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Reinfalz 02 Der Kaiser Franzens – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1794 – gemeinsam mit Kaiser Leopold – Stollen ( 1. Mai ) Länge : 884 m - 1834 Vortrieb eingestellt – noch 1540 m zur Salzgrenze Seehöhe : 588 m Weiterlesen » 03 Der Kaiser Leopold – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1794 – gemeinsam mit Niederer Kaiser Franzens – Stollen ( 1. Mai ) Länge : 1.800 m Seehöhe : 643 m Weiterlesen » 04 Der Kaiserin Maria Theresia – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1775 am 26. September, unter „merkwürdigen Feierlichkeiten“ Länge : 1.590 m Seehöhe : 680 m Weiterlesen » 05 Der Kaiser Josef Stollen Ursprünglich „Erzherzog Josef – Stollen“ Regierung Kaiserin Maria Theresia, 1740 – 1780 Angeschlagen : 1751 am 26. Oktober, „Feierlich aufgeschlagen“ Länge : 1.195 m Seehöhe : 722 m Weiterlesen » 06 Der Kaiserin Ludovika- Stollen Angeschlagen : 1747 Länge : 1.013 m Seehöhe : 764 m Letzte Befahrung : 5. März 1934 Weiterlesen » 07 Der Kaiserin Elisabeth – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1712 Länge : 750 m Seehöhe : 812 m Weiterlesen » 08 Der Kaiserin Amalia – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1687 Länge : 572 m Seehöhe : 851 m Weiterlesen » 09 Die Bergkirche Erbaut 1751 Weiterlesen » 10 Der Frauenholz – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1610 - am 2. Oktober, aber erst am 22. Juni 1632 Salz angetroffen Verlassen : bis 1745 unterhalten, verlassen um 1848 Länge : 706 m Seehöhe : 880 m Weiterlesen » 11 Der Lipplesgraben Stollen Angeschlagen : 1567 - 1654 schon „mehrentheils“ versotten Verlassen : 1933 Länge : 236 m Seehöhe : 1000 m Weiterlesen » 12 Der Johannes Stollen Angeschlagen : 1725 Verlassen : 1831 Länge : 230 m Seehöhe : 991 m Weiterlesen » 13 Der Kaiser Matthias Stollen Angeschlagen : 1577 Vortrieb 9 Jahre im Kalkgestein Verlassen : 1931 Auflassung beschlossen, am 5.2.1934 letzte Befahrung und Verriegelung der Eingänge Länge : 420 m Seehöhe : 959 m Weiterlesen » 14 Der Neuberg Stollen Angeschlagen : 1586 Verlassen : 1879 ( 1648 ? ) Länge : 994 m ( 834 Stabl bis zum Salz – in Fortsetzung lagen 11 Baue ) Seehöhe : 909 m Weiterlesen » 15 Der Mitterberg Stollen Angeschlagen : 1563 - 25.Juli, seit 1564 Wetter- und Wasserstollen Verlassen : gänzlich verlassen 1689 Länge : 130 m Seehöhe : 886 m Weiterlesen » 16 Der alte Steinberg Stollen Angeschlagen : 1567 Verlassen : Aufgelassen mit Rabenbrunn – Stollen, bald nach 1751 Länge : 902 m ( 658 m im Kalk, 244 m im Haselgebirge ) Seehöhe : 852 m Weiterlesen » 17 Der neue Steinberg Stollen Angeschlagen : um 1715 Verlassen : 1775 beendigte Benützung, dem gänzlichen Einsturz überlassen Länge : 280 m Seehöhe : 862 m Weiterlesen » 18 Der Rabenbrunn Stollen Angeschlagen : 1692 1707 rügte eine Kommission den voreiligen Aufschlag Verlassen : 1739 weitere Betreibung eingestellt , bald nach 1751 verlassen Länge : 1.116 m 1725 bereits 1088 m Vortrieb – erste Salzspuren ! Seehöhe : 800 m Weiterlesen » 19 Die Steinbergsäge Weiterlesen » Please reload

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Overview of the tunnels at the Ischler Salzberg Surname attack length sea level Mitterberg tunnels * Old Steinberg tunnel * Lipplesgraben tunnel Lower water mountain Neuberg tunnel Moosegg Test Gallery * Matthew Stollen Rossmoos test gallery Mitterberg - water tunnel Women's wood studs Amalia Stollen High water mountain Rabenbrunn tunnel * Elizabeth Stollen New Steinberg tunnel * John Stollen Hubkogl test tunnel Test gallery Rehkogl Medium water mountain Ludovika Stollen Joseph Stollen Maria Theresa Stollen Leopold Stollen Franz Stollen Langmoos drainage tunnel Franz Josef Erbstollen 1563 1567 1567 1567 1571 1577 1577 1584 1596 1610 1687 1689 1692 1712 1715 1725 1725 1725 1738 1747 1751 1775 1794 1794 1858 1895 197 938 236 100 1464 364 740 702 1073 40 1000 750 284 487 54 1013 1195 1590 1800 884 57 2860 886 852 1000 1024 909 625 959 894 880 851 1114 800 812 862 991 1030 764 722 680 643 588 503 16 tunnels with salt mining 1 tunnel without salt mining (Franz tunnel, 1794) 5 water tunnels (4 in the Pernecker and 1 in the Lauffner salt dome) 4 test tunnels 26 tunnels opened from 1563 - 1895 (333 years) These tunnels have the "old small salt storage" (Lauffner Salzstock) open minded All details about the Ischler Salzberg and mining in general Grubenriss Ischler Salzberg 1865 The mining managers of the Ischler – Salzberg Hans Khalss 1563 - 1571 (comes from Altaussee) Thomas Kalssum around 1590 Martin Kalss (Martin Khalsen) around 1648 Abraham Wibmerum around 1664 Hans Wibner, Hanns Wimmerum around 1710 Anton Dicklberger 1808 – 1.4. 1838 Franz von Schwind 1.4. 1838 – July 16, 1841 Alois von Rehorovsky 1.12. 1841 – 1.8. 1847 Gustav Knight 1.10. 1848 – September 9, 1849 Kk Hüttenmeister Ritter was born on January 5, 1807 in Aussee as a son of the kk Pfannhausverwalter Josef Ritter born and died on March 27, 1884 in Aussee in his house at Gartengasse 4, still today known as the "Ritterhäusel". After his checkered service - recorded in 1829 as mountain student, he worked in Ebensee, in Ischl, in Hallein, in Hallstatt, he also served in the Galician kk Salinas - he came in 1851 as Hüttenmeister to Aussee. The "Hüttenschaffer" Ritter became known in 1840 when he died introduced desk firing in the construction of a brick kiln with great success. He saved firewood and through the complete combustion of the wood, the salt be obtained purer. In addition to his work, he dealt with current topics, which he recorded in drawings. He is described as a "funny coot" and became more than locally known for his apt joke drawings. Experts referred to him as "Wilhelm Busch von Aussee". Numerous pen drawings also received Anna Plochl, who also valued his art very much. Hüttenmeister Ritter also gave an interesting description of carnival in 1876, in which he finally said: "....Memories of 3 beautiful days, the culmination of a momentous dream, similar to our whole life, where everyone tries to fool the other and to meet the task of finding their way forward by deceiving their neighbor." Albert Hippmann17. 9. 1849-1. 7. 1865 Josef Wallmann July 1, 1865 – July 8, 1865 5. 1873 August Aigner July 1, 1873 – July 1 1. 1884 Karl Schedl January 1, 1884–1. 6. 1898 Robert von Possanner 6/1/1898–1. 4. 1901 Alexander Bretschneider April 1, 1901–1 1. 1909 Josef Griessenboeck1. 2. 1909-18. 11. 1924 Erich Alfred Kubla January 26, 1925 –8. 8. 1925 Franz Pickl January 4, 1926–29. 12. 1926 Julius Rotter January 1, 1927–1 7. 1933 Erich Ressel July 1, 1933 – March 31. 1943 Paul Lepez 1/17/1944-31. 7. 1945 Heimo Mayrhofer January 1, 1946 – June 4, 1956 Friedrich Hampel 1/1/1976 - 7/31/1978 Rudolph Neuhold 1978 – 1988 Gerhard Hirner 1988 - 04/30/1993 Walter Oberth 05/01/1993 Horst Sochor 1994 From May 1st, 1994, the mining companies were merged Altaussee, Hallstatt and Bad Ischl and the probe field for mining Salzkammergut Ernest Gaisbauer 1994 – 2005 Clade Michael from 2005 Sources used: Hollwöger Franz, Ausseer Land, Vienna 1956, page 90 and Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, volume 1, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 375 f. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 2, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 422 f. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 1, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 389. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 1, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 439. Dicklberger Anton, Salinengeschichte, Volume 2, 1817, transcribed by Nussbaumer Thomas, Weitra 2018, page 568. Picture in the Bad Ischl City Museum, ground floor, Salzberg Ischl room. Schraml Carl, Saline History, Volume 1, pages 178, 181, 183. Picture in the Bad Ischl City Museum, ground floor, Salzberg Ischl room. Schraml Carl, Saline History, Volume 2, page 157. Thomanek Kurz, grains of salt, Leoben 2007, page 166.

