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Dark moments at the Ischler Salzberg: art objects salvage 1944/45 Inhalt: ​ 1. Ischler Salzberg wird Bergungsort 2. Einlagerungsorte 3. Eingelagerte Kunstschätze 4. Erste Entführung 5. Zweite Entführung 6. Sperre der Bergung im Ischler Salzberg 7. Die Befreiung ​ ​ Franz Juraschek, the regional conservator responsible for the Upper Danube and later the provincial conservator for Upper Austria during World War II, suggested the Ischler Salzberg as well as Aussee as a salvage site for endangered art treasures. ​ Juraschek and Hans Dellbrügge, District President in Vienna, turned to the Erbstollen near Bad Ischl, particularly after the Aussee salt mine had become the “ Reich’s salvage site ” and especially for objects in the “ Fuhrer Museum” in Linz. wird Bergungsort Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, transport of art, 1944, archive Salinen Austria Kunstgütertransport, 1944, Archiv Salinen Austria 2. Einlagerungsorte: ​ ​ Für die Einlagerungen waren vorhandene und neue Bergungsräume im Erbstollen und im I. und II. Blindhorizont vorgesehen. Der I. und II. Blindhorizont wurden über den Distler Schacht vom Erbstollen und von Perneck, vom Leopoldstollen, erreicht. Aufgrund der leichteren Anlieferung zum Erbstollen wurden alle Einlagerungen über diesen durchgeführt. Einlagerungsorte ​ Im I. Blindhorizont wurde das Werk XII mit 1100 Quadratmeter für Einlagerungen freigegeben. Plan Bergung: I. Blindhorizont 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Ein neuer Lagerraum wurde für Einlagerungen im Erbstollen bei Streckenmeter 250 ausgesprengt. Dieser war aber nicht durchlüftet und nicht im Salzstock angelegt und deshalb feucht! Dieser wäre für großformatige Einlagerungen des Sonderstabes Rosenberg, Führersammlung, vorgesehen gewesen. Reimer, Sonderbeauftragter Hitlers, verzichtete aber danach auf diese Räume und ermöglichte somit die Einlagerung der Wiener Sammlungen. Außerdem wurde das Sprengmitteldepot bei Streckenmeter 500 geräumt und für Einlagerungen freigegeben. Plan Bergung: Neue Bergungsräume und frühere Sprengmitteldepot im Erbstollen 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Im II. Blindhorizont wurde der sogenannte Bahnhof, der zum Verschub der Grubenbahn diente, für die Bergung vorbereitet. Ein vom I. zum II. Blindhorizont führender Schurf, wurde später verschüttet, damit niemand ungebeten die Lagerräume erreichen konnte. Anfang 1945 war der „Bahnhof“ so verkleidet, dass nur ein Gleis frei blieb. Der übrige Raum war für die Lagerung von Gemälden vorgesehen. Er wurde an beiden Enden mit schweren hölzernen Bohlentüren verschlossen. Das machte den Eingang absolut sicher. Nur die Lüftungsrohre blieben frei. Plan Bergung: II. Blindhorizont 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Salvage plan, 1944 Archive Salinen Austria Shaft machine Distlerschacht: All art objects were made with it transported to the second blind horizon, 1940 Archive Salinen Austria In der Endphase des Krieges wurden auch Lagerbereiche in der Ischler Saline verwendet: Zum Beispiel wurden am 27.3.1945 Bilder von Cassone aus der Sammlung Lanzkoronski hier eingelagert. Zur Vorgeschichte der Sammlung Lanzkoronski: Das Vermögen und auch die hochbedeutende Kunstsammlung des polnischen Staatsangehörigen Anton Lanzkoronski wurde unter Berufung auf eine “Verordnung über Behandlung von Vermögen der Angehörigen des ehemaligen polnischen Staates” beschlagnahmt und vom zuständigen Staatskommissar in Wien übernommen. Im ehemaligen Hotel Grüner Baum, Bad Ischl, wurden zu Kriegsende Kunstgüter aus Altausse eingelagert, um der befürchteten Zerstörung zu entgehen. Ein anderes Lager war die Villa Castiglioni am Grundlsee: hier wurde ein Teil der Bibliothek Hitlers eingelagert. Schloss Kogl bei Attersee war ein Lagerort für Kunstgüter, die Alfred Rosenberg für sich selbst reserviert hatte. From November 1944 it was decided to store the Viennese art collections and the Lichtenstein picture gallery in the Ischler Salzberg . The daily reports from Lauffen began on December 9, 1944 with the arrival of the restorers Josef Hajsinek from Vienna and Franz Sochor from Kremsmünster. The first transport arrived in Lauffen on December 12, 1944. Almost all Viennese collections relocated salvaged goods to Lauffen. Gert Adriani was appointed head of the salvage. But after a fatal mishap, he was replaced by Viktor Luithlen , head of the collection of ancient musical instruments. This remained so until the end of the repatriation in 1947. Eingelagerte Kunstschätze Gert Adriani, KHM Museum Association Viktor Luithlen , KHM Museum Association Storage of the art objects 1944/45: Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, art goods transport, 1944/45, archive Salinen Austria Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kunstgutdepot 2. Blindhorizont, 1986, Katharina Hammer Shine in the dark Valuable holdings from spiritual possessions were now also stored in the Ischler Erbstollen instead of in the Ausseer Salzberg. One transport after the other arrived from Vienna. Treasures came from almost all state collections: there were 150 boxes from the national library with manuscripts and printed works, each individual page of which is a treasure. Holdings from the Natural History Museum, the Ethnological Museum, the Museum of Decorative Arts, the Art History Museum, the Liechtenstein Gallery and the Graz State Archives were delivered. ​ Pictures by such important artists as Rembrandt, Raffael, Brueghel, Albrecht Dürer, Jan van Eyck, Rubens and also by "modern" painters such as Munch, Monet, Klimt and Kokoschka were stored in Ischl. In addition, the gold treasure finds, ivories, vases, jewelery and statuettes from the antique collections. ​ A small selection of the priceless art objects stored in the Ischler Salzberg: Tower of Babel Pieter Bruegel the Elder , 1563 Venus of Willendorf, around 30,000 years old peasant dance Pieter Bruegel the Elder , 1525/30 Requiem in D minor ( KV 626) from 1791 is Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart's last composition Madonna in the green Raphael Santi , 1505-1506 Tassilo chalice from the year 777 The “Tassilokelch” from Kremsmünster Abbey also had a special situation: ​ Officially it was housed in the Aussee salvage, but after this became the official salvage location for Hitler in 1943, it was secretly stored in the Ischler Salzberg by district conservator Franz Juraschek. On April 18, 1945, a crisis team met in the general management of the saltworks to discuss the measures that were necessary to save the Ischler salvage from having to store a bomb like the one in Aussee. According to this plan, the salvage should be made completely inaccessible. The "filling point" of the Distler shaft in the Erbstollen should be completely filled up with rock, "collapsed". The elevator is to be pulled up to the ceiling of the Leopold horizon, i.e. to its highest point, and shut down there. The stairs that lead up next to the elevator, the so-called "rides", are to be torn out below and above the I. and II. underground constructions and the burial of the pit between the I. and II. underground constructions is to be strengthened. This work was completed by May 5, 1945. ​ In the meantime, the situation in Ischl / Lauffen has also deteriorated dramatically. Between April 20 and 25, 1945, a total of 928 pictures of various origins from Kartause Gaming (Lower Austria) arrived here. On the orders of Hermann Stuppäck (General Cultural Officer of the Reich Governor Baldur von Schirach) in Gaming, the paintings had been thrown in a hurry "without any consideration and without the slightest care". Due to the "barbaric" nature of the transport, numerous paintings "were perforated, torn off, damp or otherwise damaged in Bad Ischl/Lauffen. But that was not all, Stuppäck arrived in Bad Ischl on April 25 with orders from Schirach to move the salvaged goods kept in Lauffen further west without delay. At first Luithlen successfully resisted the order, but the arrival of officers and soldiers from the "Fabian Combat Unit" from the SS Panzer Division "Großdeutschland" on the evening of May 1st made any further delay impossible. Captain Reinhardt and Lieutenant Kahles would not be put off. ​ Bergrat Lepez refused the SS commander to provide the mine locomotive, the winding machine and the miners on the pretext that there was no corresponding clear written order from the Waffen SS command. Under threat of the use of weapons, the captain drove furiously to Gmunden to obtain the necessary powers of attorney. This saved valuable time again. ​ On May 3rd, however, the 184 paintings desired by Schirach and Stuppäck - including all paintings by Rembrandt, P. Bruegel the Elder, had to be handed over. Ä., Titians and Velazquez, 49 tapestry sacks and two crates are loaded onto trucks. It turned out that a whole series of the main pieces from the Viennese picture gallery were to be kidnapped in this way. Among them were Bruegel's "Peasant Wedding" and "Peasant Fair", "Carnival Games", "Tower of Babel", "Homecoming of the Herd", "Storm at Sea", "Bird Thief" and "Pauli's Conversion", 6 Velasquez -Pictures, 7 Titians, including the cherries and the Gypsy Madonna, as well as the portrait of Jacopo della Strada, the two well-known self-portraits and the reading Titus by Rembrandt, and finally the "All Saints' Day" and "Emperor Maximilian" by Dürer. So you can safely say, not only the most valuable, but also a number of the most popular pictures in their gallery. ​ You worked late into the night. The marching orders were given on May 4th. At 4 a.m. the convoy with the restorers Hajsinek and Sochor left Bad Ischl in the direction of Mittersill. In the evening of the same day, the convoy arrived in Bramberg in the Pinzgau region of Salzburg, where Stuppäck was already awaiting the transport. But the odyssey of the art treasures was not over yet. The very next day, Major Fabian ordered the paintings, boxes and tapestry sacks to be loaded onto the trucks. The transport could only be accompanied by officers. Franz Sochor and Josef Hajsinek stayed in Bramberg, where they contacted the advancing American army and reported the incident. All cultural assets were then found by the Americans in St. Johann in Tirol. ​ The final result of the Ischl salvage was: 8 figures, 1428 paintings, 122 sacks with tapestries, 278 folder boxes with cadastral maps and 728 boxes. A total of 150 tons of salvage. ​ On May 13, 1945, US troops arrived in Bad Ischl and took control of the salvage site. ​ On June 1, 1945, with the permission of the occupiers, the work to uncover the treasures in the salt mine could also begin, namely in the Erbstollen and in Plant XII in the I. underground construction. The II. civil engineering was initially still buried, but its opening was tackled soon afterwards. On June 13, 1945, the main salvage at the "Bahnhof" in II. Civil Engineering was accessible again. The salvage proved to be in excellent condition, with the exception of a lost painting, a bouquet of flowers by Jan Brueghel the Elder. Ä., which later reappeared in a private apartment in Munich and returned to the Kunsthistorisches Museum in 1959 after a court decision. Rosenberg Erste Entführung Zweite Entführung Sperre Befreiung Am 11. Juli 1945 erschien „Monuments Man“ Lieutenant Frederick Shrady in Bad Ischl und kündigte an, dass die im ehemaligen Hotel Grüner Baum , Grazerstraße Nr. 39, und in der Kaiservilla gelagerten Objekte, nach München zum „Central Collection Point“ gebracht werden würden. Lieutenant Frederick Shrady, Internet On August 7, 1946, the first major transport back from Ischl to Vienna for an exhibition in Switzerland took place. ​ On April 25, 1947, the last large transport of art goods left the Ischl salt mine. After checking the rooms in the presence of the gendarmerie commander, the final commissioning took place and the salt works management took over sole supervision of the mountain again. The salvage in Lauffen took place without any major losses or damage. Only the loss of 7 paintings for the Kunsthistorisches Museum had to be lamented, which are still considered lost today: Landscape by Nicolaes Berchem (GG 623), The Painter Jan Wildens by Anthonis van Dyck (GG 694), A Female Portrait by Peter Paul Rubens (GG 711), Hoffnung by Maerten van Heemskerck (GG 1946) and Faith (GG 1953.), a Venetian ceiling sketch (GG 6398), and a loan were still available at the general inspection on April 26, 1945. Sources used: Katharina Hammer "Shine in the Dark", Altaussee 1996 Franz Juraschek "Heimatblatt Oberösterreich", Linz 1947 British information service "World Press", 9 July 1947 Salzkammergut newspaper, January 6, 1946 Vienna Courier, November 19, 1945 Sabine Loitfellner, Pia Schölnberger "Salvage of cultural property under National Socialism: Myths - Background - Effects", April 18, 2016 Theodor Brückler, Art theft, art recovery and restitution in Austria 1938 to the present, 1999

