energetically, erected a guard hut and a barrier on the road to Gosau in 1700, prohibited the authorities from issuing passports on their own and increased the monitoring of prohibited trade. However, the smuggling to Salzburg continued; In 1739 the Schwärzers came in gangs to the border and gave bloody battles to the border guards, who had been augmented by the Ischl team. According to the market regulations newly issued in 1742, grain could only be traded on the open market, but not in inns or in the suburbs. Before the flag was unfurled at the Gmunden weekly market, no one was allowed to buy grain, then it was the turn of the Gmundner, Hallstätter, Laufner, Ischler and Ebenseer, while the people from Wolfgang, St. Gilgner and the other foreign market visitors grain only after the flag had been lowered were allowed to buy. The grain purchased by the Salzamt was stored in the Gmundner Hofkasten, whose management was assigned to the Hofkastner. Annual sales depended on the number of beneficiaries and increased to an average of 24,000 hundredweight in the 18th century. The Hofkorn was initially distributed weekly, at the request of the workers, who lost a lot of time doing so, monthly from 1654 onwards. In 1720 there were a total of 1,910 people who were entitled to farm grain and received around 3/10 Metzen (18.5 l) of grain per week. In contrast to the official grain management, the purchase and slaughtering of the cattle was left to the local butchers, but the Court Chamber secured a decisive influence on the level of the sales price by granting subsidies, which enabled the butchers to make do with the officially set prices to find. As coveted as the meat was, it did not become the staple food for the population of the Kammergut. The farm corn accustomed them to the flour diet, to which they could not do without lard as an added fat, which is why it was more important to them than meat. The inner Salzkammergut sourced most of its lard from the Abtenau region, whose inhabitants traded it vigorously in exchange for salt, grain and wine. As long as the court clerk's office was solely responsible for bartering with Abtenau, the workers had no shortage of lard, and soon the citizens of Hallstatt were also involved in this lucrative trade, without taking the needs of the local population into account. Abtenauer lard also went to Laufen and Ischl, but they were able to cover their need for butter and lard at the Gmundner weekly market, where it was traded freely. The Salzamtmann, who was also the highest official of the Wildenstein court, had to take care of all branches of the economy in the Kammergut, the brewery in Ort, which supplied the beer for the taverns in Ebensee, he decided on the purchase of wine and forbade it Distilling brandy when there was a shortage of grain. Finally, the Salt Office also had an influence on middle-class trade in favor of the workers The civil servants, master craftsmen and workers employed in salt boiling have always received as much salt as they needed in the household, free of charge. The miners and woodcutters and then all the other inhabitants of the chamber estate who were in the service of the sovereign joined the boilers to obtain the free salt. The allocation was generous and fully sufficient for the needs of a small farm. According to an approximate calculation, a Kammergut resident in the 17th century received 30 pounds of must salt per head of his family per year, i.e. more than double the actual requirement. The name "Mußsalz" comes from the recipient's obligation to serve the salt industry in the Kammergut. Those entitled to Mußsalz, and their number ran into the thousands, usually had nothing better to do with the leftovers that were not used in the household than to sell them, for which the Gmundner weekly market, among other things, offered them a good opportunity. For the longest time, the Salt Office watched this trade, which noticeably affected their own consumption of salt, inactively. It was not until 1706 that the court chamber took up the matter and, much to the resistance of those affected, restricted the purchase of compulsory salt to 12 pounds a year for each family member. From 1737 onwards there was an annual salt description in all places of the chamber estate, which had to record all beneficiaries and their marital status and was used to calculate the amount of salt to be handed out. The Salzamt's demand for Hofkorn, which by the middle of the 18th century had about 24,000 Metzen (1,100 t) in the year, increased significantly in the period that followed. The reasons for this were the increase in the number of beneficiaries, temporary grain help to non-authorized employees of the salt works, the grain tax to the Hallamt in Aussee and to Salzburg and the supply of the own and foreign military during the war years. In 1815, 72,000 butchers (3,350 tons) of grain were needed. The permanent procurement of such quantities of grain was associated with considerable difficulties. From 1700 onwards, grain imports from Hungary increasingly covered the needs of the chamber estate. Grain was brought in from Hungary on large salt ships in trains of two or three ships under the direction of the transport office, whose organs also accompanied the trains. A trip from Bratislava to Linz took 26 to 28 days. The delivery of the farm grain to the entitled workers took place monthly at the beginning, then every six weeks by a ratification (accounting) in advance; This is because the workers would otherwise have had to wait too long for the grain to be delivered when they started work. When the payment was made, the limit value (purchase price) of the grain received was deducted from the wage. If an enemy invasion was to be feared, the administrative offices were not only allowed to give the workers their wages and farm grain, but also limito lard for a quarter of a year in advance. With the onset of warlike complications towards the end of the 18th century, disruptions in trade with Salzburg and Bavaria began. The salt office often did not get any more lard from there and was forced to purchase it within the borders of the empire. In 1785 the shortage of lard in the Kammergut increased to such an extent that the population even boiled linseed oil and tallow. From 1794 onwards, the Salzamt often purchased lard from Hungary. The population in the Kammergut had grown so much by the middle of the 18th century that the number of job seekers considerably exceeded the need for workers. To compensate for this imbalance, it was considered necessary in Vienna to restrict marriages. The Salt Office was instructed to no longer issue marriage consents, without which the workers in the imperial service were not allowed to marry. The market judges were only entitled to issue marriage permits to those parties who did not serve in the salt industry and did not burden the arar with a commission. Even more precise instructions had been given to the Salt Office for issuing marriage consents to workers. The marriage could be approved at any time: 1. A resident with a dwelling who was in work and enjoying farm grain. 2. A worker without farm grain who was in constant work and owned a estate. 3. Good artisans with enough income to pay for their housing. 