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Moore: Einzigartige Biotope und Damoklesschwert Moore, water, salt: A relationship with rough edges. Somewhat hidden to the east of the Ischler Salzberg are the high moors of Langmoos and Roßstallmoos , which have been brought out of their "sleeping beauty" by the Austrian Federal Forests with the "Moor Protection Program" in recent years. Although these are not part of the Via Salis network of paths, they were important for the Ischler Salzberg. 1 Location of Langmoos and Roßstallmoos: The two nature reserves Langmoos (2.6 ha) and Roßstallmoos (1 ha) are located 1 and 1.4 km east of the Reinfalzalm. Both moors are high moors that arose in karst depressions. They are supplied by precipitation and are therefore independent of groundwater. The peat layer is up to 6 m thick. Compass hiking map, 2020 2 History of the formation of our moors: In the not too distant past, 20,000 years ago, large glaciers stretched out from the Trauntal into the foothills of the Alps and buried the country under ice. Glaciers were instrumental in creating the conditions that led to the growth of peat bogs in our country. They dug out shallow basins and brought back glacial rubble (the finest rock debris) that was deposited there and formed clays impermeable to water. As a result, the water collected in the pools and various forms of still waters were created, from small ponds to large lakes. When the climate improved about 17,000 years ago, the ice receded and the glaciers disintegrated relatively quickly. Clay-lined hollows with small still waters remained; outside of the formerly glaciated areas gravel, sand and loess-covered terraces. Various mosses, sedges and reeds soon settled in the hollows. The late glacial, still cool climate with low evaporation and high humidity played an important role. Schematic structure of raised bog, ÖBF 3 Moore as a habitat for rare plants and animals Moors are an irreplaceable habitat for many animal and plant species that have become rare today. Quite a few "moor dwellers" are on the Red List, such as the sundew, the cranberry or the dwarf birch. Typical of their fauna are the moor dragonfly and moor frog as well as numerous reptiles such as mountain lizards, adders, butterflies and spiders. Sparrige peat moss, WIKIPEDIA Moor tot bug, WIKIPEDIA Warty peat moss, WIKIPEDIA 4 Moore as a climate protector Moore fulfill the function of CO2 storage very well. Since the plant components do not decompose in the wet, acidic soil, the carbon remains stored. Only when the moors are drained does a decomposition process begin and the positive effect achieved over thousands of years is reversed again. 5 Moors as water reservoirs Bogs can absorb up to 95% of their dry mass in water. During dry periods, they slowly release the stored water. In this way, they contribute to the continuous supply of the springs. When it rains, the moor does not absorb large amounts of water. This fulfilled an important function as flood protection. 6 Moor protection program ÖBF On the occasion of the "Year of Wetlands" proclaimed by the Ministry of the Environment in 1993, the Austrian Federal Forests placed all of their moors under protection. In June 2000, as part of the WWF campaign "Let them live", the ÖBf and WWF signed the cooperation agreement for "active moor protection". According to this, bogs that had been adversely affected in the past primarily by drainage, peat extraction, grazing and afforestation are to be actively renatured. Such as: construction of dams to raise the moor water level in Langmoos. Revitalization of Langmoos, ÖBF Leckenmoos, ÖBF Larch dam in Langmoos, ÖBF 7 The importance of these moors and the surface waters in the Reinfalz area for the Ischler Salzberg: In the 1830s and 1840s, after the Napoleonic Wars and the beginning of industrialization, the need was great. It was the Biedermeier period, monarchical absolutism prevailed. Resignation spread, hunger demonstrations and peasant uprisings shook Austria. And in these difficult times, there was almost a catastrophe on the Ischler Salzberg: The surface waters in the Reinfalzalm area have always been a problem for the salt tunnels below. A lot of attention has therefore already been paid to this fact. But not enough. And so the tragedy took its course: As early as 1739 , a wooden drainage system, which was laid out "between the mountains" (path from Reinfalzalm to Hütteneckalm), was extended to the Reinfalzalm. In addition, as early as 1738, a water tunnel, the Mittlerer Wasserstollen, was laid to drain off freshwater that had already penetrated to the Frauenholzstollen. With little success, as it turned out. It was not until 1769 that the access to the water was successfully contained by the water digging in the Lipplesgraben tunnel. Drainage plan Reinfalz 1854, archive Salinen Austria 1739: Freshwater inrush up to the Frauenholz tunnel, archive Salinen Austria In 1775, 1784, 1793, 1799 and 1805 the wooden drainage system was renewed and expanded again and again. A major repair of the then 2,133.54 m long main and side channels, partly made of slats and partly consisting of wooden channels, was carried out in the years 1830 - 1831 . As can be seen from these years, maintenance was a very expensive one. Therefore, from 1840 onwards, the gutters were made of ashlars . Block channel system Reinfalz April 2020, IGM Restored cuboid gutter "Between the mountains" June 2020, IGM Despite all these measures, it came in 1839 in the Amalia tunnel to massive fractures of the workers Preßel, Schwaiger, Rappan and Baron Sternbach. In 1843 , the water that had broken in as a result of the demise of the workers Erlach, Mohr and Freund had already penetrated the Ludovica tunnel in such large quantities that the lye could soon no longer have been accommodated in the workers who were still available. The entire mining area was endangered! These events and the underground measures are presented in detail under this link: https://www.viasalis.at/amaliastollen . 1839 and 1843 factory declines and water ingress up to the Ludovica tunnel, archive Salinen Austria In order to save the Ischler Salzberg, of course, attempts were also made during the day to regulate all the water that had not yet been controlled. Now the work on the bogs has also started! Main and side drainage ditches were dug in Langmoos . And as mentioned in Chapter 2, the Langmoos is located in a trough. In order to be able to drain the entire tub, a 50 m long drainage tunnel was even built. In the attached plan, it is very nicely marked as a "warm hole" . The name has the following meaning: Quite in the middle of the tunnel, a stepped shaft was surprisingly cut , which shows a natural draft. There is an entrance 255 m below, namely the "Tauernwasserloch". In winter, air draws in below, heats up and steams up in the "Warm Hole" off. The "Warm Hole" was also a research project of the Linzer Höhlenverein for many years. They use the "Lipplesgraben - Hütte" at the Lipplesgraben - tunnel as a base for this. This hut was built in 1892 as a lodging hut for workers maintaining the gully and was used until the 1950's. Plan Langmoos with drainage ditches and drainage tunnel "Warmes Loch" 1860, archive Salinen Austria Entrance Hütterschacht in the "warm hole", archive IGM clean fold ramp In addition to the Langmoos, the Reinfalzschanze was also drained. This field designation, which has now been forgotten, extended to the SW of the Lower Rosenkogel, as can be seen on the following map from 1867. A small digression on the name Schanze: In earlier times, a hill fort meant a field fortification for defense. From the 16th century, the word "schanzen" was generally applied to any kind of earthwork. And therefore probably also on the drainage work SW of the Niederen Rosenkogel. This is probably where the name Reinfalzschanze came from. Drainage plan Reinfalzschanze 1854, archive Salinen Austria Work on the gutter then happened in the years 1890, 1892, 1894, 1896, 1898, 1902, 1904 and 1907. Through all this work on the gutter made of ashlar stones, the same now had a length of 864.7 m with an average width of 0. 45 - 0.50 m. From 1913 to 1919 another 155 m of the wooden gutter were replaced by cement gutters: Plan Rinnwerk Reinfalz 1907, archive Salinen Austria Despite all measures above and below ground, there were also large-scale landslides in the Reinfalzalm area up to the twentieth century , as can be seen on a map from 1933: Archive Salinen Austria 1933 Landslides in the years 1924 / 1925 / 1926 / 1927 / 1931. With marked water ingress into the Wolfen weir (Amalia - tunnel), water ingress into the Streibel weir (Amalia - tunnel), water ingress onto the Neuhauser Kehr (Lipplesgraben - tunnel). Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Geological Federal Institute, sheet 96 Bad Ischl, 2012 Reports of the Bavarian Botanical Society 87: 55-70, 2017 Moor revitalization of the Inner Salzkammergut, ÖBF

14 The Neuberg tunnel Stud Name: "Neuberg - Stollen" as a new uphill climb below the Obernberg - Stollen, the later "Lipplesgraben - Stollen" Struck: 1586 Leave: 1879 Length: 994 m Altitude: 909 m Emperor Rudolph II set up a commission to stop widespread abuses in the chamber property and to ensure the implementation of the provisions laid down in the Reformation - Libelle of 1563. Therefore, in 1586, a mountain inspection was carried out at the Ischler Salzberg. The mining inspection recommended, for the required increase in salt production, the opening of a new tunnel, the Neuberg tunnel. Since the salt could be detected over the entire planned thickness of the mountain through the exploratory digging carried out by Archduke Matthias - tunnel, the tunneling of the Neuberg - tunnel began in 1586. The Neuberg tunnel was already being considered in the north-facing steep terrain of the Mitterberg. This would have made the main shaft much shorter than when driving from the west. The construction of a 300 bar (357.6 m) long section in hard limestone, the difficulty of delivering timber and the construction of a slag heap in the steep terrain were important reasons for starting the exploration from the west. In addition, the required pit and pole wood could be delivered effortlessly from the Steinberg saw. It was also possible to connect inexpensively to the Strehn, which had already been built by Archduke Matthias to drain off the brine extracted in the Obernberg tunnel. In order to speed up the exploration work, in 1589 a counter-construction was initiated from a pit sunk from the Matthias tunnel. However, great difficulties were encountered with this opposing structure, which was located in water-bearing limestone. The tunneling came to a standstill when 160 rods (191.2m) still had to be driven to the point of breakthrough. In 1590 further driving of the opposite building was even supposed to be stopped, but the Ischl mountain championship successfully resisted this. Until the breakthrough, however, the inflowing water and the rock that had been thrown out had to be drawn up into the Archduke Mathias tunnel using a hand reel, which was expensive. Situation of the Schöpfbaue in the Neuberg tunnel around 1654: A total of 11 pumping stations; Eder, Wildenhofer, Wolkenstainer, Daniman, Preuner, Wangner, Hintersteiner, Rossner, Urschenbeck, Lichensteiner and Mondseer or Manser - construction. In the continuation of the Neuberg tunnel - main shaft there were 11 burrows. As early as 1648, the Eder, Wildenhofer, Wolkensteiner, Daniman and Preuner buildings were united under one sky and had 22 rooms (2,490.4m³) of brine content, 11 bars (13.2m) down to the sole of the Neuberg - stollen to dry up. The cut burrows were driven under with a weir furnace in the Frauenholz tunnel, could be emptied via a discharge dam and were referred to as Graf Preuner weir. The Wagner and Hintersteiner buildings were also under the same sky, were prepared for an outlet weir and then combined with the five previous buildings in the Preuner and Raßfeldner weirs. The Roßner - Bau also united with the mentioned buildings in the Preuner and Raßfelner - weir. In 1730 the Graf Preuner weir broke through to the Rassfelner weir in the Frauenholz tunnel. After the now combined Preuner and Raßfellner weir had been provided with new dams in 1733 and new discharge boxes in 1734, it could now be leached up to the Matthias tunnel. To facilitate the cleaning, a cleaning pit was sunk from the Matthias tunnel. In 1744 the Preuner and Raßfellner weir had to be abandoned because it had come dangerously close to the overlying rock. The Preuner and Raßfellner weir then served for some time as an impact work for the Zierler weir located in the St. Johannes tunnel. The Urschenbeck, Lichtensteiner and Mansen The building also stood under one sky, contained 12 rooms (1,358.4 m³) of brine, and could be emptied as a weir with an outlet dam, the Klementen weir, through the Frauenholz tunnel. The Klementen weir was only watered down in the Neuberg horizon and left before 1800. Behind the Manser building there was still a drainage pit down the Frauenholz tunnel. The Neuberg tunnel – main shaft was also driven too far into the footing and had hit fresh water in the limestone air. After water ingress in 1641, a Lettendamm was built, the fresh water was collected and safely guided to the surface in wooden tubes. In 1707, the Neuberg tunnel contained 11 barrages divided into three groups, which were still operated as 3 dam weirs, but not much was to be expected from them. Situation of the weirs in the Neuberg tunnel around 1850: A total of 4 weirs, all pronounced dead around 1850; Seeauer - Weir, Lang - weir, Klementen - weir, Paul Müller - weir. In 1840 the first pit linings were carried out on the Ischler Salzberg in the Ritschner - conversion of the Neuberg - tunnel. Until 1933, the Albrechten conversion, the Ritschner conversion and the Schwind Schurf were kept open in the rear part of the Neuberg tunnel for the drainage path into the lower-lying horizons. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018