13 The Emperor Matthias – tunnels + iron ore Stud Name: "Archduke Matthias - Stollen", from 1612 "Kaiser Matthias - Stollen" Emperor Matthias, reign 1612 – 1619, son of Emperor Maximilian II. Struck: 1577 Length: 420 m Altitude: 959 m In 1577, after looking around for 14 years and still not finding anything special, the mining experts of the Salzamt decided to convert a trial dig from the Neuhauser - Kehr im Obernberg - tunnel into a weir and to dig a new mountain below to drain the brine . It was the Archduke Matthias tunnel that, after nine years of driving through limestone, finally came across salted Haselgebirge. As expected, the Matthias tunnel - main shaft soon reached the rear, eastern salt boundary again. However, a trial transverse building opened up good Haselgebirge over a longer distance. Two mountain inspections were carried out in 1584 for a more expedient opening up of the Ischler Salzberg. In the Archduke Mathias tunnel, because the salt mountains had improved, a new building was to be built behind the so-called water building. In the meantime, in the Matthias tunnel, the main shaft and two test digs had been driven out of the salt into the water-bearing limestone. In 1586 a mountain inspection was carried out again at the Ischler Salzberg. It turned out that the test pit sunk by the Archduke Mathias tunnel had encountered good salt rock over a whole mountain thickness. For this reason, the uncertain investigation work in the mining tunnels at Obereck ("Moosegg") and Roßmoos should be stopped quickly and the Archduke Matthias tunnel should be driven under with a new hill climb, the Neuberg tunnel. ​ Situation of the water dams and weirs in the Kaiser Matthias tunnel around 1654: A total of 9 waterworks; Water, Archduke Matthias, Seeauer, Rettenbacher, Hippelsroider, Cain, Our Lady, Haimb and Klein Trattel – building. The 9 Schöpfbaue were already cut before 1648 and were used as princes - as well as Kain and Trattel - weir with indulgences in the Frauenholz - tunnels. The Matthias tunnel – main shaft was 387 stalks (461.3 m) long until it reached the salt boundary. 6 Stabel (7.2m) after the salt line there was a test dig down into the Neuberg tunnel. On the continuation of the Matthias tunnel - main shaft 9 constructions were created. Namely the water - and Archduke Matthias - building, which lay under a sky and contained 42 rooms (4,754m³) brine. The two constructions were undercut from the Neuberg tunnel with a weir furnace and referred to as the prince's weir. In 1725 the base of the Fürsten weir in the Matthias tunnel broke through into the Rassfellner weir in the Neuberg tunnel below. The princes' weir was later extended up to the St. John's tunnel and only abandoned around 1744. The following buildings, namely the Seeauer, Rettenbacher, Hippelsroider, Kain, Fraun, Haimb and Klein Trattel buildings contained 60 rooms (6,792m³) of brine and were also under a sky. They were also run under from the Neuberg tunnel with a weir furnace and prepared for an outlet weir. This weir was called the Cain and Trattel weir during the leaching in the Matthias tunnel. When it was further watered down into the St. Johannes tunnel, it was renamed the Zierler weir. The Zierler weir was in operation until 1807. Behind these buildings, the Matthias tunnel - main shaft was still 16 Stabel (19.1m) long. Their field place was already in the deaf mountains. In 1654 the thickness of the mountain from the Matthias tunnel to the Obernberg tunnel was still around 10 bar (11.9m). The St. Johannes tunnel was opened in 1725 to gain this mountain thickness and for higher drainage of the weirs created in the Archduke Matthias tunnel. In 1656 there was a partly brick and partly wooden mountain house near the Matthias tunnel. When this was later removed, the still usable woodwork was used to build a, not far from the Neuberg - tunnel built under the name Taxhaus, wooden room. Miners were housed in this wooden room. The Starhembergsche inspection commission of 1707 already found the Matthias tunnel devious, behind the dam outlet there were collapsed weirs, which were exploited by robbery watering, whereby the generated brine flowed through the main shaft. The introduction of the fresh water required for the leaching in the deeper tunnels came from the stream and the springs in the area of the Matthias tunnel mouth hole. The water collected in wooden tubes was fed into the mountain via the Matthias tunnel – main shaft. From 1769, the water needed to dilute the weirs was channeled through a surface dig above the St. Johannes tunnel and from there via the Saherböck dig to the Matthias tunnel main shaft. From 1784, the water required for brine production was collected in a “watering hut” above the Matthias tunnel and diverted via the newly built watering pit to the Matthias tunnel – main shaft. From there, the water reached, depending on the need, either through the pastor Weissbacher - Schurf and the subsequent digging to the weirs located on the evening side (west side) in the deeper tunnels. The morning (eastern) weirs could be over the v. Adlersberg - conversion and the Weilenböcker - digging and the subsequent digging can be achieved. ​ Situation of the weirs in the Matthias tunnel around 1850: A total of 3 weirs, all pronounced dead around 1850; Preuner and Raßfellner weir, from Frauenholz - via Neuberg - up to Matthias - tunnel. Zierler – weir and princes – weir from Matthias – on St. Johannes - tunnel up verlaugt. Until 1933, the drainage route led in the Matthias tunnel via the drainage pit to the main shaft and along this further to the Plenzner pit leading down into the Neuberg pit. In addition, another water pipe came down from the St. Johannes tunnel via the Saherböck scour to the main shaft. In 1931, during the main inspection, it was decided to leave the Matthias tunnel open because future watering should come from the Törlbach via the Maria Theresia tunnel. For this reason, dams were built in 1932 at the end of the tunnel and at the head of the Plenzner and Weissbacher quarry. A final inspection to check the dams took place on February 5, 1934. The tunnel entrances to the Matthias tunnel and the drainage pit were then finally sealed. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 Pit map around 1700 Rock carvings near the Matthias tunnel Drainage pit in the Matthias tunnel Built 1784 - In service until 1934 ​ From 1784 water was in a "watering hut" above of the Matthias tunnel from the Sulzbach and from a strong one Source (Kaltenbrunn source) caught and over the newly built drainage pit on the Matthias Stollen – main shaft derived. From there, the water reached, depending on the need, either through the Pastor Weissbacher - digging and the subsequent digging to the on the Evening side (west side) located weirs in the deeper tunnels. The morning (eastern) Defense could over the v. Adlersberg – conversion and the Weilenböcker – Schurf as well the following prospects can be reached. Miner Franz v. Schwind started in 1842 Laying of cast-iron water pipes at the Ischler Salzberg. This made it possible the long way that those in the upper horizons collected water had to travel to fill the leach workers, since the iron pipes could be under higher pressure than the wooden pipes. The rapid supply of larger amounts of water to the production workers and drainage the stretches soaked by the weeping wooden pipes was now possible. In September 2018, members of the IGM uncovered the mouth of the drainage pit, revealing a surprisingly well-preserved portal. Text: Archive Salinen Austria, Archive IGM Water basin for watering into the Matthias tunnel Built 1883 - In service until 1934 ​ In 1883, to secure the machine and watering operation in arid times the manufacture of a large concrete water collection trough in the near the Matthias – Stollen in place of the one that has existed for ages rotten collection box made of wood approved. This one covered with a simple wooden hut water collection trough, served for feeding the winding machine and for the leaching operation. In September 2018, members of the IGM approx. 100 m3 capacity Water basin at the Matthias gallery cleared of trees at the edge of the basin, which on the one hand restricted the view of this building, on the other hand threatened to burst through the concrete wall with their roots. This water basin is fed by the very productive "Kaltenbrunn spring". This basin is the largest surviving building which was built from "Pernecker Romanzement" - hydraulic Pernecker lime, also known as "Hydrauer". This was produced in large quantities in the cement works at the Josefstollen. Text: Archive Salinen Austria, Archive IGM In the iron ore The iron ore tunnels Stud Names: 2 lower, 1 middle and 1 upper iron ore tunnels Struck: before 1500 Length: lower left cleat approx. 40 m right lower stud crime middle stud crime upper stud 43 m Altitude: lower left stud 1018 m right lower stud 1024 m middle stud 1040 m upper stud 1105 m 1st story: In historical times there was also ore mining in the Salzkammergut. However, for the most part it has remained at prospecting attempts and only in a few cases has there been short-term mining. The ore deposits are exclusively sulphide ores such as pyrites, galena, chalcopyrite and sphalerite, which are accompanied by spar iron and brown iron ore and occur on the border between Werfen slate and dolomite. On the Reinfalzalm above the Ischler Salzberg, iron mining in the so-called "Eisenarz" can be traced back to the 15th century. Around 1500, a certain Hans Gaisbrucker from Lauffen operated a mine for pyrite and brown iron ore including a vitriol smelter. The remains of 4 tunnel mouths from iron mining can still be found in the area. The iron smelter was probably at the foot of the Salzberg just below the mouth of the Leopold tunnel. This is confirmed by slag residues that can be found in the ground in the area of the lower barn that was removed, the former impact room and up to the Auer well. Vitriol was produced by roasting the pyrite, extracting the iron sulphide, which had been subject to a weathering process for several months, with water and boiling the solution until the blue-green vitriol crystals crystallized out. For this roasting and boiling process, 100 Rachel wood, which is around 700 m³, were used annually. The Vitriolsudhütte was not far from the Matthias tunnel at the foot of the Sudhüttenwand. The 100 m³ heap can still be seen here today. The by-products of vitriol boiling are a strongly red-colored, earthy mass that was used as red chalk by masons and carpenters. Dicklberger (1820) writes about the fate of the vitriol works at Reinfalz: When in 1562 the exploration of the Ischler Salzberg was suggested by Hans Praunfalk, administrator in Aussee, the high directive was issued at the same time "to occupy the Salzberg, to visit the salt store, to diligently tend the forests on the Reinfalz, Mitterberg and in this area, and to completely stop all melting and boiling of the vitriol in these places in order not to tolerate any waste in the forests that will be necessary in the future for salt brewing.” Emperor Ferdinand I gave this order on September 25, 1562 and one year later the Ischl salt mine was approached. This sealed the fate of the vitriol boiling plant. ​ In the 1920s, two of the tunnels used to access the ore deposits were rediscovered by the Perneck miner Josef Hütter. According to old miners, the upper Eisenarz tunnel had been retrofitted in 1866 by the then mine manager August Aigner on his own initiative. The lower left iron ore tunnel was reconstructed 12 m by a group of speleologists from Linz at the end of the 1930s. In 2014, under the direction of Horst Feichtinger, a 7 m long new tunnel section was cleared in the mouth hole area of the upper iron ore tunnel. In 1858 the same ore formation had been driven through when the tamper turned in the Maria Theresia horizon. The vertical distance between the Eisenarz and the Stampfer - Kehr is around 400 m. ​ 2. Location and geology: The Eisenarze area is some 100 meters south of the Reinfalzalm (1026 m) on the Ischler Salzberg. Here, at the northern foot of the Sudhüttenwand, a ditch runs steeply in the forest in a SE direction. This graben is of tectonic origin and forms the boundary between limestone (Jurassic) in the NE and dolomite (Triassic) in the SW. The ditch extends to the crest of the ridge formed by the Sudhüttenwand and the Zwerchwand at about 1170 m above sea level. Of the tunnels from the 16th century in the area of the ditch, only the upper iron ore tunnel, also known as the "Hütter-Stollen" after its rediscoverer (1920), is still conditionally passable today. From the other 3 you will only find Pingen and Halden, from the bottom left Iron ore tunnel even still has the mouth hole. Above the Hütter tunnel, the mineralization is exposed on a cuirass. Otherwise there are no more outcrops during the day. The mineralization can be found at the layer boundary between the Werfen slate and the Hallstatt dolomite. Sulphide ores include galena, sphalerite and pyrites. Calcite, dolomite and siderite (iron carbonate) form the carbonates and brown iron ore and quartz form the oxides. Dolomite occupies the largest space in the ore pieces that can be found, calcite and siderite are rare. As a typical weathering mineral, brown iron stone is only found near the surface. The most conspicuous and predominant sulphide mineral is galena, which can be found up to 8 mm thick veins that are easily visible to the naked eye. Zinc blende can only be detected microscopically. You won't find pyrites at all. However, the existing vitriol boiler requires a pyrite deposit. 