4. Homeless workers who enjoyed farm corn. On the other hand, Werkbuben (unskilled workers), Tschanderer (occasional workers), Kufer (coopers) and fittings (lids placed on filled salt vessels) without housing and without funds did not receive marriage licenses. The salt office warned the nursing offices against the indiscriminate granting of marriage consent, the children of such marriages would become beggars or thieves. A commission of inquiry meeting in 1763 came to the conclusion that the main reason for the frequent violations of the sixth commandment in the Kammergut was the restriction of the freedom to marry, and so it spoke out in favor of the cancellation of the marriage consent. A court chamber resolution from 1793 clearly states: "There is no ban on marriage, so marriages in the chamber estate, where so many workers are needed, should be encouraged rather than made difficult." The creation of their own hearth not only arose from the needs of the married workers, but was also an advantage for the Salt Office, which could only wish for the down-to-earth nature of the staff and which therefore promoted house building where practical. Only the erection of rental houses for third parties, i.e. not for personal use, was forbidden. In 1797 the Hofkammer recognized the urgent need for more houses in the Kammergut, but they should be built of stone to save wood. The staff was severely affected by the confiscation of the family grain for all newly married workers ordered by the Court Chamber in 1825. In the case of illness and short holidays, the purchase of the farm grain was not interrupted, but if the holiday exceeded one week, it was reduced by the corresponding quota. 40% of the total consumption of farm grain was family grain. The Hofkammer took measures to curb the increase in grain consumption caused by early working-class marriages. The authorization provided by the Oberamt to reduce the number of marriages, to issue marriage permits only after the economic situation of the applicant had been checked, was inadmissible under the statutory provisions. However, the Salt Office was free to determine whether and how many married and unmarried workers it wanted to employ. In 1848 the Hofkammer lifted all restrictions on the Hofkorn tax, restored the uniform normal tax of 8 Metzen (372 kg) annually for each stable worker and also approved the family grain. Of course, the grain tax now went up by leaps and bounds, according to the compilation it had risen from 1848 to 1849 for the Kammergut without Aussee from 27,000 to 44,200 Metzen (2,055 t). In order to determine the amount of farm grain to be given to the parties, a grain description was carried out every year, in which the family members entitled to receive it and the changes that had occurred during the past year due to death, provision or leaving the service and due to family growth were recorded. Grain gathering took place alternately every six and seven weeks eight times a year. The purchase of grain made the workers dependent on the millers and bakers who were needed to process the grain. Their relationship with them was not always the best, and the worse the price of grain rose, and bread became more expensive as a result. The price of bread was officially regulated and constantly monitored. In 1848 the Ischl workers ganged up to take violent action against the bakers and millers and thus force a reduction in the price of flour and semolina. The year 1848 brought the salt workers a notable improvement in the purchase of lard. A permanent worker, depending on his pay grade and category, would churn out 48-60 pounds (27-34 kg) of lard annually. The distribution in the era's lard cellars took place at the same time as that of the farm grain and within the same deadlines, the limit price was deducted from the wages of the workers. Workers with their own farms, which enabled them to keep at least three cows, were excluded from purchasing lard. It was almost always clarified butter that was handed out, only in exceptional cases, and only as emergency help, were the workers also given pork bacon. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016

Moore: Einzigartige Biotope und Damoklesschwert Moore, water, salt: A relationship with rough edges. Somewhat hidden to the east of the Ischler Salzberg are the high moors of Langmoos and Roßstallmoos , which have been brought out of their "sleeping beauty" by the Austrian Federal Forests with the "Moor Protection Program" in recent years. Although these are not part of the Via Salis network of paths, they were important for the Ischler Salzberg. 1 Location of Langmoos and Roßstallmoos: The two nature reserves Langmoos (2.6 ha) and Roßstallmoos (1 ha) are located 1 and 1.4 km east of the Reinfalzalm. Both moors are high moors that arose in karst depressions. They are supplied by precipitation and are therefore independent of groundwater. The peat layer is up to 6 m thick. Compass hiking map, 2020 2 History of the formation of our moors: In the not too distant past, 20,000 years ago, large glaciers stretched out from the Trauntal into the foothills of the Alps and buried the country under ice. Glaciers were instrumental in creating the conditions that led to the growth of peat bogs in our country. They dug out shallow basins and brought back glacial rubble (the finest rock debris) that was deposited there and formed clays impermeable to water. As a result, the water collected in the pools and various forms of still waters were created, from small ponds to large lakes. When the climate improved about 17,000 years ago, the ice receded and the glaciers disintegrated relatively quickly. Clay-lined hollows with small still waters remained; outside of the formerly glaciated areas gravel, sand and loess-covered terraces. Various mosses, sedges and reeds soon settled in the hollows. The late glacial, still cool climate with low evaporation and high humidity played an important role. Schematic structure of raised bog, ÖBF 3 Moore as a habitat for rare plants and animals Moors are an irreplaceable habitat for many animal and plant species that have become rare today. Quite a few "moor dwellers" are on the Red List, such as the sundew, the cranberry or the dwarf birch. Typical of their fauna are the moor dragonfly and moor frog as well as numerous reptiles such as mountain lizards, adders, butterflies and spiders. Sparrige peat moss, WIKIPEDIA Moor tot bug, WIKIPEDIA Warty peat moss, WIKIPEDIA 4 Moore as a climate protector Moore fulfill the function of CO2 storage very well. Since the plant components do not decompose in the wet, acidic soil, the carbon remains stored. Only when the moors are drained does a decomposition process begin and the positive effect achieved over thousands of years is reversed again. 5 Moors as water reservoirs Bogs can absorb up to 95% of their dry mass in water. During dry periods, they slowly release the stored water. In this way, they contribute to the continuous supply of the springs. When it rains, the moor does not absorb large amounts of water. This fulfilled an important function as flood protection. 