23 Pernecker gypsum mining: Gypsum is a very common mineral from the mineral class of " sulfates " (salts of sulfuric acid). It has the chemical composition Ca[SO4]·2H2O and usually develops tabular or prismatic to needle-like crystals , but also granular to massive aggregates . In general, gypsum is colorless or white. However, it can take on a yellowish, reddish, gray or brown color due to the absorption of foreign ions or admixtures of various kinds ( sand , bitumen , iron). Gypsum is a chemically formed “sediment” (deposited rock) that deposits like salt when shallow sea basins dry out. Due to the formation of dolines and sinkholes, gypsum deposits are very easy to recognize, even if they are covered with soil on the surface. After rock salt, gypsum, which is closely linked to it in terms of deposits, is the second most important mining product in the Salzkammergut. Gypsum occurs mainly in the area around Ischl, Goisern and in the Ausseer Land either as a component of the leached salt cap or in the form of independent gypsum sticks, which at a depth of between 30 - 40 m turn into anhydrite, as the anhydrous form of gypsum. The exploitation of the usable types of rock found in the Salzkammergut was mostly left to private activity. It was subject to the approval of the Oberamt, which demanded a modest rent for it. This included, above all, the extraction of gypsum, which was openly exposed in many places in the Ischl district and whose mining and processing had reached a remarkable extent at the end of the 18th century. The Salt Office did not put any difficulties in the way of the gypsum ditch and approved it wherever it did not impair salt mining. It also ensured that the dismantling was carried out in an orderly manner and that the necessary precautionary measures were observed. In most cases, the landowners quarried and processed the gypsum themselves, helping many salt workers to earn a worthwhile extra income. Gypsum quarries initially existed in the vicinity of Ischl in the Schönmanngraben west of Kaltenbach, in Lindau near the Grabenmühle, in the rear Ramsau, in Roith and in the Kiliansgraben under the Jainzenberg, in Sulzbach at the southern foot of the Siriuskogel and in Perneck and Obereck. In 1824 the gypsum diggers on the Hundskogel dug out of a 30 fathom (57 m) long, old mining tunnel. In 1828 further gypsum quarries are mentioned on the Hießeben near Hallstatt, in Zlanbach near Steg and in the Strub in the Goiserer Weißenbachtal. In 1832 the Wildenstein Nursing Office was only able to lease six of the eight advertised gypsum quarries. After the upper layers had been exploited, the operation required a great deal of excavation work and was then only little worthwhile. In 1844, gypsum pits were still in operation in Perneck and in Goisern am Leisling, on Herndlberg and in Wiesleben. Gypsum was also mined at Hütteneck near Goisern, in a deposit discovered in 1839. In 1839 a rock fall had buried the large gypsum quarry in the Strub in the Goiserer Weißenbachtal. In Wienern am Grundlsee, a large gypsum deposit was discovered in 1844 and leased from the Salzamt in the same year. However, this small mining was quickly stopped because of the unfavorable delivery conditions at the time. However, this deposit has been used again since 1952. To date, the Rigips company has been quarrying around 300,000 tons of raw gypsum per year. Gypsum, which found good sales in the ground state above all as a fertilizer, was mined in the Ischl area, especially in Perneck. In 1847 the gypsum pits there were already quite exhausted and further quarrying was no longer worthwhile. It was therefore difficult for the Salzamt to find new leaseholders to continue operating the gypsum pits. In Perneck, gypsum was mined primarily as a side business. The activities were carried out by the farmers themselves and mostly only in the winter months. External workers were used only occasionally. The Kranabitl, Perneck 20 vulgo "Kranerbauer", Gschwandnter, Perneck 14 vulgo "Gschwandtnerbauer" and Schiendorfer families, Perneck 66 vulgo "Schuster" and the Schiendorfer families, Obereck 9, 11 and 16 operated gypsum mining. In order to get to the gypsum, up to 17 m deep opencast pits were dug and tunnels were driven. The lumpy gypsum rock obtained was delivered to the sal ammoniac factory in Nussdorf near Vienna and on to Hungary. The hacking was crushed into fertilizer in a separate gypsum ram located on the Sulzbach. The stamp mill, driven by an undershot water wheel, was equipped with 9 stamps. The building of the gypsum plant, which was in operation until the turn of the century, was demolished in 1944. JA Schultes reported in his "Travelling through Upper Austria" published in 1809 about the Ischl gypsum stamping. 'You can see the plaster stamps, which could be better equipped, as the trade in plaster is not insignificant here. One rams 15 - 16 centners (850 - 900 kg) in one day. The hundredweight of red plaster was worth 22 kreuzer in 1802, the blue 23 kreuzer, the white one being the most expensive, and was worth 24 kreuzer. You need the ordinary for fertilizing. The worker who stands by the rams all day long with his mouth bandaged receives 20 kreuzer.” The gypsum powder from the Pernecker stamp mill was transported to the towns around Lake Attersee by means of ox carts. There it was used as a sought-after mineral fertilizer for clover grass. The teams of oxen needed one day for the outward journey through the Weißenbachtal, and they drove back the next day. From 1852, the Schiendorfer families from Obereck and Perneck leased the "Mühlleitengrund" property for the purpose of gypsum extraction. At the "upper gypsum lacquer" a tunnel led eastwards into the mountain. This tunnel curved and emerged from the slope about 150 m to the south-east. The two tunnel entrances had a taxiway and were still passable up until the time before the First World War, later they were filled in. In the area of the southern tunnel exit, a landslide can still be clearly seen in the terrain. On the upper, western edge of the terrain of the "Mühlleitengrund" you can still see an extensive, about 5 m deep pinge, which indicates an underground mining chamber. In addition, gypsum in this area was extracted in two up to 17 m deep cut-and-cover pits (“lower gypsum coatings” at the soccer field and “upper gypsum coatings”). Over the years, the pits have repeatedly flooded due to flooding from the Sulzbach stream that flows past. Efficient pumps could not be used, so that operations in Perneck had to be abandoned around the turn of the century. In July 1954 there was a major flood in Perneck. Below the Maria Theresia tunnel, a large reservoir had formed due to the tunnel heap. The heap had grown excessively due to the expansion of the Maria Theresia tunnel. During the night of July 8, the entire stockpile slid into the flood-bearing Sulzbach and was swept away. The removed rock material completely filled the upper gypsum coating. With a depth of 17 m and an area of 700 m², the upper gypsum lacquer pit was the largest gypsum pit in Perneck. In the 19th century, gypsum was also quarried in the area around Perneck at the former Steinberg mining area . Gypsum outcrops on the Törlbach near the former "Schaffer saw" and extensive gypsum pinings in the area of the Steinberg tunnels still indicate this extensive mining. Gypsum mining in Obereck was continued by the Schiendorfer family, Obereck 11, in opencast mining and continued until about the First World War. The mining license for this mining was sold to the Linz entrepreneur Josef Flatz and subsequently a tunnel was dug. In 1944, on the basis of a site plan drawn up by Markscheider Rettenbacher, a tunnel was dug to underpass the former opencast mine. The starting point was 25 m lower than the open pit. Russian prisoners of war began driving the tunnel, which was designed to be 3 m wide for double-track mining. Unfavorable rock conditions and a lack of mining knowledge repeatedly led to collapses, so that work came to a complete standstill after around 20 m of advance. In the autumn of 1946 another attack was attempted. The single-track tunnel, now driven with a smaller profile, reached the gypsum block after 185 m. The device and the dismantling could be started. During the first 10 years of operation, the output amounted to an average of 4,000 tons per year. The main customers were the Gmundner cement works Hatschek, which needed gypsum as an additive for cement production. Part of the funding was even sent to the CSSR. The average workforce was 4 workers and 1 employee. In 1955, the "Linzer Handelsgesellschaft", whose sole owner was Lothar Flatz, was awarded the free-digging area including overshares. As a result, both the workforce and the production volume increased significantly. 6 to 8 workers and 2 employees were able to increase the raw gypsum production from initially 500 t/month to 1,000 t/month in the last few years of operation. From 1963, the funding went entirely to the Gmunden cement works Hatschek. The output of the pit was quite different depending on the needs of the Hatschek company, which was subject to economic and seasonal fluctuations. Despite this, the gypsum pit could not cover the raw gypsum requirements of the Hatschek cement works. In 1965, 3 additional Yugoslav guest workers were employed to increase performance. The small amount of deposit substance that remained and the increasing deafness to the depths, which made the construction of another civil engineering project appear to be less than successful, prompted the mine operator to hand over the operating facilities to the Austrian Armed Forces. June 30, 1966 was set as the handover date. As a result, the army built an ammunition store in the foothills of the gypsum deposit. The former civil engineering works were largely filled with jacking heaps. The relocation of the workings above the level of the conveyor tunnel was omitted because of the high costs. The old mine building was only used in exceptional cases, such as for the construction of emergency exits in the area of the old mining tunnel and the ventilation shaft. The amount of raw gypsum extracted during the 20-year life of the Oberecker pit between 1946 and 1966 was around 100 - 120,000 t. From a geological point of view, the Oberecker gypsum ridge, which lies in the course of a Juvavian overthrust zone, is genetically related to the Pernecker salt deposit due to isolated pieces of salt occurring in the gypsum. Due to the mutual distance between the two deposits of around 2 km, however, there is no direct spatial connection. The approximately 40 m thick gypsum body is embedded in red and gray clay slate, which belongs to the Werfen layers of the Neokom. Its strike is approximately east-west. The deposit body dips at 45° to the south. Up to 60 m thick layers of gravel and marl form the hanging wall of the deposit, while salty lattes form the bedrock. The banded raw gypsum rock has a whitish, gray appearance. Anhydrite nodules of irregular size and distribution are embedded in the gypsum body. In addition, one often finds clay - gypsum - inclusions. The transition between the body of the deposit and the outskirts is not sharply demarcated, but is characterized by a gradual increase in barren components. A borehole sunk above the production tunnel encountered red and gray clays at borehole meter 12 after penetrating through blocky moraine debris. Gypsum was applied from drill meter 35 to 43. The bore was stopped at a depth of 62.5 m in the marl. Another well drilled approx. 