search results

14 The Neuberg tunnel Stud Name: "Neuberg - Stollen" as a new uphill climb below the Obernberg - Stollen, the later "Lipplesgraben - Stollen" Struck: 1586 Leave: 1879 Length: 994 m Altitude: 909 m Emperor Rudolph II set up a commission to stop widespread abuses in the chamber property and to ensure the implementation of the provisions laid down in the Reformation - Libelle of 1563. Therefore, in 1586, a mountain inspection was carried out at the Ischler Salzberg. The mining inspection recommended, for the required increase in salt production, the opening of a new tunnel, the Neuberg tunnel. Since the salt could be detected over the entire planned thickness of the mountain through the exploratory digging carried out by Archduke Matthias - tunnel, the tunneling of the Neuberg - tunnel began in 1586. The Neuberg tunnel was already being considered in the north-facing steep terrain of the Mitterberg. This would have made the main shaft much shorter than when driving from the west. The construction of a 300 bar (357.6 m) long section in hard limestone, the difficulty of delivering timber and the construction of a slag heap in the steep terrain were important reasons for starting the exploration from the west. In addition, the required pit and pole wood could be delivered effortlessly from the Steinberg saw. It was also possible to connect inexpensively to the Strehn, which had already been built by Archduke Matthias to drain off the brine extracted in the Obernberg tunnel. In order to speed up the exploration work, in 1589 a counter-construction was initiated from a pit sunk from the Matthias tunnel. However, great difficulties were encountered with this opposing structure, which was located in water-bearing limestone. The tunneling came to a standstill when 160 rods (191.2m) still had to be driven to the point of breakthrough. In 1590 further driving of the opposite building was even supposed to be stopped, but the Ischl mountain championship successfully resisted this. Until the breakthrough, however, the inflowing water and the rock that had been thrown out had to be drawn up into the Archduke Mathias tunnel using a hand reel, which was expensive. Situation of the Schöpfbaue in the Neuberg tunnel around 1654: A total of 11 pumping stations; Eder, Wildenhofer, Wolkenstainer, Daniman, Preuner, Wangner, Hintersteiner, Rossner, Urschenbeck, Lichensteiner and Mondseer or Manser - construction. In the continuation of the Neuberg tunnel - main shaft there were 11 burrows. As early as 1648, the Eder, Wildenhofer, Wolkensteiner, Daniman and Preuner buildings were united under one sky and had 22 rooms (2,490.4m³) of brine content, 11 bars (13.2m) down to the sole of the Neuberg - stollen to dry up. The cut burrows were driven under with a weir furnace in the Frauenholz tunnel, could be emptied via a discharge dam and were referred to as Graf Preuner weir. The Wagner and Hintersteiner buildings were also under the same sky, were prepared for an outlet weir and then combined with the five previous buildings in the Preuner and Raßfeldner weirs. The Roßner - Bau also united with the mentioned buildings in the Preuner and Raßfelner - weir. In 1730 the Graf Preuner weir broke through to the Rassfelner weir in the Frauenholz tunnel. After the now combined Preuner and Raßfellner weir had been provided with new dams in 1733 and new discharge boxes in 1734, it could now be leached up to the Matthias tunnel. To facilitate the cleaning, a cleaning pit was sunk from the Matthias tunnel. In 1744 the Preuner and Raßfellner weir had to be abandoned because it had come dangerously close to the overlying rock. The Preuner and Raßfellner weir then served for some time as an impact work for the Zierler weir located in the St. Johannes tunnel. The Urschenbeck, Lichtensteiner and Mansen The building also stood under one sky, contained 12 rooms (1,358.4 m³) of brine, and could be emptied as a weir with an outlet dam, the Klementen weir, through the Frauenholz tunnel. The Klementen weir was only watered down in the Neuberg horizon and left before 1800. Behind the Manser building there was still a drainage pit down the Frauenholz tunnel. The Neuberg tunnel – main shaft was also driven too far into the footing and had hit fresh water in the limestone air. After water ingress in 1641, a Lettendamm was built, the fresh water was collected and safely guided to the surface in wooden tubes. In 1707, the Neuberg tunnel contained 11 barrages divided into three groups, which were still operated as 3 dam weirs, but not much was to be expected from them. Situation of the weirs in the Neuberg tunnel around 1850: A total of 4 weirs, all pronounced dead around 1850; Seeauer - Weir, Lang - weir, Klementen - weir, Paul Müller - weir. In 1840 the first pit linings were carried out on the Ischler Salzberg in the Ritschner - conversion of the Neuberg - tunnel. Until 1933, the Albrechten conversion, the Ritschner conversion and the Schwind Schurf were kept open in the rear part of the Neuberg tunnel for the drainage path into the lower-lying horizons. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte krankenversrgung Social affairs – health care: The medical services in the Kammergut were under the supervision of graduated doctors from an early stage. The first Salzamtsphysicus mentioned in the resolution books was 1628 Dr. Brown. Since 1656 (3rd Reformation Libel) free medical treatment and the free purchase of medicines have been among the most important benefits for masters and workers permanently employed in the salt industry. In the second half of the 18th century, workers who were unable to work as a result of illness received full wages for the first 14 days, then sick pay of 30 kreuzers a week until they recovered and a commission (mercy pension) in the event of permanent disability. The officials had to diligently monitor the sick worker, deal with the surgeon or barber after the end of the cure (sick leave) and submit the cost calculation to the salt office physician for review before payment was made. In order to reduce the high cost of sickness, the authorities were instructed not to pay any workers the allowance (sick pay) until they had been examined by the surgeon and found to be ill. All bathers, surgeons and surgeons of the saltworks offices, ie also the markets there, were subordinate to the salt office physician. From 1735 he inspected their activities, calculations and healing successes quarterly. He pronounced the inability to work to obtain the commissions. The official bather treated the salt people and usually also gave them the medicines. He submitted bills to the Salt Office for payment. It was often paid incompletely and it often took a long time, which is why two thirds of the accounts were paid in advance by the salt office. The Kammergut was already under the supervision of certified state doctors in the 16th century. The exercise of health care, however, was in the hands of practitioners without formal training, with bathers, surgeons or surgeons. They were also barbers, therefore craftsmen with their own craft regulations, approved by the Emperor in 1646 and confirmed in 1662. Neither the barbers and surgeons nor the pharmacists were imperial servants with a fixed salary. Their income was low, so they received aid money and often maintained era bathhouses. For the treatment of sick people there have always been two spas in Ischl and from 1711 a third spa. The barbers needed the approval of the Salt Office to practice their trade. They also had to take a vow at the market court and at the verwesamt. The Salzamt invoices also contain entries that there were two midwives in Ischl who received an annual subsidy from the market and had to take their vows before the market court. An important part of the medical system was the Kammergutapotheke in Gmunden, which was first mentioned in the Salzakten in 1616. In 1740, the reimbursement of doctor's wages and medicine costs granted from 1656 was still only available to workers in imperial service if they fell ill or were seriously injured in the course of their work and could no longer be prepared with regular household remedies. Only the unprejudiced and philanthropic physician Dr. In 1746 Lebzelter found the courage to openly declare that internal illnesses required treatment just as much as external illnesses, which is why such patients should be treated free of charge. Treatment costs for workers suffering from toothache were not reimbursed in 1745. If a worker fell ill with the French plague (syphilis), he had to be examined by the surgeon, who would decide whether the illness was the result of accident or his own fault. In the latter case, the doctor's wages were paid by the office, but the costs of treatment and maintenance were deducted from the worker's wages and he was also punished. To deter others, a salt worker from Ischl was dismissed from his work in 1738. In 1746 Dr. Lebzelter was one of the brightest minds of his time in the Salzamt. In order to make it easier for the salt workers to drink milk, which is indispensable for better nutrition for the children, Dr. Despite all resistance, Lebzelter managed to get the general ban on grazing