3. Cleats: 3.1. Lower Left Iron Ore Adit: The lower left iron ore adit is at an altitude of 1018 m and is easy to find, as the damp and cold weather rising from the mouth of the adit forms a vapor strip that is visible from afar. Its entrance is frozen almost all year round. The tunnel was rebuilt at the end of the 1930s to a length of 12 m. Following that, he's been on the run since about 1985. The tunnel was originally passable over a length of about 30 m. Near its aft end was a shaft that had completely collapsed at a depth of about 15 m. The entire tunnel including the shaft is in Jura limestone and there were no signs underground that it had ever hit another rock formation. The tailings pile consists largely of the same rock, but isolated pieces of Werfen slate can also be found. Since no mineralized rock is found, it can be concluded that the adit did not reach the mineralization at all. 3.2. Lower Right Iron Ore Adit: The lower right vitriol tunnel, previously unknown in the specialist literature, was discovered during field inspections by F. Federspiel, H. Feichtinger and E. Ramsauer in the summer of 2016. This tunnel is about 70 m south-west of the lower left vitriol tunnel at an altitude of 1024 m. The extensive slag heap is a good 28 m long at the crown. It is made up of fine-grained heaps containing plenty of ore. The size of the heap indicates what is probably the most extensive mine workings in the entire area. From the foot of the heap, the ore path, which is still clearly visible in sections, leads to the former vitriol sud hut near the Matthias tunnel. 3.3. Medium Iron Ore - Adits: The middle iron ore tunnel is located at 1040 m above sea level in the lower part of the steeply rising ditch that begins in Eisenarz. Nothing remains of the tunnel mouth, but the Pinge and the heap are still clearly visible in the steeply sloping terrain. In addition to samples from the Hallstatt dolomite and the Werfen strata, numerous pieces with relatively rich galena mineralization can be found. This heap is the richest of the 4 tunnels. 3.4. Upper Iron Ore – Adit: The mouth of the upper Eisenerz - or Hütter - tunnel is at 1105 m above sea level and is very similar to a natural cave entrance. Only when you have crawled through the narrow entrance area do you come to a chamber-like extension, which still contains the remains of an old wooden structure. The ceiling height in the center of the hall is up to 3.5 m. On the side, a short tunnel leads past a rock pillar into a second chamber, which can also only be reached by crawling. The second working chamber runs parallel to the first chamber and is offset to the SE. A third mining area can be reached via a short, narrow gap. The approximately 4.5 m long and around 1.5 m high excavation chamber shows white sinter formations on the ceiling, which clearly stand out from the black rock coatings. The further continuation of the tunnel is likely to be closed by a breach. There are no longer any documents about the former extent of the tunnel. While the first and second chambers are in the dolomite, pinching between the dolomite and the Werfen slate can be seen in the third chamber. The 7.5 m long part of the tunnel, newly discovered by Horst Feichtinger in 2014, begins about 5 m behind the mouth hole area. With a width of 50 cm and a height of 90 cm, it runs in a straight line and evenly in the SE direction. Sintering and mineral efflorescence can be observed on the tunnel ceiling. There are numerous black chunks on the heap of this tunnel, which only turn out to be ore-bearing after they have been smashed. The manganese-rich, black coating is the result of centuries of weathering on the rock. The mineralization here also consists mainly of galena. ​ 4. Vitriol - production and use: Vitriols are minerals that belong to the salts of sulfuric acid (sulphates). The white zinc vitriol, the green iron vitriol and the blue copper vitriol are the most important representatives of this mineral class. The term vitriol comes from Latin and is translated as "glass", based on the glass-like appearance of the crystals of vitriols. Vitriols occur as oxidation products of sulphide ores. They are obtained by capturing leachates containing vitriol or by leaching weathered, oxidized metal ores. Georgius Agricola describes the production of vitriol in his work "Of the 12 Books of Metallurgy" published in 1556. Sulfur pyrites were leached out with hot water, the vitriol precipitated out of the solution and the resulting vitriol sludge was heated in a boiling furnace to evaporate the residual moisture. Iron vitriol was primarily used to color leather, the so-called "blackening of leather". Iron vitriols were also used in fabric dyeing, for the production of dyes and ink, and as a disinfectant. The representatives of the medieval alchemists saw more than just minerals behind the vitriole. For the alchemists, vitriols were the outer philosopher's stone, with the help of which the transformation of seemingly worthless materials into precious metals such as gold and silver should be possible. Despite centuries of research, the alchemists did not succeed in producing gold and silver with the vitriols. Sources used: Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans in Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1817, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, Weitra 2018 Ludwig Antes and Siegfried Lapp "On the mineralization on the Reinfalzalm", Leoben 1966 Othmar Schauberger "Historical mining in the Salzkammergut", communication of the Austrian consortium for prehistory and early history, vol. 24, Vienna 1973 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Alfred Pichler "Lipplesgrabenstollenhütte", State Association for Speleology, Linz 2003 Wilhelm Freh "The iron mining in the country above the Enns", Linz 1949 Erich Haslinger "Ore deposits in the Salzkammergut", Vienna 1962 ​

Gasthaus zum Salzberg Monday/Tuesday rest day

Ischler hydraulic lime

Social – Wages: A comparison with the wages set in the second Libellus of 1563 shows that the daily earnings of skilled miners have remained fairly unchanged, while those of day laborers and other unskilled laborers have increased by about 50%. It can be seen that under the pressure of economic hardship the government had to at least boost the wages of the lower classes to keep them viable and able to work. However, the wages of the salt workers were still very meager. Employment conditions in the rest of Upper Austria were significantly more favorable. A journeyman and a day laborer earned a good 50% more than a salt worker. It should not be overlooked that the salt workers enjoyed many benefits in addition to their wages that were unknown outside of the Kammergut. They were exempt from military service and from military billeting, paid no taxes or levies unless they were homeowners, they had free medical treatment in the event of illness and constant care in old age. Covering the demand for bread grain was one of the most important tasks of the Salt Office, which was authorized in times of rising prices to sell it to relatives below cost price. The livestock production of an entire district, the Hofmark with the Viechtau, served exclusively to supply meat to the Kammergut, the meat prices were set by the authorities and the butchers were supported with subsidies so that they were able to maintain these prices even in expensive times. The salt workers did not have to worry about the future of their sons, even in the first half of the 18th century every able-bodied farmer found appropriate income. The low-wage miners often only worked short shifts and thus had the opportunity to earn an extra income. By enfeoffing infangs (peripheral parcels) and allocating timber, the government encouraged the development of extensive smallholdings. The purchase of firewood was free for all employees. The miners in Ischl were paid much better than those in Hallstatt, so their economic situation was more favourable. Unfortunately, the reasons for the unequal treatment of the two companies could not be derived from the documents used. This difference is all the more striking as the other provisions of the Mining Code are the same for both salt mines. Around 1690 the administrative offices in Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee had an excessively high number of men. Not only did they take in far too young workers aged 12 to 15, but also immigrant workers from other countries. In the Kammergut everything was trying to find accommodation in the imperial service. The salt office did not cause any difficulties, on the contrary, its applications for commissions, grace money, alms, doctor's wages, educational contributions, etc. were "tardy, light and unfounded, written according to whim". Commissions were requested for people who were not entitled to them. Instead of flatly refusing requests, the officials even supported the parties in doing so. The officials wrote the submissions for commissions themselves and thus acquired a considerable additional income. The number of old-age pensioners was also unnaturally high, because the workers took early commissions to make room for their sons or to sell the vacant position to a third party. At the end of the 17th century, state finances were in particularly bad shape, and going into debt became the norm. In order to satisfy the empire's financial needs, the income from taxes was no longer nearly enough, even for the operation of the salt works in the Kammergut there was sometimes a lack of cash. Going into debt had become the norm in Austria in order to get over the current shortage of money. The workers drew their wages at the weekend and the Salt Office had no greater concern than to send the Weeding Office the necessary cash for the payday. But he didn't always succeed, sometimes people had to return home empty-handed on Saturday because no money had come from Gmunden. In 1693 the Kammergutarbeiter sent an emergency cry to the Court Chamber for grain; In Ebensee, Ischl and Hallstatt there was hunger and dysentery, the pans could no longer be operated, the deteriorating coinage had devalued the money. The buyers, shipwrights and Stadlinger (shipmen) who worked in the manufacturing sector suffered even more than the imperial workers. In a petition written to Ischl, they complained that they had nothing left on their bodies and nothing to eat, in Laufen some had already died of hunger and the rest were about to emigrate with their wives and children and go begging. The finishers were also impoverished and could no longer pay them their wages. The year 1696 was one of the saddest in the eventful history of the Salzamt. The Hofkriegszahlenamt claimed all of his receipts for itself. The shortage of money was also so bad because the sales of salt fell noticeably as a result of the rapid succession of price increases in favor of smuggling. The Salzamtmann had to find outside money, which could no longer be obtained at an interest rate of 6 percent, in order to be able to secure the grain deliveries to the Kammergut. The financial crisis lasted until 1703; they feared national bankruptcy and the loss of good faith among the people. All available means were necessary to maintain the empire and the army, and yet the payment of interest from the Salt Office could not be omitted. The emperor himself urged the salt office to send money to Gmunden so that the Gmunden office could pay the interest and pay the workers. With the intention of increasing the number of people needed for salt work in the Kammergut, the sovereigns had favored the founding of families by allocating fiefdom, helping to build houses and granting a dowry. By the end of the 17th century, this goal had not only been reached, but also exceeded; the supply of workers had outstripped the need. Marriage was no longer made so easy for young people and required the consent of the salt clerk; this only had to allow marriage to one or the other "busy and caring" worker. The allocation of infants (peripheral plots) was stopped, and the construction of new residential and farm buildings was made more difficult because there was no longer a particular desire to start families and there was every reason to limit the use of timber and to protect the forests. From 1709 onwards, the construction of workers' houses was only approved on the condition that they were made of brickwork and that the wood required did not come from imperial forests. A main inspection of the salt office ordered in 1733 under the direction of Count Starhemberg was to investigate and eliminate these abuses. The perception was made that “almost the entire crowd there insists on it and proposes that everyone should be appointed ex ärario, so to speak, because the young people of both sexes no longer go into private service, neither learn a trade, but want to get married early . Instead of them only foreign servants were kept and many foreign people were bred into them and the chamber estate was therefore overpopulated.” The Salt Office was instructed to encourage young people to do other than salt work, to remove immigrant strangers from the country, to restrict marriages, and to give stubborn elements to the soldiers. The appointment of Johann Georg Freiherr von Sternbach as Salzamtmann in 1743 marked the beginning of a new era. Sternbach intervened firmly in the administration of the Salzamt. The greatest and most difficult task was to reduce the excessively swollen labor force to economically justifiable proportions. So far, all