100 m SE of the gypsum pit encountered chert-bearing siliceous sandstone after a thin layer of moraine debris. The pit's feasibility limit was 70% gypsum content. The average gypsum content of the hewn was 76 to 78%. The only secondary material found was clay, for which there were no sales opportunities due to the low but disturbing salt content. The 185 m long exploration tunnel, which was started on the old Pernecker road at 580 m above sea level and whose axis pointed to the SW, penetrated tectonically disturbed layers of red, gray and black shale and marl. Due to the falling rock, the 1.90 m high and 1.30 m wide tunnel profile had to be completely lined with wood to reach the body of the reservoir. The single-track conveyor track, which had a gauge of 600 mm, had a gradient of 2.4%. At the level of the extraction tunnel, the excavation was initiated as a trend-oriented local construction. Four mining roads were laid in the E – W direction, each 60 m long, 5 – 6 m wide and 2.7 m high. Safety pillars with a width of 3 to 4 m remained between the individual mining roads. 3 mining horizons, each with a floor spacing of 8 m, were created above the production tunnel. The individual excavation horizons were connected by a 48 m long and 40° incline. A 25 m long weather tunnel, the distance of which was 25 m from the hoisting level, formed the 2nd day opening. In the area of the workings and drifts that were driven within the deposit body, no lining had to be brought in. The raw gypsum was obtained by shooting it in and filling it up manually in wooden boxes. The Hunte, equipped with cast-iron wheels, held approx. 1 m³ of heaps. In 1960, the specific consumption of explosives (Donarit I) was 310 g/t of debris recovered. The blast holes were drilled using electric hand drills. The whole mine building was naturally ventilated. The weavers moved in at the extraction tunnel, reached the excavation levels via weather tunnels and weather pits and pulled out again via the weather tunnel. Even in summer, the weather current frequently reversed its direction. Because of the unfavorable weather conditions, the shooting time was shifted to the end of the shift. The heaps won in this way were thrown down onto the hoisting floor via fall rollers, filled by hand in crate hoists with a content of 600 to 800 kg and brought to the surface by gravity. The crushing plant was located at the end of the track after crossing the old Pernecker Street. The heap was tipped from the conveyor hoist into a 10 t intermediate bunker and transferred from there to the crusher, which was installed as a simple jaw crusher for crushing the coarsest pieces of the heap. The mouth width of the discharge side was 32 x 25 cm. The output of the crusher operated with a 17 hp drive motor was 5 t/h. Below the crusher was a 40 t silo. The raw gypsum was transported to the Ischl freight station by 5-ton truck and loaded onto freight wagons by hand. Near the mouth of the tunnel there was a forge, material shed and arrival room. A barracks for 6 men was built at a distance. The buildings, entirely made of wood, were demolished at the beginning of the 1970s. In 1952 the 1st working level was cut. The 2nd excavation level was prepared. The upwardly tapering body of the deposit led to a reduction in the length of the mining road to a few 10 m on the uppermost mining level. When mining the third mining horizon, a borehole was drilled into old burrows that were connected to open-cast mining, and water was thus brought in. Despite the damming of the borehole, the ingress of water could not be completely prevented. A dewatering system had to be installed, which was not necessary in the otherwise completely dry pit. Since 1955, mining has taken place in two mining roads of the 1st underground mine, which was built 8 m below the mine level. The gypsum was mined in civil engineering in sloping chamber structures with a chamber width of 6 m and a chamber height of 4 – 5 m. The protective pillar width was an average of 4 m. The collected debris was removed by pulling up the filled box hoist over a 22° inclined bin level using an electric reel (traction force 1,000 kg, motor power 4 kW) onto the horizon of the extraction tunnel. At the end of 1961, the first civil engineering works were completely dismantled. The entire production was subsequently obtained from the remaining pillars of the production tunnel horizon. As a result of the excellent sales situation of the Hatschek company in the summer of 1962, 1,000 tons of raw gypsum could have been delivered per month. However, due to a lack of workers, the mine could not provide this funding. In the winter of 1962, work was started on the second civil engineering project. With a workforce of 6 workers and 2 employees, the monthly production amounted to around 580 t. The die reached the 2nd level of civil engineering in the spring of 1963. After the start-up of the reel conveyor, work began on the construction of the 2nd level of civil engineering from east to west. 9 workers and 2 employees were able to increase production to 800 t/month. In June 1963 production dropped again to below 600 t/month due to a shortage of workers (4 workers were laid off). The extractable substance had shrunk to 10,000 t in August 1965, with the same construction site size as in the first civil engineering. This corresponded to about one year's funding. In addition, investigations revealed that the deposit was becoming increasingly cloudy as the depth increased. For these reasons, the Oberecker gypsum mine was handed over to the Austrian Armed Forces on June 30, 1966 after mining activities had ceased. Table 1: Promotion of gypsum mining in Obereck (source Montanhandbücher 1953 – 1967) In the years that followed, the Federal Ministry of Defense (BLMV) built the "Perneck tunnel system" as a satellite storage facility for the Stadl-Paura army ammunition facility. In the autumn of 1966, on behalf of the Federal Ministry of Defense, a tunnel under the former Oberecker gypsum mine was struck at Sulzbach - Strub. The road excavations were carried out by a consortium led by the Soravia construction company, which had previously built the road tunnel in Hallstatt. Up to 70 workers, mostly Carinthians, were on duty on the construction site every 10 days. A large concrete mixing plant, a compressor station and a transformer station were built near the Strub. The construction work lasted until 1969. After completion of the installations and facilities, the Stadl-Paura army ammunition facility took over the "Perneck tunnel system". Ammunition was stored in the mostly newly excavated underground chambers. As part of the restructuring of the Austrian Armed Forces, the BMLV sought to sell the tunnel system from 2002. The surface water penetrating the mountains constantly dissolves gypsum, which as a salt of sulfuric acid has good water solubility. Over time, the strongholds of the former gypsum mining chambers were weakened by the dissolving processes and large-scale subsidence and ping formations on the surface followed. Since the BMLV, as the successor to the mining authority, is responsible for protecting the surface of the ground, extensive renovations have to be carried out in the former pit of the gypsum mine. The 3 excavation horizons above the former main extraction tunnel were partly filled with sulphate-resistant lightweight concrete made from expanded clay granules ("Liapor") in order to prevent further subsidence at the surface. Furthermore, half-shells made of concrete were laid in the subsidence area for the rapid drainage of surface water. The former gypsum mine from the 19th century was also sealed. This restoration work continues to this day. Sources used: Reports from the Salzburg Mining Authority regarding gypsum mining in Oberecker from 1952 - 1967 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Joseph August Schulte's "Travels through Upper Austria", Volumes I + II, Tübingen 1809, reprint Linz 2008 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Hans Kranabitl "Oberecker gypsum mining", reporting work Montanuniversität Leoben, Leoben 1983

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Löhne Social – Wages: A comparison with the wages set in the second Libellus of 1563 shows that the daily earnings of skilled miners have remained fairly unchanged, while those of day laborers and other unskilled laborers have increased by about 50%. It can be seen that under the pressure of economic hardship the government had to at least boost the wages of the lower classes to keep them viable and able to work. However, the wages of the salt workers were still very meager. Employment conditions in the rest of Upper Austria were significantly more favorable. A journeyman and a day laborer earned a good 50% more than a salt worker. It should not be overlooked that the salt workers enjoyed many benefits in addition to their wages that were unknown outside of the Kammergut. They were exempt from military service and from military billeting, paid no taxes or levies unless they were homeowners, they had free medical treatment in the event of illness and constant care in old age. Covering the demand for bread grain was one of the most important tasks of the Salt Office, which was authorized in times of rising prices to sell it to relatives below cost price. The livestock production of an entire district, the Hofmark with the Viechtau, served exclusively to supply meat to the Kammergut, the meat prices were set by the authorities and the butchers were supported with subsidies so that they were able to maintain these prices even in expensive times. The salt workers did not have to worry about the future of their sons, even in the first half of the 18th century every able-bodied farmer found appropriate income. The low-wage miners often only worked short shifts and thus had the opportunity to earn an extra income. By enfeoffing infangs (peripheral parcels) and allocating timber, the government encouraged the development of extensive smallholdings. The purchase of firewood was free for all employees. The miners in Ischl were paid much better than those in Hallstatt, so their economic situation was more favourable. Unfortunately, the reasons for the unequal treatment of the two companies could not be derived from the documents used. This difference is all the more striking as the other provisions of the Mining Code are the same for both salt mines. Around 1690 the administrative offices in Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee had an excessively high number of men. Not only did they take in far too young workers aged 12 to 15, but also immigrant workers from other countries. In the Kammergut everything was trying to find accommodation in the imperial service. The salt office did not cause any difficulties, on the contrary, its applications for commissions, grace money, alms, doctor's wages, educational contributions, etc. were "tardy, light and unfounded, written according to whim". Commissions were requested for people who were not entitled to them. Instead of flatly refusing requests, the officials even supported the parties in doing so. The officials wrote the submissions for commissions themselves and thus acquired a considerable additional income. The number of old-age pensioners was also unnaturally high, because the workers took early commissions to make room for their sons or to sell the vacant position to a third party. At the end of the 17th century, state finances were in particularly bad shape, and going into debt became the norm. In order to satisfy the empire's financial needs, the income from taxes was no longer nearly enough, even for the operation of the salt works in the Kammergut there was sometimes a lack of cash. Going into debt had become the norm in Austria in order to get over the current shortage of money. The workers drew their wages at the weekend and the Salt Office had no greater concern than to send the Weeding Office the necessary cash for the payday. But he didn't always succeed, sometimes people had to return home empty-handed on Saturday because no money had come from Gmunden. In 1693 the Kammergutarbeiter sent an emergency cry to the Court Chamber for grain; In Ebensee, Ischl and Hallstatt there was hunger and dysentery, the pans could no longer be operated, the deteriorating coinage had devalued the money. The buyers, shipwrights and Stadlinger (shipmen) who worked in the manufacturing sector suffered even more than the imperial workers. In a petition written to Ischl, they complained that they had nothing left on their bodies and nothing to eat, in Laufen some had already died of hunger and the rest were about to emigrate with their wives and children and go begging. The finishers were also impoverished and could no longer pay them their wages. The year 1696 was one of the saddest in the eventful history of the Salzamt. The Hofkriegszahlenamt claimed all of his receipts for itself. The shortage of money was also so bad because the sales of salt fell noticeably as a result of the rapid succession of price increases in favor of smuggling. The Salzamtmann had to find outside money, which could no longer be obtained at an interest rate of 6 percent, in order to be able to secure the grain deliveries to the Kammergut. The financial crisis lasted until 1703; they feared national bankruptcy and the loss of good faith among the people. All available means