6 Moor protection program ÖBF On the occasion of the "Year of Wetlands" proclaimed by the Ministry of the Environment in 1993, the Austrian Federal Forests placed all of their moors under protection. In June 2000, as part of the WWF campaign "Let them live", the ÖBf and WWF signed the cooperation agreement for "active moor protection". According to this, bogs that had been adversely affected in the past primarily by drainage, peat extraction, grazing and afforestation are to be actively renatured. Such as: construction of dams to raise the moor water level in Langmoos. Revitalization of Langmoos, ÖBF Leckenmoos, ÖBF Larch dam in Langmoos, ÖBF 7 The importance of these moors and the surface waters in the Reinfalz area for the Ischler Salzberg: In the 1830s and 1840s, after the Napoleonic Wars and the beginning of industrialization, the need was great. It was the Biedermeier period, monarchical absolutism prevailed. Resignation spread, hunger demonstrations and peasant uprisings shook Austria. And in these difficult times, there was almost a catastrophe on the Ischler Salzberg: The surface waters in the Reinfalzalm area have always been a problem for the salt tunnels below. A lot of attention has therefore already been paid to this fact. But not enough. And so the tragedy took its course: As early as 1739 , a wooden drainage system, which was laid out "between the mountains" (path from Reinfalzalm to Hütteneckalm), was extended to the Reinfalzalm. In addition, as early as 1738, a water tunnel, the Mittlerer Wasserstollen, was laid to drain off freshwater that had already penetrated to the Frauenholzstollen. With little success, as it turned out. It was not until 1769 that the access to the water was successfully contained by the water digging in the Lipplesgraben tunnel. Drainage plan Reinfalz 1854, archive Salinen Austria 1739: Freshwater inrush up to the Frauenholz tunnel, archive Salinen Austria In 1775, 1784, 1793, 1799 and 1805 the wooden drainage system was renewed and expanded again and again. A major repair of the then 2,133.54 m long main and side channels, partly made of slats and partly consisting of wooden channels, was carried out in the years 1830 - 1831 . As can be seen from these years, maintenance was a very expensive one. Therefore, from 1840 onwards, the gutters were made of ashlars . Block channel system Reinfalz April 2020, IGM Restored cuboid gutter "Between the mountains" June 2020, IGM Despite all these measures, it came in 1839 in the Amalia tunnel to massive fractures of the workers Preßel, Schwaiger, Rappan and Baron Sternbach. In 1843 , the water that had broken in as a result of the demise of the workers Erlach, Mohr and Freund had already penetrated the Ludovica tunnel in such large quantities that the lye could soon no longer have been accommodated in the workers who were still available. The entire mining area was endangered! These events and the underground measures are presented in detail under this link: https://www.viasalis.at/amaliastollen . 1839 and 1843 factory declines and water ingress up to the Ludovica tunnel, archive Salinen Austria In order to save the Ischler Salzberg, of course, attempts were also made during the day to regulate all the water that had not yet been controlled. Now the work on the bogs has also started! Main and side drainage ditches were dug in Langmoos . And as mentioned in Chapter 2, the Langmoos is located in a trough. In order to be able to drain the entire tub, a 50 m long drainage tunnel was even built. In the attached plan, it is very nicely marked as a "warm hole" . The name has the following meaning: Quite in the middle of the tunnel, a stepped shaft was surprisingly cut , which shows a natural draft. There is an entrance 255 m below, namely the "Tauernwasserloch". In winter, air draws in below, heats up and steams up in the "Warm Hole" off. The "Warm Hole" was also a research project of the Linzer Höhlenverein for many years. They use the "Lipplesgraben - Hütte" at the Lipplesgraben - tunnel as a base for this. This hut was built in 1892 as a lodging hut for workers maintaining the gully and was used until the 1950's. Plan Langmoos with drainage ditches and drainage tunnel "Warmes Loch" 1860, archive Salinen Austria Entrance Hütterschacht in the "warm hole", archive IGM clean fold ramp In addition to the Langmoos, the Reinfalzschanze was also drained. This field designation, which has now been forgotten, extended to the SW of the Lower Rosenkogel, as can be seen on the following map from 1867. A small digression on the name Schanze: In earlier times, a hill fort meant a field fortification for defense. From the 16th century, the word "schanzen" was generally applied to any kind of earthwork. And therefore probably also on the drainage work SW of the Niederen Rosenkogel. This is probably where the name Reinfalzschanze came from. Drainage plan Reinfalzschanze 1854, archive Salinen Austria Work on the gutter then happened in the years 1890, 1892, 1894, 1896, 1898, 1902, 1904 and 1907. Through all this work on the gutter made of ashlar stones, the same now had a length of 864.7 m with an average width of 0. 45 - 0.50 m. From 1913 to 1919 another 155 m of the wooden gutter were replaced by cement gutters: Plan Rinnwerk Reinfalz 1907, archive Salinen Austria Despite all measures above and below ground, there were also large-scale landslides in the Reinfalzalm area up to the twentieth century , as can be seen on a map from 1933: Archive Salinen Austria 1933 Landslides in the years 1924 / 1925 / 1926 / 1927 / 1931. With marked water ingress into the Wolfen weir (Amalia - tunnel), water ingress into the Streibel weir (Amalia - tunnel), water ingress onto the Neuhauser Kehr (Lipplesgraben - tunnel). Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Geological Federal Institute, sheet 96 Bad Ischl, 2012 Reports of the Bavarian Botanical Society 87: 55-70, 2017 Moor revitalization of the Inner Salzkammergut, ÖBF

financial support

financial support

mine lining Mine development Saline Austria currently

watering:

14 The Neuberg tunnel Stud Name: "Neuberg - Stollen" as a new uphill climb below the Obernberg - Stollen, the later "Lipplesgraben - Stollen" Struck: 1586 Leave: 1879 Length: 994 m Altitude: 909 m Emperor Rudolph II set up a commission to stop widespread abuses in the chamber property and to ensure the implementation of the provisions laid down in the Reformation - Libelle of 1563. Therefore, in 1586, a mountain inspection was carried out at the Ischler Salzberg. The mining inspection recommended, for the required increase in salt production, the opening of a new tunnel, the Neuberg tunnel. Since the salt could be detected over the entire planned thickness of the mountain through the exploratory digging carried out by Archduke Matthias - tunnel, the tunneling of the Neuberg - tunnel began in 1586. The Neuberg tunnel was already being considered in the north-facing steep terrain of the Mitterberg. This would have made the main shaft much shorter than when driving from the west. The construction of a 300 bar (357.6 m) long section in hard limestone, the difficulty of delivering timber and the construction of a slag heap in the steep terrain were important reasons for starting the exploration from the west. In addition, the required pit and pole wood could be delivered effortlessly from the Steinberg saw. It was also possible to connect inexpensively to the Strehn, which had already been built by Archduke Matthias to drain off the brine extracted in the Obernberg tunnel. In order to speed up the exploration work, in 1589 a counter-construction was initiated from a pit sunk from the Matthias tunnel. However, great difficulties were encountered with this opposing structure, which was located in water-bearing limestone. The tunneling came to a standstill when 160 rods (191.2m) still had to be driven to the point of breakthrough. In 1590 further driving of the opposite building was even supposed to be stopped, but the Ischl mountain championship successfully resisted this. Until the breakthrough, however, the inflowing water and the rock that had been thrown out had to be drawn up into the Archduke Mathias tunnel using a hand reel, which was expensive. Situation of the Schöpfbaue in the Neuberg tunnel around 1654: A total of 11 pumping stations; Eder, Wildenhofer, Wolkenstainer, Daniman, Preuner, Wangner, Hintersteiner, Rossner, Urschenbeck, Lichensteiner and Mondseer or Manser - construction. In the continuation of the Neuberg tunnel - main