the instructions and orders from the court authorities had remained fruitless because the officials knew what tremendous resistance they would unleash and had neither the courage nor the will to take up the inevitable fight The workers, alarmed by the action of the Salzamtmann, sent deputations to Vienna to prevent the threatened dismantling, but found little to meet them. Laid-off workers who, because of their age or family, could neither move nor earn an income elsewhere received maintenance payments. The unmarried boys who could not be used for salt or wood work and who were expendable joined the military. The recruitment of residents of the Salzkammergut violated the age-old statute that they should be exempt from any service. The seriousness with which the layoffs and other austerity measures were carried out aroused the most violent resistance from the workers. This led to riots in Ebensee. Officials were physically attacked and injured. Ischl forest workers tried to regain their old rights by going on strike. In order to give Sternbach's measures the necessary emphasis, 300 infantry and 30 men on horseback were sent to Gmunden under the command of a sergeant. The movement had become dangerous because the majority of senior officials, who disliked Sternbach's harsh actions, sided with the workers and encouraged them. The bourgeois circles, on the other hand, especially the salt manufacturers, were worried about the workers' unrest because they feared that their trades would be disturbed and they could not know what extent the unrest would become. A commission of inquiry was set up to urge the continuation unchanged of the measures introduced by Sternbach and approved by the government, and proceeded with the greatest severity against all who opposed them. Most of the participants in the uprising quickly showed remorse and there was no fear of a repeat of the unrest. Complaining officials were questioned by the commission of inquiry without involving the salt official. Their verdict was devastating for the applicants. Without exception, the commission found all objections to be unfounded, incorrect, impudent and of such a nature that the ignorance and negligence of the informants was proven and one was completely convinced of their recalcitrance. With this report, the fate of the complainants was decided, they were dismissed from the service. After the suppression of the workers' uprising and the removal of his most dangerous opponents, Sternbach was able to continue and consolidate his reform work undisturbed from 1744 onwards. Until 1753, the salt workers were regularly paid their wages on Saturdays after the weekly raitung (weekly payroll). In 1753, Salzamtmann Sternbach introduced four-week wage payments to save on paperwork and clerical work, and in the meantime gave the workers official slips with which they could buy from the millers and other tradespeople on Borg. The workers, whose economy had always been based on weekly pay, fought back and persuaded the investigative commission present to quickly withdraw Sternbach's decree. The closer it got to the turn of the century, the greater the need in the Kammergut and the more dissatisfied the workers, whose wages had remained almost unchanged for 80 years. A commemorative document written in 1797 by the spokesmen of the Hallstatt workers and presented to the Court Commission in Gmunden was extremely sharp in tone and openly expressed the ferment among the workers. The mountain carpenter Josef Pfandl, spokesman for the deputation at Count Aichold, said that the revolutionary ideas coming from France were fulfilled: "Things will be the same here in France as in France and in Vienna things are already going so well that no citizen would look at His Majesty pay more attention". The commission, outraged by Pfandl's language, found the authors guilty of defamation and attempted sedition and handed them over to the courts for trial. Pfandl was imprisoned in Ort near Gmunden for 388 days before he managed to escape. He then wandered erratically abroad and in November 1800 applied to Vienna for permission to travel home. At the request of the Court Chamber, which knew that the entire workforce was committed to him, the Emperor complied with his request. In the course of the 18th century the salaries of civil servants increased only partially and not significantly. The low wage increases have also permanently lost value due to the introduction of paper money alongside the metallic currency. In 1761, bank notes were first put into circulation as paper money. The people weren't happy about it. Paper currency declined sharply between 1808 and 1810. As a result, the need for the staff increased. In the years 1808 and 1809 the printing press printed more and more paper money, by 1810 this had almost completely replaced cash. On December 11, 1810, Austria stopped cash payments entirely, the bank notes were confiscated and replaced by redemption slips, which, however, only had 1/5 of the previous nominal value. Finally, in 1816, the rebuilding of the Austrian monetary economy began with the establishment of the National Bank. This alone was entitled to issue banknotes and obliged to redeem the current bill money. The wages of the miners were anything but good, mainly because of the devaluation of the currency. The management of their small estates was therefore a necessity in order to be able to provide themselves with the most important staple foods. On the other hand, working in the mountains offered a basic income that made it easier for the miners to survive times of crisis than other occupational groups – agricultural or non-agricultural – whose existence was often threatened by price fluctuations or crop failures. It was this system of "safe poverty" that made working in salt mines so popular. Austria's struggle against Napoleon required the utmost exertion of all forces and suppressed all other considerations. The imperial patent of October 25, 1804 granted exemption from military service only to executives and the most distinguished workers in the mines. With the strict application of this regulation, the Salt Office would have had to stop all operations that were not allowed to be interrupted because of the salt supply of the Reich. The Salzamt and the Verwesämter were constantly trying to get their people free from the Assentierung (conscription), but the recruitment commission instructed by the Hofkriegsrat made no exception for the Kammergut and called up 183 men from the Kammergut for the position in July 1805. After an objection from the Salzamt, the recruiting commission held back only 41 men from the Kammergut. The period of French rule from 1809 onwards was downright catastrophic for the salt industry. The income from the sale of salt in the country flowed into the coffers of the enemy intendancy, so the salt office could neither pay the wages of the salt workers nor procure the food they needed to feed themselves. During the summer months of 1809, Hallstatt workers waited seven weeks for their wages. Hundreds of them marched in front of the office building in Lahn and threatened to take the salt from the stacks as payment if help didn't come soon. A total of around 5,000 workers were probably employed in the salt industry around 1820. This number was already reduced by 1,058 men in 1825. In 1832, only 3,858 men served in the salt industry, 741 of them in Ischl. In 1851 the ministry set the peak of stable laborers at 3,739 men. The misery of the many dismissed workers was great, so their urge to be accepted back into the service of the salt office was understandable. The offices had to suffer a lot from the onslaught of job seekers and it was difficult to always make the right choice. In 1820, in addition to a shift wage of 45 Kreuzer, a worker also received farm grain and lard in exchange for the old limit price (purchase price). From 1829 onwards, in order to be able to continue operations without problems in the event of major sick leave, military conscription or temporary additional demands, for example due to construction work, the administrative offices were forced to take on temporary interim workers (temporary workers) beyond the normal status of permanent workers. The negotiations with the Oberamt led to a separation of the workers into three groups: 1. Stable workers entitled to commission and enjoying provisions (“full workers”). 2. Stable and commission-eligible workers without provisions ("incomplete workers"). 3. In non-permanent workers without a right to commission and provisions (“interim workers”). The winter of 1847 increased the misery of the workers to an unbearable level. The people sold their livestock, got into debt, couldn't get flour from the millers in advance, lost their strength and didn't have enough to clothe themselves. In January 1848, the Hofkammer began working out a new wage system that was intended to bring the workers a significant improvement in their income. The workers had always been used to bringing their wages home at the end of each week. In 1823, the court chamber wanted to introduce monthly payment to save on a lot of paperwork, but gave up due to the great resistance of the workers and finally stuck with the fortnightly payment. In 1848 the old wish of the working class for the reintroduction of weekly pay was fulfilled. For the payment of wages, it was customary for the clerk responsible for compiling the wage list to collect the necessary money from the till and for the foremen to make the payment. But no master was allowed to pay off his own staff. In order to be safe from fraud in shift calculations, the Hofkammer transferred this business to the cashiers in 1824. In 1848, the Court Chamber set the 48-hour week for all miners equally and wanted to break it down into six eight-hour shifts. However, she only found the approval of the Ausseer miners, while those in Hallstatt and Ischl insisted on the six-hour pit shift that had been granted to them in 1771. Mining lasted from Monday to Friday, leaving Saturday free for chores around the house. If the office needed farmhands, it encouraged marriages by providing marriage money, giving birth and giving away wood for building houses free of charge. When the fruits of economic policy had ripened and there were too many job seekers, the Oberamt again restricted marriages and denied the workers the necessary marriage permits. Maria Theresa's reforms had deprived the Salzamt of being able to enact marriage bans by legal means. Hofrat Schiller was faced with the hard and difficult task of not only adapting the excessive number of men to actual needs, but also of proceeding more strictly with the marriage permits that had previously been granted indiscriminately. In spite of the legal freedom to marry, the Oberamt still had effective means of discouraging the younger workers from marrying. It was within the power of the Salt Office to tie new marriage permits to the renunciation of the family grain. From 1830 onwards, the Oberamt denied marriage permits to all workers who were not yet eligible for a commission and had therefore not yet completed their eighth year of service. In addition, it no longer allowed them to receive the family grain. These measures, but especially the loss of the family grain, kept young people from getting married early, and by 1843 the number of marriage applications had already fallen sharply. A decree issued by the Emperor in December 1848 ordered leniency for sentences not yet executed and the termination of investigations. Furthermore, the reintroduction of the family grain, the reduction of the pasture interest by half, the reduction in the price of wood for the needy and the abolition of the long-service work. These government concessions were able to satisfy and reassure the workers. There was no real uprising movement in the Kammergut, but fears of such a movement prompted the authorities to take some precautionary measures. The Saline Ebensee had set up a fire station for a short time. A section of the National Guard had taken up position in Ischl. In October 1848, due to a shortage of firearms, the Board of Directors of the National Guard asked the Oberamt for the production of 120 pikes and for a contribution to the uniforming of the poor guards from the working class. The government had no objection to the production of pikes in the Ebensee court smithy, the salt works actually supplied the National Guard with 60 pikes. But she refused the uniform expenses, the workers should fall back on the funds of the brother shop. The long period of war, with its insatiable demands on men fit for arms, had eliminated the old privilege of the salt workers, who had also become conscripts and were subject to military laws. In November 1818, 124 men from the Kammergut were drafted to Kremsmünster for recruitment. In 1819, 168 Landwehr men from the Kammergut were ordered to move into Vöcklabruck for a fourteen-day weapons exercise and examination. It was important to the Salzamt to exempt people from military service who were indispensable for the company or who were difficult to replace. In response to their ideas, a joint commission consisting of representatives of the district office, the salt office and the military district command came together in 1820 to determine the categories desired for military liberation. According to this agreement, 1,385 of a total of 5,530 employees were to be released from military service for a limited period of time. Up until the 19th century, the salt workers in the Kammergut received “limito provisions”, a certain amount of grain and lard that could be purchased at fixed, reduced prices. This cheaper way of passing on food had made a significant contribution to alleviating the social hardship of the miners, especially in times of crisis, when the price of food rose sharply. On the other hand, even in the 19th century, the basic wages of salt workers were always below those of qualified factory workers. The system of "secure poverty" continued into the 19th century: working as a stable miner or salt worker was secure employment even in times of crisis, but cuts in pay had to be accepted. ​ Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