were necessary to maintain the empire and the army, and yet the payment of interest from the Salt Office could not be omitted. The emperor himself urged the salt office to send money to Gmunden so that the Gmunden office could pay the interest and pay the workers. With the intention of increasing the number of people needed for salt work in the Kammergut, the sovereigns had favored the founding of families by allocating fiefdom, helping to build houses and granting a dowry. By the end of the 17th century, this goal had not only been reached, but also exceeded; the supply of workers had outstripped the need. Marriage was no longer made so easy for young people and required the consent of the salt clerk; this only had to allow marriage to one or the other "busy and caring" worker. The allocation of infants (peripheral plots) was stopped, and the construction of new residential and farm buildings was made more difficult because there was no longer a particular desire to start families and there was every reason to limit the use of timber and to protect the forests. From 1709 onwards, the construction of workers' houses was only approved on the condition that they were made of brickwork and that the wood required did not come from imperial forests. A main inspection of the salt office ordered in 1733 under the direction of Count Starhemberg was to investigate and eliminate these abuses. The perception was made that “almost the entire crowd there insists on it and proposes that everyone should be appointed ex ärario, so to speak, because the young people of both sexes no longer go into private service, neither learn a trade, but want to get married early . Instead of them only foreign servants were kept and many foreign people were bred into them and the chamber estate was therefore overpopulated.” The Salt Office was instructed to encourage young people to do other than salt work, to remove immigrant strangers from the country, to restrict marriages, and to give stubborn elements to the soldiers. The appointment of Johann Georg Freiherr von Sternbach as Salzamtmann in 1743 marked the beginning of a new era. Sternbach intervened firmly in the administration of the Salzamt. The greatest and most difficult task was to reduce the excessively swollen labor force to economically justifiable proportions. So far, all the instructions and orders from the court authorities had remained fruitless because the officials knew what tremendous resistance they would unleash and had neither the courage nor the will to take up the inevitable fight The workers, alarmed by the action of the Salzamtmann, sent deputations to Vienna to prevent the threatened dismantling, but found little to meet them. Laid-off workers who, because of their age or family, could neither move nor earn an income elsewhere received maintenance payments. The unmarried boys who could not be used for salt or wood work and who were expendable joined the military. The recruitment of residents of the Salzkammergut violated the age-old statute that they should be exempt from any service. The seriousness with which the layoffs and other austerity measures were carried out aroused the most violent resistance from the workers. This led to riots in Ebensee. Officials were physically attacked and injured. Ischl forest workers tried to regain their old rights by going on strike. In order to give Sternbach's measures the necessary emphasis, 300 infantry and 30 men on horseback were sent to Gmunden under the command of a sergeant. The movement had become dangerous because the majority of senior officials, who disliked Sternbach's harsh actions, sided with the workers and encouraged them. The bourgeois circles, on the other hand, especially the salt manufacturers, were worried about the workers' unrest because they feared that their trades would be disturbed and they could not know what extent the unrest would become. A commission of inquiry was set up to urge the continuation unchanged of the measures introduced by Sternbach and approved by the government, and proceeded with the greatest severity against all who opposed them. Most of the participants in the uprising quickly showed remorse and there was no fear of a repeat of the unrest. Complaining officials were questioned by the commission of inquiry without involving the salt official. Their verdict was devastating for the applicants. Without exception, the commission found all objections to be unfounded, incorrect, impudent and of such a nature that the ignorance and negligence of the informants was proven and one was completely convinced of their recalcitrance. With this report, the fate of the complainants was decided, they were dismissed from the service. After the suppression of the workers' uprising and the removal of his most dangerous opponents, Sternbach was able to continue and consolidate his reform work undisturbed from 1744 onwards. Until 1753, the salt workers were regularly paid their wages on Saturdays after the weekly raitung (weekly payroll). In 1753, Salzamtmann Sternbach introduced four-week wage payments to save on paperwork and clerical work, and in the meantime gave the workers official slips with which they could buy from the millers and other tradespeople on Borg. The workers, whose economy had always been based on weekly pay, fought back and persuaded the investigative commission present to quickly withdraw Sternbach's decree. The closer it got to the turn of the century, the greater the need in the Kammergut and the more dissatisfied the workers, whose wages had remained almost unchanged for 80 years. A commemorative document written in 1797 by the spokesmen of the Hallstatt workers and presented to the Court Commission in Gmunden was extremely sharp in tone and openly expressed the ferment among the workers. The mountain carpenter Josef Pfandl, spokesman for the deputation at Count Aichold, said that the revolutionary ideas coming from France were fulfilled: "Things will be the same here in France as in France and in Vienna things are already going so well that no citizen would look at His Majesty pay more attention". The commission, outraged by Pfandl's language, found the authors guilty of defamation and attempted sedition and handed them over to the courts for trial. Pfandl was imprisoned in Ort near Gmunden for 388 days before he managed to escape. He then wandered erratically abroad and in November 1800 applied to Vienna for permission to travel home. At the request of the Court Chamber, which knew that the entire workforce was committed to him, the Emperor complied with his request. In the course of the 18th century the salaries of civil servants increased only partially and not significantly. The low wage increases have also permanently lost value due to the introduction of paper money alongside the metallic currency. In 1761, bank notes were first put into circulation as paper money. The people weren't happy about it. Paper currency declined sharply between 1808 and 1810. As a result, the need for the staff increased. In the years 1808 and 1809 the printing press printed more and more paper money, by 1810 this had almost completely replaced cash. On December 11, 1810, Austria stopped cash payments entirely, the bank notes were confiscated and replaced by redemption slips, which, however, only had 1/5 of the previous nominal value. Finally, in 1816, the rebuilding of the Austrian monetary economy began with the establishment of the National Bank. This alone was entitled to issue banknotes and obliged to redeem the current bill money. The wages of the miners were anything but good, mainly because of the devaluation of the currency. The management of their small estates was therefore a necessity in order to be able to provide themselves with the most important staple foods. On the other hand, working in the mountains offered a basic income that made it easier for the miners to survive times of crisis than other occupational groups – agricultural or non-agricultural – whose existence was often threatened by price fluctuations or crop failures. It was this system of "safe poverty" that made working in salt mines so popular. Austria's struggle against Napoleon required the utmost exertion of all forces and suppressed all other considerations. The imperial patent of October 25, 1804 granted exemption from military service only to executives and the most distinguished workers in the mines. With the strict application of this regulation, the Salt Office would have had to stop all operations that were not allowed to be interrupted because of the salt supply of the Reich. The Salzamt and the Verwesämter were constantly trying to get their people free from the Assentierung (conscription), but the recruitment commission instructed by the Hofkriegsrat made no exception for the Kammergut and called up 183 men from the Kammergut for the position in July 1805. After an objection from the Salzamt, the recruiting commission held back only 41 men from the Kammergut. The period of French rule from 1809 onwards was downright catastrophic for the salt industry. The income from the sale of salt in the country flowed into the coffers of the enemy intendancy, so the salt office could neither pay the wages of the salt workers nor procure the food they needed to feed themselves. During the summer months of 1809, Hallstatt workers waited seven weeks for their wages. Hundreds of them marched in front of the office building in Lahn and threatened to take the salt from the stacks as payment if help didn't come soon. A total of around 5,000 workers were probably employed in the salt industry around 1820. This number was already reduced by 1,058 men in 1825. In 1832, only 3,858 men served in the salt industry, 741 of them in Ischl. In 1851 the ministry set the peak of stable laborers at 3,739 men. The misery of the many dismissed workers was great, so their urge to be accepted back into the service of the salt office was understandable. The offices had to suffer a lot from the onslaught of job seekers and it was difficult to always make the right choice. In 1820, in addition to a shift wage of 45 Kreuzer, a worker also received farm grain and lard in exchange for the old limit price (purchase price). From 1829 onwards, in order to be able to continue operations without problems in the event of major sick leave, military conscription or temporary additional demands, for example due to construction work, the administrative offices were forced to take on temporary interim workers (temporary workers) beyond the normal status of permanent workers. The negotiations with the Oberamt led to a separation of the workers into three groups: 1. Stable workers entitled to commission and enjoying provisions (“full workers”). 2. Stable and commission-eligible workers without provisions ("incomplete workers"). 3. In non-permanent workers without a right to commission and provisions (“interim workers”). The winter of 1847 increased the misery of the workers to an unbearable level. The people sold their livestock, got into debt, couldn't get flour from the millers in advance, lost their strength and didn't have enough to clothe themselves. In January 1848, the Hofkammer began working out a new wage system that was intended to bring the workers a significant improvement in their income. The workers had always been used to bringing their wages home at the end of each week. In 1823, the court chamber wanted to introduce monthly payment to save on a lot of paperwork, but gave up due to the great resistance of the workers and finally stuck with the fortnightly payment. In 1848 the old wish of the working class for the reintroduction of weekly pay was fulfilled. For the payment of wages, it was customary for the clerk responsible for compiling the wage list to collect the necessary money from the till and for the foremen to make the payment. But no master was allowed to pay off his own staff. In order to be safe from fraud in shift calculations, the Hofkammer transferred this business to the cashiers in 1824. In 1848, the Court Chamber set the 48-hour week for all miners equally and wanted to break it down into six eight-hour shifts. However, she only found the approval of the Ausseer miners, while those in Hallstatt and Ischl insisted on the six-hour pit shift that had been granted to them in 1771. Mining lasted from Monday to Friday, leaving Saturday free for chores around the house. If the office needed farmhands, it encouraged marriages by providing marriage money, giving birth and giving away wood for building houses free of charge. When the fruits of economic policy had ripened and there were too many job seekers, the Oberamt again restricted marriages and denied the workers the necessary marriage permits. Maria Theresa's reforms had deprived the Salzamt of being able to enact marriage bans by legal means. Hofrat Schiller was faced with the hard and difficult task of not only adapting the excessive number of men to actual needs, but also of proceeding more strictly with the