shaft there were 11 burrows. As early as 1648, the Eder, Wildenhofer, Wolkensteiner, Daniman and Preuner buildings were united under one sky and had 22 rooms (2,490.4m³) of brine content, 11 bars (13.2m) down to the sole of the Neuberg - stollen to dry up. The cut burrows were driven under with a weir furnace in the Frauenholz tunnel, could be emptied via a discharge dam and were referred to as Graf Preuner weir. The Wagner and Hintersteiner buildings were also under the same sky, were prepared for an outlet weir and then combined with the five previous buildings in the Preuner and Raßfeldner weirs. The Roßner - Bau also united with the mentioned buildings in the Preuner and Raßfelner - weir. In 1730 the Graf Preuner weir broke through to the Rassfelner weir in the Frauenholz tunnel. After the now combined Preuner and Raßfellner weir had been provided with new dams in 1733 and new discharge boxes in 1734, it could now be leached up to the Matthias tunnel. To facilitate the cleaning, a cleaning pit was sunk from the Matthias tunnel. In 1744 the Preuner and Raßfellner weir had to be abandoned because it had come dangerously close to the overlying rock. The Preuner and Raßfellner weir then served for some time as an impact work for the Zierler weir located in the St. Johannes tunnel. The Urschenbeck, Lichtensteiner and Mansen The building also stood under one sky, contained 12 rooms (1,358.4 m³) of brine, and could be emptied as a weir with an outlet dam, the Klementen weir, through the Frauenholz tunnel. The Klementen weir was only watered down in the Neuberg horizon and left before 1800. Behind the Manser building there was still a drainage pit down the Frauenholz tunnel. The Neuberg tunnel – main shaft was also driven too far into the footing and had hit fresh water in the limestone air. After water ingress in 1641, a Lettendamm was built, the fresh water was collected and safely guided to the surface in wooden tubes. In 1707, the Neuberg tunnel contained 11 barrages divided into three groups, which were still operated as 3 dam weirs, but not much was to be expected from them. Situation of the weirs in the Neuberg tunnel around 1850: A total of 4 weirs, all pronounced dead around 1850; Seeauer - Weir, Lang - weir, Klementen - weir, Paul Müller - weir. In 1840 the first pit linings were carried out on the Ischler Salzberg in the Ritschner - conversion of the Neuberg - tunnel. Until 1933, the Albrechten conversion, the Ritschner conversion and the Schwind Schurf were kept open in the rear part of the Neuberg tunnel for the drainage path into the lower-lying horizons. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Aus‐ und Vorrichtung

Projekt Zahnradbahn aufs Hütteneck The project of a cog railway to the Hütteneckalpe near Bad Ischl Figure 1: Hütteneckalm rack railway, probable route, Google Maps, Franz Kranabitl Figure 2: A "typical" railway from that time: Gaisbergbahn, built in 1887, photo taken around 1890, from Harrer "Gaisbergbahn" Figure 3: Hütteneckalm, Dachstein view, around 1950 By Friedrich Wilhelm Kremzow, Upper Austrian homeland sheets 1987 The Hütteneckalpe is located in the Salzkammergut at the foot of the Hoher Raschberg on a saddle between the Zwerchwand and Kleberwand at an altitude of 1,240 m. You can climb it both from Bad lschl and from Bad Goisern. If you choose the ascent route from Bad Ischl, the path usually leads via Perneck, the lschler Salzberg and the Reinfalzalm. From Bad Goisern the ascent takes place - past the villages of Lasern and Riedeln - usually through the Stambachtal. Since a chairlift leads to the high-lying village of Wurmstein, you can reach the Hütteneckalpe on a comfortable hiking trail, which has its starting point at the mountain station of this chairlift and touches the Roßmoosalm . Due to its favorable location, the Hütteneckalpe is one of the easiest vantage points to reach in the Salzkammergut region south of Bad lschl. To the south, the view extends from Lake Hallstatt to the peaks of the Dachstein massif, to the east you can see the still untouched Landscape of the Rettenbach valley and the plateau of the Dead Mountains. If you turn to the west, the wide expanse of the Traun Valley near Bad Goisern opens up to the viewer, while the Hoher and Niederer Kalmbergs limit the horizon. Already in the early days of the spa town of Bad lschl (i.e. before 1848) the Hütteneckalpe seems to have been a popular destination; at that time they were probably climbed almost exclusively from Bad lschl. It had become all the more popular with tourists since the imperial family regularly spent the summer in Bad lschl. The Hütteneckalpe was also a favorite destination of Empress Elisabeth, who visited this area several times. This excellent vantage point of the Salzkammergut was now the subject of a railway project, which has since been forgotten, but which seems worth discussing in more detail; only the local likes it - and he railway historians have a professional interest. The motives for the construction of such a mountain railway can no longer be deduced from the files and documents that have been preserved. However, some conclusions can be drawn from the time when the project was to be carried out, the year 1890. At that time, the project planning and construction of the Salzkammergut local railway from Salzburg to Bad lschl and the mountain railway to the Schafberg had just started. It is therefore understandable that - due to the economic situation - an interest in the construction of other mountain railways in the Salzkammergut has arisen. It is also worth mentioning that the initiator of this railway project also dealt with a plan for a Schafberg railway, but obviously did not get a chance here. Ultimately, it should be noted that the expansion and development of the railway network in Austria was in full bloom at the time, which was not only due to the construction. but also the project planning, later of course not executed railway lines is proven. It is not without significance for understanding the fate that befell the cog railway project on the Hütteneckalpe. First of all, to briefly outline the legal basis under which a railway could be built at that time. In 1890, the railway concession law of September 14, 18548 was still in force in Austria. This law required special permits for the construction of a railway, namely one for carrying out the preparatory work (§ I Para. 2 lit. a. of the law) or the concession for the installation of the railway itself (§ 1 Para. 2 lit. b. of the law). By approving the preparatory work, the concession applicant only obtained the right under § 4 of this law to carry out the preliminary surveys for the future construction of the planned railway and the necessary surveying and leveling work on the spot in nature at his own expense. This right expired six months after the approval was granted. It should be explained here that an extension of this deadline was once requested for the present railway project. A special privilege to be granted a concession to build the railway line in question, let alone an exclusive power, was not obtained through the granting of such a permit. Finally, in order for the concession to be granted, it was necessary, according to Article 5 No. 3 of the Act, to demonstrate how the funds required for the execution of the project were to be raised. This provision was also alluded to in the last official settlement of this project on October 14, 1890; the lack of funds was ultimately also the reason why no concession was granted at all. According to § 2 of the ordinance of January 25, 1879, the actual concession procedure began with the