The mountain saw at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus on the Ischler Salzberg: A saw was of great importance for every salt mine operation, since the mine operation required large quantities of "Ladwerk" (thick boards) for the expansion and the brine production. Therefore there was at least one, but usually several saws at each salt mine, which is why they were also among the oldest systems of the respective salt mine. ​ Three saws are known on the Salzberg in Ischl: as the oldest, the Steinberg saw with the "Schafferklause", the Grabenbach - or Graben - saw built near the Ludovika tunnel and a third, from 1867, at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus. ​ The following report will mainly deal with the latter saw, also known as the mountain saw, since the other saws and the associated Klaus systems were already dealt with in detail in the 2012 article by Franz Federspiel "News from the old Ischler Salzberg". Situation of the mountain saws on the Ischler Salzberg in the 18th century: Originally there were two plank saws on the Ischler Salzberg, the one on the Steinberg and the Graben saw below the Ludovika tunnel. The Steinberg saw was probably built immediately after 1563 with the start of salt mining in the Steinberg district. According to a note in Dicklberger's "Salinen - Geschichte" (volume 1, p. 388), the Steinberg saw existed before 1586. Figure 1: Steinberg - saw, conversion plan, 1842, archive Salinen Austria Figure 2: Steinberg - saw, ground plan, conversion plan, around 1845, archive Salinen Austria Due to the concentration of salt mining on the Pernecker salt storage and the associated deepening of the mining tunnels, the ditch - saw at the Ludovika - Berghaus was built. The exact date of construction of this saw, which was probably built around 1700, could not be found in the files. The first known documentary reference from September 25, 1769 provides information that the ditch saw and the associated hermitage were rebuilt after a fire at the estimated cost of 292 fl 52 kr. In the course of the conversion, a new storage hut was built along the entire length of the hermitage to store the saw cuts. ​ The Graben - saw along with the associated hermitage had completely decayed again in 1816 and was rebuilt in the three following years. In 1839 the woodwork of the hermitage was rotten again, and the water wheel and the river also needed replacing. Figure 3: Ludovika Berghaus, site plan with ditch – saw, 1839, Archiv Salinen Austria Because of the high repair costs to be expected, in 1839 the Ischl mining operations manager at the time, Franz v. Schwind to leave the Graben saw at all and instead expand the Steinberg saw to make it more efficient. ​ When converting the Steinberg saw, Schwind succeeded in increasing sawn timber production fourfold compared to the previous ones by using an overshot water wheel and a belt transmission in the gearbox, the first saw drive of this type in the monarchy. As a result, the sawn timber requirement of the entire Ischler Salzberg could be satisfied by the sole operation of the Steinberg saw. Figure 4: Steinberg - saw, design of an overshot water wheel, 1840, archive Salinen Austria The operation of the ditch saw should only have continued on a smaller scale, since the cost of bringing the cut goods from the Steinberg saw to the Pernecker tunnels via a specially created goods route was very expensive. For this purpose, Schwind replaced the desolate Grabenbach hermitage with a wooden weir in 1839. After the Graben saw burned down again in 1856, it was finally abandoned. Figure 5: Trench - saw with Ludovika Berghaus, 1838, Archiv Salinen Austria Figure 6: Connecting route Steinberg - saw to Graben - saw, 1838, Archiv Salinen Austria Figure 7: Ludovika Berghaus, site plan after digging – sawing, 1859, Archiv Salinen Austria Transfer of the Steinberg saw to the old Maria Theresia Berghaus: After the new Steinberg tunnel was shut down as the last tunnel in the Steinberg district in 1775, the Steinberg saw only produced for the Pernecker tunnel, which was much further down in the valley. After the final closure of the Grabenbach saw in 1856, the entire sawn timber requirement had to be laboriously transported from the Steinberg saw down into the valley. ​ For this reason, the plan was made around 1865 to move the Steinberg saw closer to the Pernecker tunnels. Various installation sites were tested: at the Grabenbach at the confluence of the Gaisbach opposite the Josef tunnel and directly at the Sulzbach or, connected to the Sulzbach via a river, at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus. Figure 8: Project transfer Steinberg - saw to the Josef tunnel, around 1865, archive Salinen Austria In view of the focus of the advance in the Empress Maria Theresia tunnel and the short transport routes, the decision was made to transfer the saw to the old Maria Theresia Berghaus. The transfer of the Steinberg saw to the new location took place in 1867. By using the old saw drive and parts of the old saw building, the costs were kept low at a total of 669 fl 81½ kr. Figure 9: Transfer Steinberg - saw to the old Maria Theresia Berghaus, 1865, Archiv Salinen Austria Figure 10: Transfer Steinberg - saw to the old Maria Theresia Berghaus, 1865, Archiv Salinen Austria Figure 11: Transfer Steinberg - saw to the old Maria Theresia Berghaus, 1866, Archiv Salinen Austria Description of the gear mechanism of the plank saw: With the report prepared by Franz Kreuzhuber, manipulation pupil Ite class, on March 14, 1868, there is a precise, contemporary description of the historical saw drive: "Where there is great hydroelectric power, undershot water wheels of 2 to 3 feet in diameter and 5 to 6 feet wide are usually used to operate the board saws. ​ Here an overshot water wheel with a diameter of 12 feet and transmission is put into operation. A cog wheel of 6 feet diameter fastened to the base of the water wheel sets a driving wheel and with it a pulley of 6 feet diameter, - this by means of belts a second pulley of 1 ½ feet diameter, with it a wooden flywheel of 6 feet diameter and at the same time an iron winch in motion, whose arm carries a rod connected to the sag container /: Saggatern :/ in its circumference, which pushes the same up and down in a vertical guide. ​ The Saggatern is assembled from 4 pieces of wood in the form of a door frame, to the short pieces of which the Sagblatt is screwed. Since the saw always makes its movement in the same place, a device is necessary for advancing the object to be cut in proportion to the power of the saw. This device /: Sagwagen :/ is a twenty-seven foot long frame movable on a horizontal slide and fitted with small rollers for ease of movement. ​ To move it forward, the sagger carries a 7-foot-long horizontal rod on the lower crossbar, the end of which is fastened in a shaft Rings with indentations /: Thrust ring :/ gives an impact to the surrounding wheel of 3 ½ feet in diameter and as a result rotates the same slowly. During the retraction of the former, a second bar holds the thrust ring against slippage. The wheel, which is attached to the iron base of the thrust ring and is similar to the drive wheel, pushes the sag wagon through the combs attached to it along the entire length according to the power of the saw. ​ A second overshot water wheel, 6 feet in diameter, is used to move the sag wagon backwards to its previous position, the shaft of which winds around a rope which runs over a small pulley attached to the end of the track and is attached to the sag wagon. ​ As the sag wagon moves forward, it unwinds the rope from the shaft again.” ​ In the following plan, the original work of the Steinberg saw is shown as it is described in the report by Franz Kreuzhuber in 1868 during the transfer. Only the second, smaller water wheel for moving the sag wagon backwards was added at the new location at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus. Figure 12: Gear mechanism of the Steinberg saw, 1857, archive Salinen Austria Saw - Fluder: After the transfer, the service water for the saw was no longer fed through a hermitage, but through a small cushion in the Sulzbach. The "Schmiedenfluder" from the Sulzbach, which has existed since about 1825, could be used for this purpose. This river had to be built for the operation of the mountain forge, since from 1825 larger amounts of water were diverted from the Grabenbach via the water scour into the Elisabeth tunnel in order to be able to provide the service water required for the Laistauss flooding in the Maria Theresia tunnel. The amount of residual water in the Grabenbach was often too low for the operation of the forge at the Maria Theresia tunnel. ​ The river was designed as an open wooden channel made from cut posts, 72 m long and 0.6 m wide. As early as 1881, the river, which had been renewed in 1867, had to be removed due to damage and a new river channel including water catch and wheel hut had to be installed at a cost of 719 fl 81 kr. to be erected. Further repairs of this kind on the fluder were necessary in 1891, 1905 and 1933. Figure 13: Saw - fluder, 1904, archive Salinen Austria Performance of the two saw - water wheels: The overshot water wheel for driving the gang saw had a diameter of 3.7 m and a width of 1.0 m, depending on the water pressure, an output of 4 - 5 hp; the also overshot water wheel ("mold wheel") for reversing the saw carriage with 1.7 m diameter and 0.75 m width 1 - 2 HP. Figure 14: Saw - water wheels, 1866, Archiv Salinen Austria Figure 15: Mountain saw with old Maria Theresia mountain house, around 1930, Kranabitl archive Figure 16: Mountain saw at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus (upper left edge of the picture), around 1930, Archiv Salinen Austria Modification of the mountain saw's gearbox: ​ In 1879, a circular saw was installed in the firewood store next to the mountain saw to cut the firewood better. This circular saw could be operated directly from the saw by means of a transmission transmission. ​ In 1893 the gearbox of the mountain saw had to be repaired because it was defective. ​ The complex maintenance of the saw fluder and the water wheels as well as the low performance of the mountain saw caused the management to convert this saw to electric operation in 1950. For this purpose, a stationary electric motor with 750 rpm was installed. From the 325mm diameter drive wheel of the electric motor, a belt led to a 1550mm diameter pulley on the main shaft. A second belt drive was placed on the main shaft on the stream side, which connected a belt wheel with a diameter of 900 mm on the main shaft to a belt wheel with a diameter of 730 mm on the water wheel shaft to move the saw gate. Another belt drive on the uphill side enabled the forward and backward movement of the saw carriage by means of a chain. Figure 17: Conversion of the plank saw to electric operation, 1951, Archiv Salinen Austria In the course of the electrification of the saw drive, a side saw was also installed. For this purpose, the sawing building had to be structurally extended. Figure 18: Installation of the board saw, project 1949, archive Salinen Austria Figure 19: Erection of the Ladwerkstadel, 1951, archive Salinen Austria Closure of the sawmill: The mountain saw at the old Maria Theresia Berghaus remained in operation until the mid-1980s. Since the migration of the mining industry from Perneck to the new site at the Kaiser Franz Josef Erbstollen in Lauffen in 1989, the saw building has been empty. Figure 20: Last shift arrival from Perneck, June 29, 1989, archive Salinen Austria Figure 21: Mountain saw after the cessation of operations, 1991, Kranabitl archive Figure 22: Old Maria Theresia Berghaus with a mule saw in the background, 1991, Kranabitl archive Mountain saw revitalization: In the summer of 2020, the Mitterbergstollen interest group (IGM) set itself the goal of preserving and opening up the mountain saw as part of guided tours along the Viasalis circular route. ​ The historic sawmill is well-preserved and, as a unique technical monument that is otherwise rarely found in the Salzkammergut, is particularly worthy of protection. The main elements of the saw gear, which dates back to 1847 and is made of wooden gears, have been preserved to this day. ​ In 2021, with the support of Salinen Immobilien AG, IGM would like to secure the building fabric, set up a showroom in the area of the former sawmill and have the technical history of the saw documented as part of diploma theses. Figure 23: Mountain saw, 2018, Kranabitl archive Figure 24: Saw carriage and saw frame, 2020, Kranabitl archive Figure 25: Saw gear, Kammrad, 2020, Kranabitl archive Figure 26: Saw gear, comb wheel with drive wheel and 1st belt pulley, 2020, Kranabitl archive Sources used: Franz Federspiel "News from the old Ischler Salzberg"; in: Messages from the Ischler Heimatverein, Episode 31, 2012, p. 18-25 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Michael Kefer "Hand Karten des Ischler Salzberges", 1829, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, Archiv Salinen Austria Josef Hütter "The Ischler Salzberg in words and pictures", manuscript, Bad Ischl 1938, Archiv Salinen Austria Franz Kreuzhuber "Relationship on the gear mechanism of the plank saw at the kk Salzberge Ischl", manuscript, Ischl 1868, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, Archiv Salinen Austria Ischler stock book no. 13 "Saw building" and no. 48 "Fluder for the saw", archive Salinen Austria Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", I. Volume, Ischl 1817, transcription Thomas Nussbaumer Plans from the Bad Ischl Salt Mine Plan Archives, Salinen Austria