marriage permits that had previously been granted indiscriminately. In spite of the legal freedom to marry, the Oberamt still had effective means of discouraging the younger workers from marrying. It was within the power of the Salt Office to tie new marriage permits to the renunciation of the family grain. From 1830 onwards, the Oberamt denied marriage permits to all workers who were not yet eligible for a commission and had therefore not yet completed their eighth year of service. In addition, it no longer allowed them to receive the family grain. These measures, but especially the loss of the family grain, kept young people from getting married early, and by 1843 the number of marriage applications had already fallen sharply. A decree issued by the Emperor in December 1848 ordered leniency for sentences not yet executed and the termination of investigations. Furthermore, the reintroduction of the family grain, the reduction of the pasture interest by half, the reduction in the price of wood for the needy and the abolition of the long-service work. These government concessions were able to satisfy and reassure the workers. There was no real uprising movement in the Kammergut, but fears of such a movement prompted the authorities to take some precautionary measures. The Saline Ebensee had set up a fire station for a short time. A section of the National Guard had taken up position in Ischl. In October 1848, due to a shortage of firearms, the Board of Directors of the National Guard asked the Oberamt for the production of 120 pikes and for a contribution to the uniforming of the poor guards from the working class. The government had no objection to the production of pikes in the Ebensee court smithy, the salt works actually supplied the National Guard with 60 pikes. But she refused the uniform expenses, the workers should fall back on the funds of the brother shop. The long period of war, with its insatiable demands on men fit for arms, had eliminated the old privilege of the salt workers, who had also become conscripts and were subject to military laws. In November 1818, 124 men from the Kammergut were drafted to Kremsmünster for recruitment. In 1819, 168 Landwehr men from the Kammergut were ordered to move into Vöcklabruck for a fourteen-day weapons exercise and examination. It was important to the Salzamt to exempt people from military service who were indispensable for the company or who were difficult to replace. In response to their ideas, a joint commission consisting of representatives of the district office, the salt office and the military district command came together in 1820 to determine the categories desired for military liberation. According to this agreement, 1,385 of a total of 5,530 employees were to be released from military service for a limited period of time. Up until the 19th century, the salt workers in the Kammergut received “limito provisions”, a certain amount of grain and lard that could be purchased at fixed, reduced prices. This cheaper way of passing on food had made a significant contribution to alleviating the social hardship of the miners, especially in times of crisis, when the price of food rose sharply. On the other hand, even in the 19th century, the basic wages of salt workers were always below those of qualified factory workers. The system of "secure poverty" continued into the 19th century: working as a stable miner or salt worker was secure employment even in times of crisis, but cuts in pay had to be accepted. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

Projekt Zahnradbahn aufs Hütteneck The project of a cog railway to the Hütteneckalpe near Bad Ischl Figure 1: Hütteneckalm rack railway, probable route, Google Maps, Franz Kranabitl Figure 2: A "typical" railway from that time: Gaisbergbahn, built in 1887, photo taken around 1890, from Harrer "Gaisbergbahn" Figure 3: Hütteneckalm, Dachstein view, around 1950 By Friedrich Wilhelm Kremzow, Upper Austrian homeland sheets 1987 The Hütteneckalpe is located in the Salzkammergut at the foot of the Hoher Raschberg on a saddle between the Zwerchwand and Kleberwand at an altitude of 1,240 m. You can climb it both from Bad lschl and from Bad Goisern. If you choose the ascent route from Bad Ischl, the path usually leads via Perneck, the lschler Salzberg and the Reinfalzalm. From Bad Goisern the ascent takes place - past the villages of Lasern and Riedeln - usually through the Stambachtal. Since a chairlift leads to the high-lying village of Wurmstein, you can reach the Hütteneckalpe on a comfortable hiking trail, which has its starting point at the mountain station of this chairlift and touches the Roßmoosalm . Due to its favorable location, the Hütteneckalpe is one of the easiest vantage points to reach in the Salzkammergut region south of Bad lschl. To the south, the view extends from Lake Hallstatt to the peaks of the Dachstein massif, to the east you can see the still untouched Landscape of the Rettenbach valley and the plateau of the Dead Mountains. If you turn to the west, the wide expanse of the Traun Valley near Bad Goisern opens up to the viewer, while the Hoher and Niederer Kalmbergs limit the horizon. Already in the early days of the spa town of Bad lschl (i.e. before 1848) the Hütteneckalpe seems to have been a popular destination; at that time they were probably climbed almost exclusively from Bad lschl. It had become all the more popular with tourists since the imperial family regularly spent the summer in Bad lschl. The Hütteneckalpe was also a favorite destination of Empress Elisabeth, who visited this area several times. This excellent vantage point of the Salzkammergut was now the subject of a railway project, which has since been forgotten, but which seems worth discussing in more detail; only the local likes it - and he railway historians have a professional interest. The motives for the construction of such a mountain railway can no longer be deduced from the files and documents that have been preserved. However, some conclusions can be drawn from the time when the project was to be carried out, the year 1890. At that time, the project planning and construction of the Salzkammergut local railway from Salzburg to Bad lschl and the mountain railway to the Schafberg had just started. It is therefore understandable that - due to the economic situation - an interest in the construction of other mountain railways in the Salzkammergut has arisen. It is also worth mentioning that the initiator of this railway project also dealt with a plan for a Schafberg railway, but obviously did not get a chance here. Ultimately, it should be noted that the expansion and development of the railway network in Austria was in full bloom at the time, which was not only due to the construction. but also the project planning, later of course not executed railway lines is proven. It is not without significance for understanding the fate that befell the cog railway project on the Hütteneckalpe. First of all, to briefly outline the legal basis under which a railway could be built at that time. In 1890, the railway concession law of September 14, 18548 was still in force in Austria. This law required special permits for the construction of a railway, namely one for carrying out the preparatory work (§ I Para. 2 lit. a. of the law) or the concession for the installation of the railway itself (§ 1 Para. 2 lit. b. of the law). By approving the preparatory work, the concession applicant only obtained the right under § 4 of this law to carry out the preliminary surveys for the future construction of the planned railway and the necessary surveying and leveling work on the spot in nature at his own expense. This right expired six months after the approval was granted. It should be explained here that an extension of this deadline was once requested for the present railway project. A special privilege to be granted a concession to build the railway line in question, let alone an exclusive power, was not obtained through the granting of such a permit. Finally, in order for the concession to be granted, it was necessary, according to Article 5 No. 3 of the Act, to demonstrate how the funds required for the execution of the project were to be raised. This provision was also alluded to in the last official settlement of this project on October 14, 1890; the lack of funds was ultimately also the reason why no concession was granted at all. According to § 2 of the ordinance of January 25, 1879, the actual concession procedure began with the submission of a detailed project, to which, among other things, situation plans, cost estimates and a technical report explaining the planned railway construction had to be attached. If the project submitted then proved to be executable, the then competent Ministry of Trade had to order the so-called route revision (this was carried out in the case of the project discussed on June 28, 1890). This revision was carried out by an ad hoc commission, which included representatives of the state authorities, the General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways and the municipalities involved. Their task was to check whether the proposed railway project could also be carried out under natural conditions. Only on the basis of the results of the track revision did the Ministry of Commerce decide on the admissibility and building worthiness of the railway in question and was able to discuss the conditions under which a concession could be acquired (in the present case this decision was the subject of the last official decision on October 14, 1890 ). If the concession was granted, the railway line could be laid out in detail in nature and then the political inspection could be carried out (§ 13 of the aforementioned ordinance). Its purpose was, on the one hand, to determine the extent of the necessary expropriation and, on the other hand, to examine the project from the point of view of public interests. After the inspection, the Ministry of Commerce then issued the construction consent that was required for the actual construction work to begin (Section 19 of the aforementioned ordinance). On May 6, 1889, engineer Eduard Miller submitted an application to the Ministry of Commerce for a "preliminary concession for a local railway with a mixed system from the right bank of the Traun near Ischl to the Dachstein view on the Hütteneckalp e". The Ministry first sent this request to the Upper Austrian Lieutenancy in order to ascertain the personal circumstances of the applicant and to procure an overview map from which the planned line design could be seen. The Upper Austrian governor's office carried out these surveys and then presented Miller's application with a report dated August 22, 1889, noting that in their opinion there were no objections to the granting of the preliminary concession. Her report was accompanied by a report by the Budapest magistrate on Miller's personal circumstances and statements by the Bad Ischl community council and the Gmunden district authority, which unfortunately have not survived in the ministry files. This is to be regretted because the report of the Budapest magistrate would have been the only determinable source for a more detailed assessment of the applicant. The Ministry of Commerce also obtained the opinion of the Ministry of the Interior and the Reich Ministry of War, which, however, also raised no objections to the railway project, and then finally granted the requested approval on October 13, 1889 to carry out technical preliminary work for a local railway with a mixed system from the right bank of the Traun lschl to the Dachstein view on the Hütteneckalpe within the meaning of the Railway Concession Act of September 14, 1854 ... for a period of six months ... Ing. Miller then began the necessary surveying work on site in 1889, since he obviously intended to start construction work as early as the next year. As can be inferred from a note in the "Ischler Wochenblatt" dated December 8, 1889 , the trace should ... from a point yet to be determined on the right bank of the Traun via Reiterndorf along the Perneckerstraße on the eastern slope of the Brunnerberg (Groß- or Hochleiten) The trail crosses the Sulzbach stream above the Rosa waterfalls and, climbing up the south-western slope of the Mitterberg, reaches the Reinfalzalpe, in order to end on the Hütteneckalpe on the path marked out there by the terrain conditions. The unnamed author also reported that the previous recordings had yielded an unexpectedly favorable result, since "the roadbed can be built without the aid of large, costly engineering structures ", and then concluded his article with the words: " Hopefully next spring will not be too long in coming wait and allow the weather conditions to start work again soon, so that the original intention of the gentleman concessionaire can come true, to go to Hütteneck in the autumn of 1890. The project meets with general sympathy in the widest circles and certainly deserves it from the local population Support as a company that specifically promotes local interests". In the meantime, Ing. Miller was already working on a detailed project, after the Ministry of Commerce had extended the deadline granted at the time by another three months on March 17, 1890. Finally put lng. Miller presented a detailed project to the Ministry of Trade, which first obtained a statement from the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways. In their statement of May 20, 1890, the project is described as suitable for execution and then executed: "The starting point of the approx. 