submission of a detailed project, to which, among other things, situation plans, cost estimates and a technical report explaining the planned railway construction had to be attached. If the project submitted then proved to be executable, the then competent Ministry of Trade had to order the so-called route revision (this was carried out in the case of the project discussed on June 28, 1890). This revision was carried out by an ad hoc commission, which included representatives of the state authorities, the General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways and the municipalities involved. Their task was to check whether the proposed railway project could also be carried out under natural conditions. Only on the basis of the results of the track revision did the Ministry of Commerce decide on the admissibility and building worthiness of the railway in question and was able to discuss the conditions under which a concession could be acquired (in the present case this decision was the subject of the last official decision on October 14, 1890 ). If the concession was granted, the railway line could be laid out in detail in nature and then the political inspection could be carried out (§ 13 of the aforementioned ordinance). Its purpose was, on the one hand, to determine the extent of the necessary expropriation and, on the other hand, to examine the project from the point of view of public interests. After the inspection, the Ministry of Commerce then issued the construction consent that was required for the actual construction work to begin (Section 19 of the aforementioned ordinance). On May 6, 1889, engineer Eduard Miller submitted an application to the Ministry of Commerce for a "preliminary concession for a local railway with a mixed system from the right bank of the Traun near Ischl to the Dachstein view on the Hütteneckalp e". The Ministry first sent this request to the Upper Austrian Lieutenancy in order to ascertain the personal circumstances of the applicant and to procure an overview map from which the planned line design could be seen. The Upper Austrian governor's office carried out these surveys and then presented Miller's application with a report dated August 22, 1889, noting that in their opinion there were no objections to the granting of the preliminary concession. Her report was accompanied by a report by the Budapest magistrate on Miller's personal circumstances and statements by the Bad Ischl community council and the Gmunden district authority, which unfortunately have not survived in the ministry files. This is to be regretted because the report of the Budapest magistrate would have been the only determinable source for a more detailed assessment of the applicant. The Ministry of Commerce also obtained the opinion of the Ministry of the Interior and the Reich Ministry of War, which, however, also raised no objections to the railway project, and then finally granted the requested approval on October 13, 1889 to carry out technical preliminary work for a local railway with a mixed system from the right bank of the Traun lschl to the Dachstein view on the Hütteneckalpe within the meaning of the Railway Concession Act of September 14, 1854 ... for a period of six months ... Ing. Miller then began the necessary surveying work on site in 1889, since he obviously intended to start construction work as early as the next year. As can be inferred from a note in the "Ischler Wochenblatt" dated December 8, 1889 , the trace should ... from a point yet to be determined on the right bank of the Traun via Reiterndorf along the Perneckerstraße on the eastern slope of the Brunnerberg (Groß- or Hochleiten) The trail crosses the Sulzbach stream above the Rosa waterfalls and, climbing up the south-western slope of the Mitterberg, reaches the Reinfalzalpe, in order to end on the Hütteneckalpe on the path marked out there by the terrain conditions. The unnamed author also reported that the previous recordings had yielded an unexpectedly favorable result, since "the roadbed can be built without the aid of large, costly engineering structures ", and then concluded his article with the words: " Hopefully next spring will not be too long in coming wait and allow the weather conditions to start work again soon, so that the original intention of the gentleman concessionaire can come true, to go to Hütteneck in the autumn of 1890. The project meets with general sympathy in the widest circles and certainly deserves it from the local population Support as a company that specifically promotes local interests". In the meantime, Ing. Miller was already working on a detailed project, after the Ministry of Commerce had extended the deadline granted at the time by another three months on March 17, 1890. Finally put lng. Miller presented a detailed project to the Ministry of Trade, which first obtained a statement from the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways. In their statement of May 20, 1890, the project is described as suitable for execution and then executed: "The starting point of the approx. 7.7 km long track is projected on the right bank of the Traunf1usse next to the railway bridge and will be discussed by the high representative when the traces are revised, whether a more suitable, i.e. more easily accessible place next to one of the Road bridges over the Traun could be substituted. " Then it says with regard to the technical proposals in the detailed project: "The minimum radius of the arches is projected to be 100 m for both sections. There is no objection to the above-mentioned installation conditions, and the width of the substructure in the embankment chosen at 3.5 m also appears corresponding. In contrast, the projected width of only 3.3 m The substructure width in the incisions should be increased to 3.5 m in order to have enough space on both sides of the train for evasion either the usual Riggenbach splint or the two-lamella Abt gear rack can be implemented, depending on the price conditions being determined." The General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways commented on the financing of the project: "The proposed construction costs of 750,000 fl effective in total, that is approx. 97,400 fl per km. do not contain any items. for intercalar interest and reserve funds. With regard to the execution of this railway, which has not yet been made completely clear in several points, the assessment of the preliminary construction sum will not be included for the time being and the production of a corresponding cost figure will be reserved for a later point in time." length With regard to the financing, Miller had calculated a capital requirement of 750,000 fl., his summary cost estimate consisted of the following individual items: 1. Preparatory work and construction supervision 20,000 fl 2. Basic Redemption 25,000 fl 3. Earthworks 190,000 fl 4. Ancillary works, retaining and lining walls 60,000 fl 5. Art structures 55,000 fl 6. Ballast and superstructure laying 45,000 fl 7. Superstructure 150,000 fl 8. Building construction 50,000 fl 9. Miscellaneous 25,000 fl 10. Vehicle fleet 130.000,- f1 In view of this statement, the Ministry of Commerce entrusted the Upper Austrian governorship with the revision of the route by decree of June 4, 1890. As can be seen from the technical report , the detailed project envisaged the execution of a mixed local railway system with a gauge of 1 m. It then goes on to say: "The same is adhesion railway with a length of 2,333 m and with the maximum gradient of 22.67%o and cog railway with a length of 5,390 m with a maximum gradient of 18O%o. The total length is