for goats, which was issued to protect the forest stock and whose milk he declared curative against scurvy, partially lifted and raising was permitted wherever the animals could not damage the grazing culture. He recognized the inexpediency of the workers' vegetable-poor diet, which consisted almost entirely of flour, semolina, lard, and the daily Schott soup, and he was a zealous advocate of the cultivation of potatoes, which he considered to be of great value as a supplement to the diet. Through his efforts, the Salzamt also improved and expanded the unhealthy, unclean and cramped sleeping quarters in the miners' houses on the Salzbergen. From time immemorial, free medical treatment and sick pay were only due to workers directly employed by the era, and in 1777 the Court Chamber renewed the ban on granting these advantages to woodcutters employed by the entrepreneurs. However, as early as 1778, she softened this harsh provision to the extent that the salt office was allowed to pay the doctor's wages if such workers had an accident or fell ill while on duty. Provisional workers were long excluded from any sickness allowance; only from 1790 onwards did the Salt Office replace their doctor's wages. The Salzkammergut was not entirely spared from the risk of epidemics. The plague claimed larger numbers of victims in 1625, 1675 and at the beginning of the 18th century. The plague was probably brought in from Lower Austria, despite the border closure that was imposed on the country when it first appeared. The Kammergut was closed to all through traffic and the border crossings were strictly guarded. Every epidemic required an expansion of the old cemetery, which was located directly next to the Ischl church. The fire in the Hallstatt market in 1750 also destroyed the Salinenspital. The new building, which was only started in 1770 and completed in 1772, was no longer built in the market square, but in the Lahn like the Sud- and Amtshaus. The new hospital was dimensioned for the accommodation of 16 patients of both sexes, from among whom the court clerk entrusted with the overall management and supervision chose a hospital father and a hospital mother. These two, as well as the other patients, received a weekly benefice and were obliged to spin or knit according to their strength for the needs of the hospital. The beneficiaries were free to live with their relatives; in this case they were entitled to a payment of the weekly hostel rate. The interest on the assets was initially available to the hospital administration to cover current expenses. In addition, there were annual co-payments by the erar. With the growing knowledge of the causes of diseases and the means of combating them from the end of the 18th century, the medical service not only increased in size and prestige, but also the demands on the people responsible for the immediate treatment of the sick had increased. From 1790 onwards, the Court Chamber demanded Magistri and Doctors who had already been examined and approved at the University of Vienna for vacant barber positions, but there were still no such applicants for the Chamber estate. The bathing and barber trades, which used to be left almost entirely to the practice of treatment, lost more and more importance compared to the better trained and certified surgeons, of whom there were a few in every larger town. The salt workers were free to choose their bathers and surgeons, which is why they preferred the more competent ones and thus also contributed to raising the status of healers. The protection smallpox vaccination discovered in 1796 had already found its way into the Kammergut in 1802; from 1802 to 1806, 1,261 children had already been vaccinated free of charge by the saline surgeons. In 1807 the Court Chamber assigned the Gmunden pharmacist the establishment and operation of a branch pharmacy in Ischl, which became independent from 1821. In 1807 a saline physics department was created in Ischl. The former regimental doctor Dr. Josef Götz was in charge of the inner Kammergut and the forest districts around Mondsee and Attersee. From 1826, stable workers had to obtain spa certificates from the office in the event of illness, on the basis of which they were entitled to free medical treatment. Free treatment was excluded if a worker injured himself off duty. After six months of illness, the erar's obligation to provide medical assistance was ended, and the office then had to decide whether the worker was to be commissioned for a certain period of time or permanently. From 1827 onwards, dependent or interim workers enjoyed free medical