7.7 km long track is projected on the right bank of the Traunf1usse next to the railway bridge and will be discussed by the high representative when the traces are revised, whether a more suitable, i.e. more easily accessible place next to one of the Road bridges over the Traun could be substituted. " Then it says with regard to the technical proposals in the detailed project: "The minimum radius of the arches is projected to be 100 m for both sections. There is no objection to the above-mentioned installation conditions, and the width of the substructure in the embankment chosen at 3.5 m also appears corresponding. In contrast, the projected width of only 3.3 m The substructure width in the incisions should be increased to 3.5 m in order to have enough space on both sides of the train for evasion either the usual Riggenbach splint or the two-lamella Abt gear rack can be implemented, depending on the price conditions being determined." The General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways commented on the financing of the project: "The proposed construction costs of 750,000 fl effective in total, that is approx. 97,400 fl per km. do not contain any items. for intercalar interest and reserve funds. With regard to the execution of this railway, which has not yet been made completely clear in several points, the assessment of the preliminary construction sum will not be included for the time being and the production of a corresponding cost figure will be reserved for a later point in time." length With regard to the financing, Miller had calculated a capital requirement of 750,000 fl., his summary cost estimate consisted of the following individual items: 1. Preparatory work and construction supervision 20,000 fl 2. Basic Redemption 25,000 fl 3. Earthworks 190,000 fl 4. Ancillary works, retaining and lining walls 60,000 fl 5. Art structures 55,000 fl 6. Ballast and superstructure laying 45,000 fl 7. Superstructure 150,000 fl 8. Building construction 50,000 fl 9. Miscellaneous 25,000 fl 10. Vehicle fleet 130.000,- f1 In view of this statement, the Ministry of Commerce entrusted the Upper Austrian governorship with the revision of the route by decree of June 4, 1890. As can be seen from the technical report , the detailed project envisaged the execution of a mixed local railway system with a gauge of 1 m. It then goes on to say: "The same is adhesion railway with a length of 2,333 m and with the maximum gradient of 22.67%o and cog railway with a length of 5,390 m with a maximum gradient of 18O%o. The total length is therefore 7,723 m. The minimum radius would be 75 m. Particularly noteworthy would be that all stops and the shunting yard are in the adhesion section, so ordinary switches and crossings are sufficient.The terrain to be cut through by the railway consists largely of limestone, while clay slate with marl occurs on the east side of the Mittelberg, which is why the trace had to be led along the western leaning of the same, which line, however, was longer is, however, landslides are avoided. There is only one larger structure across the Sulzbach at Pfl. 40 + 33; large not because of the span, which is only 4 m, but because of the height of 11 m. Only one railway station is planned, namely near Reitterndorf, where the official apartments, accommodation for the staff, locomotive depot and water station are planned. - At Ischl, a stop with a waiting hall and room for an official is necessary, but no points. - There are also stops, each 80 m long, at Perneck and on the Reinfalzalpe with double tracks and two points each. The terminus of the train is the Hütteneckalpe, where a hotel is being built. The stops are connected to each other and to the shunting station and hotel by telephone." The Upper Austrian governor's office set the date for the route revision as June 28, 1890. The hearing took place in the town hall. At the beginning, the representative of the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways suggested - as already mentioned above when reproducing their expert statement - to move the starting point closer to one of the existing bridge crossings over the Traun, with which the concession applicant agreed. On the part of the state forest administration ( the projected railway line was to be routed through state forest property for a length of approx. 5.25 km) no objection was raised to the railway project, but it was asserted: "It goes without saying that the management of that railway and/or after completion of the construction, the bringing of the forest products in individual parts of the forest, especially in the aerarian Kufbergwalde, is made more difficult insofar as the wood, which stands above the railway trace, can only be delivered at great cost. The request is therefore made, that on that route suitable devices, which make it possible to bring the wood, are already laid out when the railway is laid at the expense of the company in agreement with the forest authority Mitterberg, Geigenthal and Eisenerz., then Zwischenbergen, towards Hütteneck, mostly a b existing timber transport route, which serves to deliver forest products in winter. Since this transport route must be maintained, the company would have to build a suitable transport route along the railway track at its own expense, according to the forest authorities. Incidentally, it is noted that the kk Forstaerar lodged a deposit against any replacement performance expected from the title of the wood delivery or for any other reason from the outset and the express request is also made that the kk Forstaerar be acquitted of any compensation payment and the railway to carry out the bank protection and other security structures required for one's own security at one's own expense without forestry competition." The statement of the Imperial and Royal Hunting Line is interesting. Although the practice of hunting in state-owned forests was the Emperor's personal condition and it was pointed out "that the management of the railway would damage the hunt in them, because experience has shown that the game leaves such parts of the forest as a result of the prevailing unrest" , it was nevertheless opposed to the Execution of the track itself did not raise any objection, but merely made a reservation regarding any claims for compensation. The representative of the salt works administration did not raise any objection to the execution of the railway project, but said that mining should not be adversely affected by the railway construction and operation. Finally, the representatives of the AH. Finally, the "Commission's report" on the railway project says: "1. Regarding the statement by the representative of the kk Forest and Domain Directorate in Gmunden, it cannot be ignored that the execution of the projected trace will make it more difficult to bring the forest products out of the Aryan forests. However, it will be the subject of the political inspection to consider how this aggravation can be counteracted as far as is practical As far as the comments made by the representative of the kk Forstaerars regarding the compensation for bank protection and other security structures are concerned, the official provisions existing in this case will apply Regarding the remark made by the representative of the Imperial and Royal Hunt Management that the projected track would significantly reduce the value of the very highest huntability, it should be remembered that based on the experience made, this fear does not appear to be justified! and that it is up to the construction company will, in this case, with de r kuk court hunting management to settle 2. The requirements of the representatives of the kk Salinenärars generally appear to be based on the existing laws, but it will also be up to the political inspection commission to consider to what extent the requirements made must be taken into account. 3. With regard to the concerns raised by the representative of the Imperial and Royal Directorate General of the Austrian State Railways regarding the variant at the starting point of the Localbahn in Ischl, the following must be noted: As far as the fear of a close contact between the two railway tracks is concerned, the justification of the same will only be determined after submission of the Detailprojectes a final report can be made. However, insofar as the present situation and the variant drawn in blue paint give a picture of the future station layout, the two railway bodies should be far enough apart from each other. As far as the intended expansion of the existing lschl station is concerned, the space that is envisaged for this, according to the representative of the Imperial and Royal Directorate General of the Austrian State Railways, is hardly sufficient, since this area lies between the existing railway bridge and the tunnel has a length of 200 m and, by the way, the track there is in a strong curve. On the other hand, an extension of the projected station system of the Localbahn will not be necessary at all in the foreseeable future. – The question regarding an extension or relocation of the station facilities of the state railway cannot be the subject of today's discussion at all. 4. No objection was raised by interested parties against the projected trace taken into negotiation, nor against the projected stations and stops, and the Commission therefore advocates that the concession negotiations should be initiated on the basis of these negotiations and the assigned project. As far as the variant discussed by the representative of the kk General Inspectorate is concerned, with the exception of the representative of the kk General Directorate of the Austrian State Railways, all other interested parties agree with it and the Commission also unanimously endorses it, especially apart from those already mentioned by the Commission For the reasons given, the fears of signal interference expressed by the Designated Agent appear unjustified after the applicants have considered the establishment of a telephone line." On July 13, 1890, the "Ischler Wochenblatt" also reported on the result of the route revision. After describing the negotiations, the report continues: "Meanwhile the staking of the approved line has already begun and in the direction towards Perneck you can see white poles with red and white flags everywhere, which mark the trace. Now that this railway matter has taken another step forward, we hope that construction could begin this fall.As far as profitability is concerned, it is undoubtedly the same if we consider similar, already existing railways in Austria, not to mention Switzerland, especially with the one to be expected due to the cheap tariff rates great tourist traffic, which will be significantly increased by the imminent expansion of the direct lschl-Salzburg line.We take it for granted that the community of Ischl and the neighboring communities will support the undertaking in every direction and that the papers later submitted for subscription will be excellent system are welcome." The day before, the report from the Upper Austrian governor's office dated July 5, 1890 on the result of the route revision had reached the Ministry of Commerce. The ministry first obtained a statement from the General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways. In the meantime, the detailed marking out of the railway line took place, and lng. At the same time, Miller began to seek funding for his railroad project. A report in the "Ischler Wochenblatt " of September 21, 1890 provides information about this as well, which states, among other things: "The detailed stakeout work for this railway is now almost completely finished, so that the necessary plans for submission to the political inspection can be completed in the course of the winter. The political inspection commission should take place at the beginning of next spring, but it is necessary to regulate the financial question at the same time. Above all, it is in the interest of the municipality of lschl to contribute as much as possible to the realization of the project, because lschl must strive, because the spa has to withstand the competition from all sides, to add artificial attractions to the natural ones(!). but unfortunately lschl is not one of the most prosperous elite bathing resorts, as we have heard, the concessionaire Mr. Engineer Miller made the following suggestion to make it easier for lschl to be able to lay the financial