therefore 7,723 m. The minimum radius would be 75 m. Particularly noteworthy would be that all stops and the shunting yard are in the adhesion section, so ordinary switches and crossings are sufficient.The terrain to be cut through by the railway consists largely of limestone, while clay slate with marl occurs on the east side of the Mittelberg, which is why the trace had to be led along the western leaning of the same, which line, however, was longer is, however, landslides are avoided. There is only one larger structure across the Sulzbach at Pfl. 40 + 33; large not because of the span, which is only 4 m, but because of the height of 11 m. Only one railway station is planned, namely near Reitterndorf, where the official apartments, accommodation for the staff, locomotive depot and water station are planned. - At Ischl, a stop with a waiting hall and room for an official is necessary, but no points. - There are also stops, each 80 m long, at Perneck and on the Reinfalzalpe with double tracks and two points each. The terminus of the train is the Hütteneckalpe, where a hotel is being built. The stops are connected to each other and to the shunting station and hotel by telephone." The Upper Austrian governor's office set the date for the route revision as June 28, 1890. The hearing took place in the town hall. At the beginning, the representative of the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways suggested - as already mentioned above when reproducing their expert statement - to move the starting point closer to one of the existing bridge crossings over the Traun, with which the concession applicant agreed. On the part of the state forest administration ( the projected railway line was to be routed through state forest property for a length of approx. 5.25 km) no objection was raised to the railway project, but it was asserted: "It goes without saying that the management of that railway and/or after completion of the construction, the bringing of the forest products in individual parts of the forest, especially in the aerarian Kufbergwalde, is made more difficult insofar as the wood, which stands above the railway trace, can only be delivered at great cost. The request is therefore made, that on that route suitable devices, which make it possible to bring the wood, are already laid out when the railway is laid at the expense of the company in agreement with the forest authority Mitterberg, Geigenthal and Eisenerz., then Zwischenbergen, towards Hütteneck, mostly a b existing timber transport route, which serves to deliver forest products in winter. Since this transport route must be maintained, the company would have to build a suitable transport route along the railway track at its own expense, according to the forest authorities. Incidentally, it is noted that the kk Forstaerar lodged a deposit against any replacement performance expected from the title of the wood delivery or for any other reason from the outset and the express request is also made that the kk Forstaerar be acquitted of any compensation payment and the railway to carry out the bank protection and other security structures required for one's own security at one's own expense without forestry competition." The statement of the Imperial and Royal Hunting Line is interesting. Although the practice of hunting in state-owned forests was the Emperor's personal condition and it was pointed out "that the management of the railway would damage the hunt in them, because experience has shown that the game leaves such parts of the forest as a result of the prevailing unrest" , it was nevertheless opposed to the Execution of the track itself did not raise any objection, but merely made a reservation regarding any claims for compensation. The representative of the salt works administration did not raise any objection to the execution of the railway project, but said that mining should not be adversely affected by the railway construction and operation. Finally, the representatives of the AH. Finally, the "Commission's report" on the railway project says: "1. Regarding the statement by the representative of the kk Forest and Domain Directorate in Gmunden, it cannot be ignored that the execution of the projected trace will make it more difficult to bring the forest products out of the Aryan forests. However, it will be the subject of the political inspection to consider how this aggravation can be counteracted as far as is practical As far as the comments made by the representative of the kk Forstaerars regarding the compensation for bank protection and other security structures are concerned, the official provisions existing in this case will apply Regarding the remark made by the representative of the Imperial and Royal Hunt Management that the projected track would significantly reduce the value of the very highest huntability, it should be remembered that based on the experience made, this fear does not appear to be justified! and that it is up to the construction company will, in this case, with de r kuk court hunting management to settle 2. The requirements of the representatives of the kk Salinenärars generally appear to be based on the existing laws, but it will also be up to the political inspection commission to consider to what extent the requirements made must be taken into account. 3. With regard to the concerns raised by the representative of the Imperial and Royal Directorate General of the Austrian State Railways regarding the variant at the starting point of the Localbahn in Ischl, the following must be noted: As far as the fear of a close contact between the two railway tracks is concerned, the justification of the same will only be determined after submission of the Detailprojectes a final report can be made. However, insofar as the present situation and the variant drawn in blue paint give a picture of the future station layout, the two railway bodies should be far enough apart from each other. As far as the intended expansion of the existing lschl station is concerned, the space that is envisaged for this, according to the representative of the Imperial and Royal Directorate General of the Austrian State Railways, is hardly sufficient, since this area lies between the existing railway bridge and the tunnel has a length of 200 m and, by the way, the track there is in a strong curve. On the other hand, an extension of the projected station system of the Localbahn will not be necessary at all in the foreseeable future. – The question regarding an extension or relocation of the station facilities of the state railway cannot be the subject of today's discussion at all. 4. No objection was raised by interested parties against the projected trace taken into negotiation, nor against the projected stations and stops, and the Commission therefore advocates that the concession negotiations should be initiated on the basis of these negotiations and the assigned project. As far as the variant discussed by the representative of the kk General Inspectorate is concerned, with the exception of the representative of the kk General Directorate of the Austrian State Railways, all other interested parties agree with it and the Commission also unanimously endorses it, especially apart from those already mentioned by the Commission For the reasons given, the fears of signal interference expressed by the Designated Agent appear unjustified after the applicants have considered the establishment of a telephone line." On July 13, 1890, the "Ischler Wochenblatt" also reported on the result of the route revision. After describing the negotiations, the report continues: "Meanwhile