Signs of miners The world of miners is rich in signs and symbols. ​ Mining Sign “Mallet and Iron” ​ The symbol of mining par excellence is the crossed mining sign made up of mallet and iron. The chisel is a one-sided pointed iron wedge for chipping off the rock. The mallet is a heavy hand mallet. The squire's left hand held the iron, its point was set against the mining site and driven in with the mallet held by the right hand. When the work was done, the squire put the iron down with the tip pointing to the right. Above that came the mallet crossed to the left. The teeth thus discarded were a symbol for the face being cut. Until the introduction of blasting in the 17th and 18th centuries, mallets and irons were the miner's most important tools. Mallets and irons have been used as symbols for mines since the 14th century. ​ ​ Miner's greeting "Glück Auf" ​ Although the miners' language dates back to the Middle Ages, the miners' greeting "Glück Auf" first emerged in the 17th century. Its roots are probably in the wish "Luck is opening up to you!". Ore veins should open up so that the miner is granted a rich mountain blessing. The much older form of the miner's greeting "God give!" has been preserved in Carinthian ore mining to this day. Miner's costume “mountain smock” The miner's costume has always been important for the miners' self-portrayal on festive days. The miners' oldest uniform, the white or Maximilian costume, has its origins in the working clothes of medieval miners. It consisted of a light-colored mountain smock with a hood that reached down to the thighs and the ass leather tied around it. Light, non-dyed fabrics were cheaper and more visible in the dark of the tunnels. The hood served as protection for the head and shoulders. The butt leather protected against moisture when playing the drumsticks, which often had to be done while sitting. The introduction of today's black miner's costume dates back to the end of the 18th century. This costume was prescribed by decree by the imperial family for the mountain officials. The reasons for this are likely to have been fashion considerations as well as disciplining measures. The miner's costume, which is common today, has 3 rows of brass buttons on which the mining sign "Schlägel und Eisen" is shown. Furthermore, shoulder straps with the mining symbol are attached to the mountain smock. Some symbolic components are very important: the 29 buttons of the smock are dedicated to the 29 years of St. Attributed to Barbara, the patron saint of miners. The golden buttons are supposed to symbolize the sun and the black cloth the color of the night, i.e. underground work. The mountain smock is worn on festive occasions such as mountain parades, Barbara celebrations as well as weddings or other anniversaries. But also on sad occasions such as funerals. The mountain smock accompanies its owner from the test of courage of the leather jump to the last trip to the pit in the cemetery. ​ Ass leather and leather jump ​ The mountain or butt leather, also known as leather for short, is an important item of clothing for miners and is associated with a great deal of symbolism. It is cut out of a piece of black calfskin in a semicircle and sewn to a belt. The belt has a clasp decorated with a mallet and iron. At first glance, the ass leather looks like a leather apron that is a bit too short. Aprons are part of many old craft costumes. Blacksmiths, carpenters, gardeners, cooks and winegrowers wear them. Of course, aprons are also part of the basic equipment of every good housewife. ​ And yet the miner's apron is something very special! It has been the only apron that has been worn backwards for 500 years now. And we miners are even proud of that! The reason for this is that, in the past, miners often had to do their work sitting on the wet rock for hours. The leather was a protection against wet and cold. ​ When entering the miners' ranks, the start-up leather was awarded as a sign of belonging. Every miner had to take good care of this leather, it was a kind of membership confirmation that brought many advantages of the status. If a miner committed dishonorable acts, he was expelled from the Knappschaft. His leather was tied off and he was chased away in disgrace. So to untie someone's ass leather was to declare them forfeited. ​ An ass leather attached to a long pole was considered a sign of rebellion in earlier times. When it was carried forward by a mob of grim-faced miners, it did not bode well for the trades or miners. Everyone shuddered at the sight! ​ Because miners like to adorn themselves, there used to be a separate butt leather with the appropriate fashionable accessories for each class of miners. The higher the rank, the richer and larger the leather. ​ At the head of the miners were the trades as owners and the miners as the highest-ranking officials. The leather of these honorable gentlemen was lined with brightly colored silk and decorated with a wide gold border at the edge. The middle classes, which today would include managers and foremen, had to make do with unlined leather, which was only decorated with a silver cord. All other members of the Knappschaft were left behind in the truest sense of the word. They were only allowed to wear the plain black leather without any ornaments. ​ Higher level miners commonly had at least 3 different butt leathers in their wardrobe: The somewhat more decorative start-up leather, which was awarded at the beginning of the miner's life, the simpler everyday leather for everyday use and, as a highlight, the parade leather equipped with all the fashionable chicanes. ​ It is hardly known that the ass leather was also used as a kind of musical instrument. Mountain musicians in Saxony rolled up the leather and blew firmly into it. The range of tones reportedly ranged from the roar of a deer to the fart of a deserving miner. But now back to a much more serious meaning of leather. The ass leather was part of important legal acts. In the past, mining authorization was granted as part of the so-called inheritance survey. This legal act expired as follows: The mining officials came to the newly found ore vein on horseback in miners' festive costumes. The trades also came in festive costume, but with a carriage. The rest of the hill tribe, the common miners, had to walk to the new mine. Everyone lined up in a circle around the newly found outcrop. Mine officials had to measure the thickness of the vein and use that to determine the survey or rental fee. Up to this point, today's negotiations with an on-site inspection would not have gone much differently. Only the mining captain and the managing director would no longer travel on horseback, but in a befitting petrol carriage. The common mountain people would of course appear on site with much smaller petrol carriages. ​ But earlier, when paying the survey fee, something quite unexpected happened to us: All miners present stood in a circle and the miner placed his ass leather in the middle of the circle. The trades were sentenced to pay the award fee by means of a quick verbal decision. The tradesman immediately had to pay the required amount in the form of coins on the ass leather in the middle. And now comes the unbelievable: The miner took some of the coins and tossed them to the miners present. Then the mining official took a few more handfuls of coins and invited the entire assembly to a measuring meal followed by a feast. Only the money that was left was delivered to the state authorities by the mining authorities. ​ This form of negotiation should be reintroduced as soon as possible. This ensures that everyone involved goes home happy with full pockets and bellies after the legal act has been completed. Unfortunately, there are no such efforts to be found in the current mining or commercial law! ​ In the course of the measurement meal, a kind of decision was also issued. The ass leather, on which the money was previously placed, was cut up by the mining captain. Everyone present immediately received a piece as a sign of participation in the award ceremony. It's that easy to solve our current problems with complicated postal routes, long processing times and high stamp fees. In earlier times, a successful mining company was not characterized by folders full of valid or less valid notices, but by a sack with as many pieces of ass leather as possible. ​ For the miners, it is still a great honor and distinction to be able to jump over such a historical, but also misjudged piece of clothing at the leather jump! The leather jump ​ The leather jump is undoubtedly the celebratory highlight of every Barbara celebration. Perhaps one of you has already seen the butcher's jump at Salzburg's Residenzplatz. After a public pledge to their profession, the newly minted butcher journeymen jump into a water-filled vat. This symbolically washes them clean of the sins of the apprenticeship. They then demonstrate courage and strength by waving the guild flag, which weighs more than 60 kg. Our valued Ledersprung also originates from this tradition of medieval guilds. Its roots probably lie in the Saxon Ore Mountains. The form of the leather jump that is common today came to Austria in 1848 from Schemnitz in the Czech Republic. In the course of the unrest at the time, the German-speaking mining professors and their students had to leave the Bergakademie Schemnitz. At the invitation of Peter Tuner, they were admitted to the mining school in Vordernberg near Leoben. ​ The mining customs they brought with them, such as the leather jump, but also their black mountain smocks, quickly spread to all Austrian mining areas. How does a traditional leather jump work? The leather jump can be roughly divided into 3 sections: Namely in questioning the candidate, in emptying the glass and finally in jumping over the leather. The questioning of name, origin and status is a public declaration of your homeland and profession. The following sayings are usually more original than meant seriously. ​ Emptying the glass is intended to express the new miner's zest for life. Of course, the "Ex" before the jump can be emphatically demanded by the audience. ​ After all, the jump over the leather is the core of the ritual: It symbolizes courageous entry into the new state, which can entail great dangers. The jump means courage. With both feet at the same time, one jumps into the new, freely chosen position, which does not tolerate stumbling, but does require rapid determination and energy. ​ The miners of all social levels see themselves as a community of destiny. This is expressed by the fact that the oldest present miner as well as the highest ranking official hold the leather for the jump. ​ Where are leather jumps still celebrated today in the old mining tradition? In the traditional, active mining operations, of course. After successfully passing the hewer's test, the candidate with the leather jump is officially accepted into the miner's rank. Large leather jumps take place annually at mining universities such as Leoben, Clausthal, Freiberg, Krakow, Miskolc or Laibach. Every young student is invited to the leather jump. After passing the exam and having a merry party, he has the right to wear his mountain smock with pride as a young miner. The leather jump is an important event in student life that we look back on fondly. And therein lies a certain obligation for us miners. In our active professional life, we should also give this joy to young colleagues! Another area in which leather jumps are still actively held is that of miners' and traditional clubs. In these associations, classic miners, representatives of institutions and companies meet with people who are interested in mining for a wide variety of reasons and who openly support mining. In addition to maintaining friendship and sociability, an intensive exchange of experiences and mutual appreciation in club life are considered particularly important. Of course, leather jumps are an important, connecting element! ​ But we must not forget one thing: The leather jump is and remains a mining tradition, namely ours! Under no circumstances must it degenerate into an empty, folkloric event! A home evening with Hansi Hinterseer songs is definitely something else!!!