foundation for the railway and to enable the concessionaire to continue developing Mr. Miller wants namely that the community for 50,000 fl shares accept the five-percent interest guarantee and continue to contribute the very modest amount of 500 fl to purchase the 50,000 fl; with this small sum, interest would be calculated on interest, the shares would be purely the property of the community in about 50 years, which would have been easily acquired, and the guarantee would then also be void. Let us now assume that there could be years when the shares would yield only four percent, then the community would then have one percent, that would be 500 fl to cover; However, this case is unlikely to occur, because the frequency of Ischl, especially after the expansion of the Ischl-Salzburg railway connection and the zone tariff, will be so enormous that the profitability of the railway will be very good. Apart from the new points of attraction that are created by the railway and contribute to further prosperity, there are also very favorable, direct material advantages: the payment during the operating hours should go annually to the management, officials, railway maintenance, engineers, conductors, Heizer certainly an amount of 5 to 6,000 fl, as necessary to show what amount circulates in lschl and benefits the local tradesmen. Of particular importance for the population during the construction period is the circulation of around 200,000 fl, a large part of which is accounted for by the use of carts, since large cuts have to be made. Even if the entire construction could not be carried out by local workers, almost the entire amount remains here, since, as is well known, railway workers usually save nothing or only very little. " Meanwhile , on September 26, 1890, the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways issued their report . After that, no objection was raised either to the routing or to the planned stations and stops. By decree of October 14, 1890, the Department of Commerce notified lng. Miller that with regard to the favorable result of the route revision, the route of the projected local railway will be approved with the following "comments": "The elaboration of the detailed project will be based on the general project that has undergone the route revision, of which a copy will be returned below, and the variant desired by the interested parties and also applied for by the Commission for execution, in the project blue marked variant at km 0 to 0.1 has to be carried out, especially since the relocation of the train transport system from km 0.6 to the Ischl exit station seems more appropriate and, according to a message received recently from the kk General Directorate of the Austrian State Railways, the latter also has no objection to it. -I will therefore have no objection to initiating negotiations with Yours to provide evidence. So I put it to Ew. Well born at home, if necessary, for the purpose of the planned official act, to present himself personally at the Ministry of Commerce, or to send authorized representatives there. Because of the timing of the nursing negotiation is sohin with the ho. Department VII in the shortest possible way to maintain agreement." Once there were no longer any technical or legal obstacles to the railway project, the designer had to try to secure the financing. Nothing could be found out about details of attempts at financing, apart from the fact that Ing. Miller had contacted the municipality of lschl ; he wrote to them and suggested, among other things: "The municipality of lschl participates firstly by providing a guarantee of five percent for 50,000 fl years pass into the ownership of the community of lschl, whereupon the interest guarantee ends. The community therefore comes into possession of the shares with a nominal value of 50,000 fl. by paying in a total of 50 times 500 fl the respective 500 fl to be paid in are calculated with interest on interest ... The basis for the future construction sum is the lump sum to be approved by the High Imperial and Royal Ministry of Commerce, of which two-fifths ordinary shares and three-fifths priority shares are issued according to the usage the honored community can of course only after the political inspection and from the day of the definitive concession, which by the Hohenk. k. Ministry of Commerce not earlier, before the building capital is proven, can be claimed by the company of the lschl-Hütteneckalpe-Bahn." The community deliberated on these proposals on October 8 and 15, 1890, initially electing a committee to begin negotiations with Ing. Miller. As can be seen from the minutes of the consultation, there was no objection in principle to the railway project in the municipal council committee, but two committee members doubted the profitability of the railway by stating that other restaurants suffered a loss of earnings as a result of the hotel planned on the Hütteneckalpe. Another committee member requested a different route as the current line passes through many very small properties, reducing them even further and making management almost impossible. On October 15, 1890, the mayor then reported on the outcome of the negotiations with Ing. Miller and stated, among other things, that he had reported "that the cost of the railway including the hotel to be built was 750,000 fl., i.e. the interest 35,000 fl. and the annual Operating costs will amount to 15,000 fl, so annual expenses of around 60,000 fl should accrue with amortization, etc. The revenue would amount to the amount after the assumed 45 full days of operation with a fare of 3 fl from 60,000 fl, i.e. direct interest appears to be covered." The mayor remarked on this: "Since, however, with this composition, income from the railway seems somewhat uncertain, the committee came to the conclusion that it could not recommend a guarantee from the municipality, although it was convinced of the importance of this railway for lschl, all the more so since Austria has so few high-altitude hotels. " In the ensuing discussion, the committee members stated that the railway should be built anyway. The community councilor Kuhn said that the committee should think twice before voting so that the construction of the railway would not be made completely impossible by a hasty decision. We are health resort representatives, and as such have the duty to always keep an eye on the improvement of the health resort, and we must be all the less slacking off, as in recent years a decline in the health resort has been noticeable anyway. However, since the creation of the projected mountain railway is likely to raise interest in Ischl again, the municipality must not refrain from supporting the company with all means possible. On the other hand, municipal councilor Wiesinger said that there must first be clarity about how to raise money. He said he agreed with Mr. Kuhn word for word, but could Mr. Kuhn also state how he intends to raise the money, whether he had perhaps thought of the possibility of increasing the community contribution? He fully sympathizes with the rail project, but he doesn't want the community to jump headlong into an undertaking. The funds of the community were so scarce that there was absolutely no money for anything beyond the ordinary administrative expenses, and so long as he had the honor of being a member of the finance committee he felt it his duty to guard against any new burden talk before you are clear about the coverage. The municipal committee finally agreed to offer the designer half of the desired sum, while the remaining sum should be raised by the three institutes Wirerstiftung, Kurfonds and Ischler Sparkasse, whose survey the mayor wanted to take over. About the further fate of the railway project there is only one file later - a submission by Ing. Miller to the Ministry of Commerce dated June 28, 1893 , in which he asked for approval of a project change ( conversion to electrical operation, design with a gauge of 76 cm instead the previous track gauge of 1 m) . It also says there: "Until now it has not been possible to finance the projected steam cog railway ... " It is therefore clear that the execution of the railway plans failed due to the impossibility of financing them. One cannot at all say that the implementation failed because of the attitude of the municipality, especially since, despite corresponding research, it was not possible to determine what attitude the Kurfonds, Wirerstiftung held and Ischler Sparkasse responded to the mayor's request. Of course, it is also conceivable that the lack of willingness to finance is due to other reasons; like when you visualize yourself. that the railway should lead through a personal hunting ground of the emperor. However, there is no documentary or even literary evidence for such influences or assumptions. So the execution of this railway project was omitted, while the further fate of Ing. Miller is lost in the dark. Whether one should regret that this railway remained unbuilt is difficult to decide; On the one hand, the railway - like the one on the Schafberg - would be a real tourist attraction today, on the other hand, it and the projected hotel construction on the Hütteneckalpe would have destroyed another piece of nature. List of Sources: The railway project was only mentioned by Prolraska (History of the bathing resort Bad Ischl1823-1923. Linz 1924. p. 55) - as far as can be seen right now. He used the Ischler Woche, the municipal council minutes of October 8, 1890, but not the sources mentioned in note 7. I. The following relevant files of the Ministry of Commerce are in the traffic archive: 19.236/889 - long. Miller applies for pre-concession for Hütteneck railway. 36.469/889 - Report of the Upper Austria. governorship. 14.709/890-Lng. Miller, submitting the detailed project, applies for the route revision to be ordered. 30.328/890 report of the Upper Austria. Lieutenant's Office for the route revision (the detailed project including all plans and documents are included in this file). 34.615/890 - Prime Minister Graf Taaffe wg. Naming of the railway as Archduchess Marie-Valerie Railway. 39.33 7/890- oö. The governor's office submits a supplementary statement to the court hunting management (the last three HMZI. form a single, otherwise jointly completed bundle of files). 50.558/890 - Inspection file Zl. 4683/890 of the Ministry of the Interior regarding the naming of the railway. 34.199/893 - long. Miller for possible electrification of the railroad. II. 1m 00. Landesarchiv is also a collection of files from the former Upper Austria. Lieutenancy, consisting of the following documents: 7721/889- Department of Commerce for survey of the personal circumstances of the lng. Miller (= settled in HMZI. 19.236/889). 9524/889 - long. Miller presents map of railway project. 10.5001889 - Magistrate of Budapest reports on Miller's personal circumstances (original submitted to the Ministry of Trade, but no longer available in HMZI. 36.469/889). 11.771/889 Gmunden district authority reports on the railway project of the governor's office to the Ministry of Commerce (- HMZI. 36.469/889). 14.504/889 - long. Miller indicates that with the preparatory work the lng. Haas and Klein-Neusiedl were entrusted. 4177/890- Department of Commerce approves extension of deadline for completion of preliminary work (corresponding Department of Commerce act no longer exists in Transport Archive). 8437/890 - Ministry of Commerce issues an order for route revision (= completed in HMZI. 14.709/890). 8454/890 - Gmunden district authority reports on the announcement of the local appointment. 8786/890 - Report of the Upper Austria. Lieutenancy regarding carrying out the route revision (- HMZI. 30.328/890); with the original of the commission report. 10.058, 10.282/890 - travel invoices. 13.385/890- Submission of the court hunting management, original submitted to the Ministry of Trade (- HMZI. 39.337/890). 15.342/890- Ministry of Commerce approves routing (= HMZl30.328/890). In the town archive of Bad lschl there is a fascicle (volume 1 of the general files) with the designation • Eisenbahnkorrespondenz lschl - Salzburg, Schafberg, Hütteneck etc: and the year 1886 written in blue pencil. The fascicle has no special order; some of the letters, notes, etc. are of a private nature, have no log number or entry notes and are mostly addressed to the mayor personally. There is only one undated letter from lng. Miller, whose settlement is not apparent from the documents. From the exhibit protocols and repertories of the years 1889-1891 there is only one statement in the year 1890: 28 I 2/890 Miller, construction company, requests subscription of regular shares. There is no settlement in the log book; the search for the act was unsuccessful. - The municipal council committee minutes are bound in their own books. The two meetings of October 8th and 15th, 1890 deal with the Hütteneckalpe railway. After that, there are no more references in the minutes.

financial support