the staking of the approved line has already begun and in the direction towards Perneck you can see white poles with red and white flags everywhere, which mark the trace. Now that this railway matter has taken another step forward, we hope that construction could begin this fall.As far as profitability is concerned, it is undoubtedly the same if we consider similar, already existing railways in Austria, not to mention Switzerland, especially with the one to be expected due to the cheap tariff rates great tourist traffic, which will be significantly increased by the imminent expansion of the direct lschl-Salzburg line.We take it for granted that the community of Ischl and the neighboring communities will support the undertaking in every direction and that the papers later submitted for subscription will be excellent system are welcome." The day before, the report from the Upper Austrian governor's office dated July 5, 1890 on the result of the route revision had reached the Ministry of Commerce. The ministry first obtained a statement from the General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways. In the meantime, the detailed marking out of the railway line took place, and lng. At the same time, Miller began to seek funding for his railroad project. A report in the "Ischler Wochenblatt " of September 21, 1890 provides information about this as well, which states, among other things: "The detailed stakeout work for this railway is now almost completely finished, so that the necessary plans for submission to the political inspection can be completed in the course of the winter. The political inspection commission should take place at the beginning of next spring, but it is necessary to regulate the financial question at the same time. Above all, it is in the interest of the municipality of lschl to contribute as much as possible to the realization of the project, because lschl must strive, because the spa has to withstand the competition from all sides, to add artificial attractions to the natural ones(!). but unfortunately lschl is not one of the most prosperous elite bathing resorts, as we have heard, the concessionaire Mr. Engineer Miller made the following suggestion to make it easier for lschl to be able to lay the financial foundation for the railway and to enable the concessionaire to continue developing Mr. Miller wants namely that the community for 50,000 fl shares accept the five-percent interest guarantee and continue to contribute the very modest amount of 500 fl to purchase the 50,000 fl; with this small sum, interest would be calculated on interest, the shares would be purely the property of the community in about 50 years, which would have been easily acquired, and the guarantee would then also be void. Let us now assume that there could be years when the shares would yield only four percent, then the community would then have one percent, that would be 500 fl to cover; However, this case is unlikely to occur, because the frequency of Ischl, especially after the expansion of the Ischl-Salzburg railway connection and the zone tariff, will be so enormous that the profitability of the railway will be very good. Apart from the new points of attraction that are created by the railway and contribute to further prosperity, there are also very favorable, direct material advantages: the payment during the operating hours should go annually to the management, officials, railway maintenance, engineers, conductors, Heizer certainly an amount of 5 to 6,000 fl, as necessary to show what amount circulates in lschl and benefits the local tradesmen. Of particular importance for the population during the construction period is the circulation of around 200,000 fl, a large part of which is accounted for by the use of carts, since large cuts have to be made. Even if the entire construction could not be carried out by local workers, almost the entire amount remains here, since, as is well known, railway workers usually save nothing or only very little. " Meanwhile , on September 26, 1890, the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways issued their report . After that, no objection was raised either to the routing or to the planned stations and stops. By decree of October 14, 1890, the Department of Commerce notified lng. Miller that with regard to the favorable result of the route revision, the route of the projected local railway will be approved with the following "comments": "The elaboration of the detailed project will be based on the general project that has undergone the route revision, of which a copy will be returned below, and the variant desired by the interested parties and also applied for by the Commission for execution, in the project blue marked variant at km 0 to 0.1 has to be carried out, especially since the relocation of the train transport system from km 0.6 to the Ischl exit station seems more appropriate and, according to a message received recently from the kk General Directorate of the Austrian State Railways, the latter also has no objection to it. -I will therefore have no objection to initiating negotiations with Yours to provide evidence. So I put it to Ew. Well born at home, if necessary, for the purpose of the planned official act, to present himself personally at the Ministry of Commerce, or to send authorized representatives there. Because of the timing of the nursing negotiation is sohin with the ho. Department VII in the shortest possible way to maintain agreement." Once there were no longer any technical or legal obstacles to the railway project, the designer had to try to secure the financing. Nothing could be found out about details of attempts at financing, apart from the fact that Ing. Miller had contacted the municipality of lschl ; he wrote to them and suggested, among other things: "The municipality of lschl participates firstly by providing a guarantee of five percent for 50,000 fl years pass into the ownership of the community of lschl, whereupon the interest guarantee ends. The community therefore comes into possession of the shares with a nominal value of 50,000 fl. by paying in a total of 50 times 500 fl the respective 500 fl to be paid in are calculated with interest on interest ... The basis for the future construction sum is the lump sum to be approved by the High Imperial and Royal Ministry of Commerce, of which two-fifths ordinary shares and three-fifths priority shares are issued according to the usage the honored community can of course only after the political inspection and from the day of the definitive concession, which by the Hohenk. k. Ministry of Commerce not earlier, before the building capital is proven, can be claimed by the company of the lschl-Hütteneckalpe-Bahn." The community deliberated on these proposals on October 8 and 15, 1890, initially electing a committee to begin negotiations with Ing. Miller. As can be seen from the minutes of the consultation, there was no objection in principle to the railway project in the municipal council committee, but two committee members doubted the profitability of the railway by stating that other restaurants suffered a loss of earnings as a result of the hotel planned on the Hütteneckalpe. Another committee member requested a different route as the current line passes through many very small properties, reducing them even further and making management almost impossible. On October 15, 1890, the mayor then reported on the outcome of the negotiations with Ing. Miller and stated, among other things, that he had reported "that the cost of the railway including the hotel to be built was 750,000 fl., i.e. the interest 