Social affairs – health care: The medical services in the Kammergut were under the supervision of graduated doctors from an early stage. The first Salzamtsphysicus mentioned in the resolution books was 1628 Dr. Brown. Since 1656 (3rd Reformation Libel) free medical treatment and the free purchase of medicines have been among the most important benefits for masters and workers permanently employed in the salt industry. In the second half of the 18th century, workers who were unable to work as a result of illness received full wages for the first 14 days, then sick pay of 30 kreuzers a week until they recovered and a commission (mercy pension) in the event of permanent disability. The officials had to diligently monitor the sick worker, deal with the surgeon or barber after the end of the cure (sick leave) and submit the cost calculation to the salt office physician for review before payment was made. In order to reduce the high cost of sickness, the authorities were instructed not to pay any workers the allowance (sick pay) until they had been examined by the surgeon and found to be ill. All bathers, surgeons and surgeons of the saltworks offices, ie also the markets there, were subordinate to the salt office physician. From 1735 he inspected their activities, calculations and healing successes quarterly. He pronounced the inability to work to obtain the commissions. The official bather treated the salt people and usually also gave them the medicines. He submitted bills to the Salt Office for payment. It was often paid incompletely and it often took a long time, which is why two thirds of the accounts were paid in advance by the salt office. The Kammergut was already under the supervision of certified state doctors in the 16th century. The exercise of health care, however, was in the hands of practitioners without formal training, with bathers, surgeons or surgeons. They were also barbers, therefore craftsmen with their own craft regulations, approved by the Emperor in 1646 and confirmed in 1662. Neither the barbers and surgeons nor the pharmacists were imperial servants with a fixed salary. Their income was low, so they received aid money and often maintained era bathhouses. For the treatment of sick people there have always been two spas in Ischl and from 1711 a third spa. The barbers needed the approval of the Salt Office to practice their trade. They also had to take a vow at the market court and at the verwesamt. The Salzamt invoices also contain entries that there were two midwives in Ischl who received an annual subsidy from the market and had to take their vows before the market court. An important part of the medical system was the Kammergutapotheke in Gmunden, which was first mentioned in the Salzakten in 1616. In 1740, the reimbursement of doctor's wages and medicine costs granted from 1656 was still only available to workers in imperial service if they fell ill or were seriously injured in the course of their work and could no longer be prepared with regular household remedies. Only the unprejudiced and philanthropic physician Dr. In 1746 Lebzelter found the courage to openly declare that internal illnesses required treatment just as much as external illnesses, which is why such patients should be treated free of charge. Treatment costs for workers suffering from toothache were not reimbursed in 1745. If a worker fell ill with the French plague (syphilis), he had to be examined by the surgeon, who would decide whether the illness was the result of accident or his own fault. In the latter case, the doctor's wages were paid by the office, but the costs of treatment and maintenance were deducted from the worker's wages and he was also punished. To deter others, a salt worker from Ischl was dismissed from his work in 1738. In 1746 Dr. Lebzelter was one of the brightest minds of his time in the Salzamt. In order to make it easier for the salt workers to drink milk, which is indispensable for better nutrition for the children, Dr. Despite all resistance, Lebzelter managed to get the general ban on grazing for goats, which was issued to protect the forest stock and whose milk he declared curative against scurvy, partially lifted and raising was permitted wherever the animals could not damage the grazing culture. He recognized the inexpediency of the workers' vegetable-poor diet, which consisted almost entirely of flour, semolina, lard, and the daily Schott soup, and he was a zealous advocate of the cultivation of potatoes, which he considered to be of great value as a supplement to the diet. Through his efforts, the Salzamt also improved and expanded the unhealthy, unclean and cramped sleeping quarters in the miners' houses on the Salzbergen. From time immemorial, free medical treatment and sick pay were only due to workers directly employed by the era, and in 1777 the Court Chamber renewed the ban on granting these advantages to woodcutters employed by the entrepreneurs. However, as early as 1778, she softened this harsh provision to the extent that the salt office was allowed to pay the doctor's wages if such workers had an accident or fell ill while on duty. Provisional workers were long excluded from any sickness allowance; only from 1790 onwards did the Salt Office replace their doctor's wages. The Salzkammergut was not entirely spared from the risk of epidemics. The plague claimed larger numbers of victims in 1625, 1675 and at the beginning of the 18th century. The plague was probably brought in from Lower Austria, despite the border closure that was imposed on the country when it first appeared. The Kammergut was closed to all through traffic and the border crossings were strictly guarded. Every epidemic required an expansion of the old cemetery, which was located directly next to the Ischl church. The fire in the Hallstatt market in 1750 also destroyed the Salinenspital. The new building, which was only started in 1770 and completed in 1772, was no longer built in the market square, but in the Lahn like the Sud- and Amtshaus. The new hospital was dimensioned for the accommodation of 16 patients of both sexes, from among whom the court clerk entrusted with the overall management and supervision chose a hospital father and a hospital mother. These two, as well as the other patients, received a weekly benefice and were obliged to spin or knit according to their strength for the needs of the hospital. The beneficiaries were free to live with their relatives; in this case they were entitled to a payment of the weekly hostel rate. The interest on the assets was initially available to the hospital administration to cover current expenses. In addition, there were annual co-payments by the erar. With the growing knowledge of the causes of diseases and the means of combating them from the end of the 18th century, the medical service not only increased in size and prestige, but also the demands on the people responsible for the immediate treatment of the sick had increased. From 1790 onwards, the Court Chamber demanded Magistri and Doctors who had already been examined and approved at the University of Vienna for vacant barber positions, but there were still no such applicants for the Chamber estate. The bathing and barber trades, which used to be left almost entirely to the practice of treatment, lost more and more importance compared to the better trained and certified surgeons, of whom there were a few in every larger town. The salt workers were free to choose their bathers and surgeons, which is why they preferred the more competent ones and thus also contributed to raising the status of healers. The protection smallpox vaccination discovered in 1796 had already found its way into the Kammergut in 1802; from 1802 to 1806, 1,261 children had already been vaccinated free of charge by the saline surgeons. In 1807 the Court Chamber assigned the Gmunden pharmacist the establishment and operation of a branch pharmacy in Ischl, which became independent from 1821. In 1807 a saline physics department was created in Ischl. The former regimental doctor Dr. Josef Götz was in charge of the inner Kammergut and the forest districts around Mondsee and Attersee. From 1826, stable workers had to obtain spa certificates from the office in the event of illness, on the basis of which they were entitled to free medical treatment. Free treatment was excluded if a worker injured himself off duty. After six months of illness, the erar's obligation to provide medical assistance was ended, and the office then had to decide whether the worker was to be commissioned for a certain period of time or permanently. From 1827 onwards, dependent or interim workers enjoyed free medical treatment for injuries sustained on the job, but not for internal illnesses. In general, however, they were not entitled to sick pay. Seriously ill or injured Ischl salt workers could be accommodated in the hospital operated by the market community. For this purpose, the salt works management had 2 rooms available for 8 sick salt workers in return for an annual fee of 16 Rachel firewood. Here the saline workers were treated by the Ischl saline physician, and the erar paid the subsistence costs directly to the market town. The Ischl "infirmary" was first mentioned in 1586. This house was built for the sick, not for the old and poor. Around the middle of the 17th century it stood behind the church. When the hospital disappeared at the end of 1770 when the church was enlarged, the sick were accommodated in an old barracks outside the keep. Through an agreement with the saltworks, a new house was built on the so-called Pfarrwiesen and put into operation around 1800. In Ischl there was a second private hospital in Eglmoos in the village of Ahorn from 1827, where the sick received medical treatment and care for a certain fee. The health of the workforce was an important concern for the saltworks. At the turn of the century, workers' bathrooms were available for employees. In the mining industry, there were hot kitchens to give the workers the opportunity to eat regularly and healthily. Spiritual nourishment was available to the saline workers in their own saline libraries. However, the libraries were not used very actively, about one book per worker and year was borrowed. ​ Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

Social affairs – pension scheme: ​ The second Reformation Dragonfly of 1563 contains information about the old age pension of the employees of the salt works for the first time. The commissions (pensions) were quite good for the time and amounted to around 2/3 of the normal wages for masters and workers and half the salary of the deceased man for widows. The Salinenspital in Hallstatt was also well endowed, in which the members of the Salinen from Ischl were admitted in the case of weakness, old age, frailty and illness. It had a secure annual income of 898 guilders, which was made up of foundation funds from Maximilian I and salt dedications. In the Salinenspital Hallstatt not only poor, sick and old members of the salt industry in the Kammergut found accommodation and food, up to 50 people in need of care not working in the salt industry were also supported with benefices and financial aid. The exercise of religious duties was strictly regulated in the Salinenspital; the beneficiaries (pensioners) had to attend the daily mass and include requests for the emperor and the imperial house in their prayers. The hospital manager had to encourage the residents to pray, also make sure that they take communion several times and "that they, as true believers in Christ, always stand in the fear of God". The beneficiaries were not badly fed, they received a pound of beef and 2 pounds of bread every meat day, and a pint of wine on holidays and communion day; they also received 2 pairs of shoes every year and a “dress” every two years. Up until the middle of the 16th century, salt workers in old age were only dependent on care in the Salinenspital in Hallstatt; they only received a commission (grace pension) from princely funds after the second Reformation Libel from 1563. Around 1593, the commission of a dismissed worker was 15 to 30 kreuzers a week, but many were only dealt with with a one-off gift of 10 to 12 guilders and otherwise referred to the hospital catering. The amount of all gifts was based on wages, length of service and behavior. This practice continued into the 17th century, since commissions remained mere pleas for clemency and were not bound to any specific amount. The low old-age pension, which for widows was only half of the husband’s commission, was hardly sufficient to prolong bare life in times of rising prices, which is why the Hofkammer then gave particularly needy workers and their widows, in addition to the commission, one-off grace payments of varying amounts as emergency help