35,000 fl. and the annual Operating costs will amount to 15,000 fl, so annual expenses of around 60,000 fl should accrue with amortization, etc. The revenue would amount to the amount after the assumed 45 full days of operation with a fare of 3 fl from 60,000 fl, i.e. direct interest appears to be covered." The mayor remarked on this: "Since, however, with this composition, income from the railway seems somewhat uncertain, the committee came to the conclusion that it could not recommend a guarantee from the municipality, although it was convinced of the importance of this railway for lschl, all the more so since Austria has so few high-altitude hotels. " In the ensuing discussion, the committee members stated that the railway should be built anyway. The community councilor Kuhn said that the committee should think twice before voting so that the construction of the railway would not be made completely impossible by a hasty decision. We are health resort representatives, and as such have the duty to always keep an eye on the improvement of the health resort, and we must be all the less slacking off, as in recent years a decline in the health resort has been noticeable anyway. However, since the creation of the projected mountain railway is likely to raise interest in Ischl again, the municipality must not refrain from supporting the company with all means possible. On the other hand, municipal councilor Wiesinger said that there must first be clarity about how to raise money. He said he agreed with Mr. Kuhn word for word, but could Mr. Kuhn also state how he intends to raise the money, whether he had perhaps thought of the possibility of increasing the community contribution? He fully sympathizes with the rail project, but he doesn't want the community to jump headlong into an undertaking. The funds of the community were so scarce that there was absolutely no money for anything beyond the ordinary administrative expenses, and so long as he had the honor of being a member of the finance committee he felt it his duty to guard against any new burden talk before you are clear about the coverage. The municipal committee finally agreed to offer the designer half of the desired sum, while the remaining sum should be raised by the three institutes Wirerstiftung, Kurfonds and Ischler Sparkasse, whose survey the mayor wanted to take over. About the further fate of the railway project there is only one file later - a submission by Ing. Miller to the Ministry of Commerce dated June 28, 1893 , in which he asked for approval of a project change ( conversion to electrical operation, design with a gauge of 76 cm instead the previous track gauge of 1 m) . It also says there: "Until now it has not been possible to finance the projected steam cog railway ... " It is therefore clear that the execution of the railway plans failed due to the impossibility of financing them. One cannot at all say that the implementation failed because of the attitude of the municipality, especially since, despite corresponding research, it was not possible to determine what attitude the Kurfonds, Wirerstiftung held and Ischler Sparkasse responded to the mayor's request. Of course, it is also conceivable that the lack of willingness to finance is due to other reasons; like when you visualize yourself. that the railway should lead through a personal hunting ground of the emperor. However, there is no documentary or even literary evidence for such influences or assumptions. So the execution of this railway project was omitted, while the further fate of Ing. Miller is lost in the dark. Whether one should regret that this railway remained unbuilt is difficult to decide; On the one hand, the railway - like the one on the Schafberg - would be a real tourist attraction today, on the other hand, it and the projected hotel construction on the Hütteneckalpe would have destroyed another piece of nature. List of Sources: The railway project was only mentioned by Prolraska (History of the bathing resort Bad Ischl1823-1923. Linz 1924. p. 55) - as far as can be seen right now. He used the Ischler Woche, the municipal council minutes of October 8, 1890, but not the sources mentioned in note 7. I. The following relevant files of the Ministry of Commerce are in the traffic archive: 19.236/889 - long. Miller applies for pre-concession for Hütteneck railway. 36.469/889 - Report of the Upper Austria. governorship. 14.709/890-Lng. Miller, submitting the detailed project, applies for the route revision to be ordered. 30.328/890 report of the Upper Austria. Lieutenant's Office for the route revision (the detailed project including all plans and documents are included in this file). 34.615/890 - Prime Minister Graf Taaffe wg. Naming of the railway as Archduchess Marie-Valerie Railway. 39.33 7/890- oö. The governor's office submits a supplementary statement to the court hunting management (the last three HMZI. form a single, otherwise jointly completed bundle of files). 50.558/890 - Inspection file Zl. 4683/890 of the Ministry of the Interior regarding the naming of the railway. 34.199/893 - long. Miller for possible electrification of the railroad. II. 1m 00. Landesarchiv is also a collection of files from the former Upper Austria. Lieutenancy, consisting of the following documents: 7721/889- Department of Commerce for survey of the personal circumstances of the lng. Miller (= settled in HMZI. 19.236/889). 9524/889 - long. Miller presents map of railway project. 10.5001889 - Magistrate of Budapest reports on Miller's personal circumstances (original submitted to the Ministry of Trade, but no longer available in HMZI. 36.469/889). 11.771/889 Gmunden district authority reports on the railway project of the governor's office to the Ministry of Commerce (- HMZI. 36.469/889). 14.504/889 - long. Miller indicates that with the preparatory work the lng. Haas and Klein-Neusiedl were entrusted. 4177/890- Department of Commerce approves extension of deadline for completion of preliminary work (corresponding Department of Commerce act no longer exists in Transport Archive). 8437/890 - Ministry of Commerce issues an order for route revision (= completed in HMZI. 14.709/890). 8454/890 - Gmunden district authority reports on the announcement of the local appointment. 8786/890 - Report of the Upper Austria. Lieutenancy regarding carrying out the route revision (- HMZI. 30.328/890); with the original of the commission report. 10.058, 10.282/890 - travel invoices. 13.385/890- Submission of the court hunting management, original submitted to the Ministry of Trade (- HMZI. 39.337/890). 15.342/890- Ministry of Commerce approves routing (= HMZl30.328/890). In the town archive of Bad lschl there is a fascicle (volume 1 of the general files) with the designation • Eisenbahnkorrespondenz lschl - Salzburg, Schafberg, Hütteneck etc: and the year 1886 written in blue pencil. The fascicle has no special order; some of the letters, notes, etc. are of a private nature, have no log number or entry notes and are mostly addressed to the mayor personally. There is only one undated letter from lng. Miller, whose settlement is not apparent from the documents. From the exhibit protocols and repertories of the years 1889-1891 there is only one statement in the year 1890: 28 I 2/890 Miller, construction company, requests subscription of regular shares. There is no settlement in the log book; the search for the act was unsuccessful. - The municipal council committee minutes are bound in their own books. The two meetings of October 8th and 15th, 1890 deal with the Hütteneckalpe railway. After that, there are no more references in the minutes.