approved. The workers in the private service of finishers, master woodworkers and shipwrights were excluded from commissions. Persons outside the right to supply could be granted support by the Salzamt as a mercy in the case of particular need and worthiness. The old-age pension due to the workers directly employed by the Salt Office had, under certain conditions, almost become a gamble. Above all, the worker applying for the commission had to be permanently unable to work according to the determination of the saline physician and his official behavior had not given cause for complaint. However, the commission could also be refused for other reasons. In 1751, the Salzamtmann Sternbach withdrew a worker's commission "because of the respect that the officials were not shown by not removing their hat". Even in 1792, the servants did not yet have an undisputed right to the commission. At that time, the Court Chamber declared commissions in the amount of the last active salary "as a supreme grace, which not only presupposes a long period of service but, what is most important, good and useful service and therefore excellent merits". Every three months there were presentations of the commissioners, including those who had completed their 40th year of service and were entitled to full wages as commission, in which case the Chamber Gutsphysicus had to examine them to see whether they were actually capable of no work, even light work. According to the resolution of February 8, 1770, the entitlement to commission began after 8 years of service, counted from the age of 15, and reached full wages as a maximum with the 40th year of service. Workers who were unable to work before their 8th year of service generally only received severance pay equal to one year's wages. However, when they left work, the provisionists also lost their claim to the farm grain. It was therefore not uncommon, and was even encouraged by the Hofkammer for reasons of economy, for workers to remain in the plant after their 40th year of service as “semi-jubilees” and then had to do lighter tasks for the earlier wages. The commissions of widows and orphans were almost always paid out with an increase, because the extremely low commission contributions would not have been enough to support them. Either the Hofkammer approved an increase in the normal commission, or they added a weekly alms to it. Fatherless orphans also received a weekly commission and often a quarterly allowance. The reference ended at the age of 12, from 1800 onwards at the age of 14. Illegitimate children only acquired the ability to receive a commission through the subsequent marriage of their parents, otherwise the manorial system had to take care of them. For the jubilee (retirement), the court chamber demanded proof of medical incapacity to work by means of a certificate, which had to be signed by the responsible doctor as well as by the district physician. 40 years of service were not enough for the court chamber to celebrate. The reasons for the inability to work were often cited by the doctors at the salt works as nonsense, but also weakness of nerves, paralysis, deafness, pulmonary addiction, epilepsy, goiter, crippling and scrofula (glandular disease). The frightening frequency of these physical defects was a consequence of rather alarming signs of degeneration. Most of these were certainly the aftermath of the famine years of the French era. In addition, the inappropriate and poorly varied diet and the seclusion of the chamber estate, which led to inbreeding, were also to blame. Cretinism, which was particularly widespread in Hallstatt, only disappeared at the end of the 19th century. Malicious gossips once claimed that the construction of the railway in the 1970s, which brought many strangers to the country, had had a positive effect on the next generation. Provisionists between the ages of 60 and 65, whom the Physician found suitable for lighter work, were obliged to work 1 to 3 shifts a week for free in the 13th to 39th quarter, i.e. 1 to 3 shifts a week and to do road work, shoveling snow, sand extraction, light wood production, cleaning the work gear, Geimeln (house caretaker in the miner's house) and other work. Because of the low value of the provisionist work, the unwillingness with which it was done and the cumbersome supervision by the administrative offices, the ministry abolished the jubilee shifts again in 1849 without replacement. The basis for calculating weekly commissions dates back to 1768. Of course, commissions of such small magnitude were no longer sufficient in the 19th century, but the court chamber nevertheless stuck to the system and, as with wages, made do with provisional measures, Cost-of-living grants and quarterly grants. A widow became entitled to the normal commission only after her husband had served eight years. If her husband had died earlier, she was only entitled to a one-time severance payment equal to his last quarterly salary. Only if the worker had a fatal accident before reaching the eighth year of service did the Hofkammer grant the widow a simple commission. As a result of the state bankruptcy in 1811, the Salinenspital in Hallstatt had lost almost all of its assets invested in securities and then no longer had the means to fulfill its obligations. However, through the greatest reduction in expenditure and the support of the Court Chamber, it was gradually able to recover to the point where it was able to provide for the statutory number of beneficiaries and cover the operating costs. In 1847 the hospital's assets were already so strong that the full number of 24 beneficiaries could be fed and 39 orphans could receive educational grants and 95 cases of support totaling 1,300 guilders. Like the Salinenspital in Hallstatt, the Holy Spirit Hospital in Aussee served to house and feed poor, veteran imperial workers, their widows and orphans, for which purpose it received 800 guilders a year from the Salt Office. In 1815, 15 beneficiaries lived in the hospital. The benefactor's house (poor house) in Ischl was not a princely institution, but the property of the market community, but had the obligation to accommodate eight employees of the salt works and, moreover, to keep two rooms available at all times to accommodate seriously ill workers. In 1844, the municipality intended to vacate the prebendary's house, which was located between the post office and the theatre, i.e. in the liveliest and most frequented area of the seaside resort, and to create a replacement building in a quieter area. The postmaster Franz Koch agreed to buy a building plot in the east of the market square in exchange for the old prebendary house and to build the new prebendary house on it at his own expense. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

16 The Old Steinberg – Tunnel Stud Name: "Alter Steinberg - Stollen" because of the route in dense limestone Struck: 1567 Length: 902 m (658 m in Kalk, 244 m in Haselgebirge) Altitude: 852 m In 1567, under Emperor Ferdinand I. the "Alte Steinberg - Stollen" and the "Oberberg - Stollen", later renamed "Lipplesgraben - Stollen". The new tunnel made it possible to use the salt mountains discovered in the Mitterberg tunnel and to convert the two pumping works of the Mitterberg tunnel into discharge weirs. Encouraged by a test dig created from the Mitterberg tunnel, the Ischl miners started the slightly lower-lying Old Steinberg tunnel. The main shaft had to be driven 552 Stabel (658.0m) in lime, behind it one encountered rich Haselgebirge, which was at least 205 Stabel (244.4m) long. In 1575, experts from the three Aussee, Hallstatt and Ischl saltworks inspected and advised on the Ischler Salzberg. In the old Steinberg tunnel there was a level pit to the left of the main shaft to open up the mountains and next to it a pumping station designed to the south. Since the test furnaces extended under the Ebenschurf were in the well-salted mountains, the inspectors suggested that the field site of the Ebenschurf in the Tauben should be further extended. A dam in good condition was erected because of the freshwater that had been brought in. Since the field site of the Old Steinberg tunnel was in the deaf mountains, the inspectors decided to dig down a sinkhole to explore the salt mountains and then to examine the mountains with an oven. Due to the inexperience of the miners, who considered the limestone in the back of the head to be a deposit, after which salt must come again after breaking through, strong self-watering was started in the Old Steinberg tunnel, the coping of which caused great difficulties. In 1580, when there was still water-bearing, jagged limestone in the Steinberg, one was close to stopping any further tunnel excavation. A pit plan drawn up in 1654 shows that the old Steinberg tunnel - main shaft was first 156 Stabel (186.0m) in the bare rock and timbering, then a 40 Stabel (47.7m) long section was built in dense limestone, where this tunnel came from also got his name and then again 113 Stabel (134.7m) in the Tauben Mountains. After a total length of 309 Stabel (368.3m), the old Steinberg tunnel - main shaft finally reached the salt mountains. In the Hasel Mountains, the straight main shaft was continued and two bends were created, namely the bowl bend on the right and the Christoph Eysel bend on the left. The bowl turn was 135 sticks (160.9m) long and its field location was written in stone. On this hairpin bend there were two abandoned pumping stations, namely the hook and shooting station. The Christoph Eysel - Kehr was 80 Stabel (95.4m) long and there were two new pumping works, namely the Mathias Eysel - and the Hörlin - building, which held 4 Stuben Sulzen (452.8m³) at the first watering. The field location of this turn was in the gypsum stone. On the straight continuation of the main shaft, which stood up to the Zwerchschurf (diagonal Schurf) 205 Stabel (244.4m) in the salted mountains, there were 6 burrows. The names of these waterworks were Ederinger, Ebinger, Hinterdorfer, Neuhauser, Schroffensteiner and old Weidinger - Bau. The burrows were partly intersected and already mostly used. The old Weidinger building was provided with an additional dam so that the fall from the salt mountains at the rear of the main shaft could also be watered down. In addition to the two bends mentioned, there were also the Eder and Weidinger bends, extended to the left of the main shaft. On the 67 bar (79.9 m) long Eder bend, whose field location was written in stone, was the Eder building, which was still in use and was 14 bar (16.7 m) deep and held 3 rooms (339.6 m³) of brine . The Weidinger - Kehr stood 34 Stabel (40.5m) in the well-salted mountains and on the same was the new Weidinger - building, which had 8 Stabel (9.5m) construction depth and 12 Suole rooms (1358.4m³) summarized. At the rear of the main shaft, a transverse dig (transverse dig) with 40 poles (47.7m) on the right and 28 poles (33.4m) on the left was lengthened to explore the salt mountains. The field site of the former stood in stone and barren mountains, in the latter there was a wooden weir to prevent an inrush of the approached fresh water. Behind this Zwerchschurf, the main shaft was extended by another 30 sticks (35.8 m) over a fall from the salt mountains. Their field place was in stone and barren mountains. Also on this main shaft were the main trench from the Mitterberg tunnel down and the two, 22 Stabel (26.2 m) and 8 Stabel (9.5 m) long discharge furnaces of the Schellenberger weirs built in the Mitterberg tunnel. ​ Due to lengthy repair work on the Sulzstrehn from Hallstatt, the brine for both salt pans in Ischl and Ebensee had to be produced mostly in the Old Steinberg tunnel. That is why in 1654 the whole 32 Stabel (38.1m) mighty mountain thickness was sooty except for 10 Stabel (11.9m). In 1656, the old Steinberg tunnel stood in the rich salt core and contained 12 water dams that had to be heavily used at times. A burrow had already collapsed. The commission recommended undercutting the Steinberg, but further consultations should take place with the involvement of external experts. Finally, in 1692, a new underpass tunnel, namely the Rabenbrunn tunnel, was struck. With the more than 1,000 m long Rabenbrunn tunnel, only salt mountains could be approached for the construction of a single building due to a faulty direction of advance and a too strong slope. In 1751, in the old Steinberg tunnel to explore the salt mountains, the test pits in the Eysel bend and in other places were not successful either. Therefore, the Old Steinberg - and the Rabenbrunn - tunnels were abandoned soon afterwards. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 B. Pillwein "History, Geography and Statistics of the Archduchy above the Enns and the Duchy of Salzburg", 2nd part Traunkreis, Linz 1828