treatment for injuries sustained on the job, but not for internal illnesses. In general, however, they were not entitled to sick pay. Seriously ill or injured Ischl salt workers could be accommodated in the hospital operated by the market community. For this purpose, the salt works management had 2 rooms available for 8 sick salt workers in return for an annual fee of 16 Rachel firewood. Here the saline workers were treated by the Ischl saline physician, and the erar paid the subsistence costs directly to the market town. The Ischl "infirmary" was first mentioned in 1586. This house was built for the sick, not for the old and poor. Around the middle of the 17th century it stood behind the church. When the hospital disappeared at the end of 1770 when the church was enlarged, the sick were accommodated in an old barracks outside the keep. Through an agreement with the saltworks, a new house was built on the so-called Pfarrwiesen and put into operation around 1800. In Ischl there was a second private hospital in Eglmoos in the village of Ahorn from 1827, where the sick received medical treatment and care for a certain fee. The health of the workforce was an important concern for the saltworks. At the turn of the century, workers' bathrooms were available for employees. In the mining industry, there were hot kitchens to give the workers the opportunity to eat regularly and healthily. Spiritual nourishment was available to the saline workers in their own saline libraries. However, the libraries were not used very actively, about one book per worker and year was borrowed. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

15 The Mitterberg tunnel Stud Name: "Mitterberg - Stollen" as locality name Struck: 7/25/1563 Length: 130 m Altitude: 886 m Under Emperor Ferdinand I, the Mitterberg tunnel was opened on July 25, 1563 as the first and original salt tunnel on the Ischler Salzberg. A mine survey carried out on October 15, 1567 by Georg Neuhauser Salzamtmann, Balthasar Blindhammer court clerk at Hallstatt, Jakob Schmiedauer Unterpfleger at Wildenstein, with the involvement of the mine masters and other people who were familiar with the work of the salt pans at Hallstatt and Aussee, revealed that in the Mitterberg tunnel there was a shaft with 2 sinkworks in the salted mountains had been sunk. From this, great hopes were drawn of finding a salt store worth building in order to be able to set up a salt works in Ischl. For further investigation of the found salt deposit, it was decided to create a level excavation from the sinkhole sunk at 47 Stabel (56.2m) in the salted mountains and to sunk another sinkhole from the same. As the salt mountain stretched further down, a deeper tunnel was to be built at the "Hohensteg". In 1575, experts from the salt works in Aussee, Hallstatt and Ischl carried out another inspection and consultation on the Ischler Salzberg. In the Mitterberg tunnel there were two prepared pumping works, which were already being used to produce brine. The mountain master and mountain workers from Ischl, who had twice seen the salt industry in Hallein and Schellenberg, suggested driving under these structures through the Steinberg tunnel to avoid the costly brine pumping and cleaning, as was still customary with the salt pans in the Salzkammergut and convert to discharge weirs. This proposal, which was recognized as useful, was carried out, the connection was established with the nearest water dam in the Steinberg tunnel - main shaft and then in the Mitterberg tunnel the first discharge weir according to the "Schellenberger form" of the Upper Austrian salt works was put into operation. This was the start of replacing the ancient pumping stations with drainage works. But it still took a long time to completely suppress them. In a pit plan drawn up in 1654, one can see that the Mitterberg tunnel – the main shaft after 66 5/8 Stabel (79.4m) of driving in the limestone reached the salt mountains. This was lengthened and a 99 bar (118.3 m) long side shaft, the so-called "Neue Kehr", was created. The field site of the Neue Kehr stood in deaf mountains. At the front of the Neue Kehr there was an old weir, already rotten in 1654, which was the first drainage weir, prepared in 1575 according to the Schellenberg model. Behind it was a 44 bar (52.6m) long main pit down the Steinberg tunnel, which was used for weather management and drainage. On the further continuation of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which is referred to in the Reformation Libel from 1656 as "Krechenschafftgericht" ("straight shaft"), a building was laid out on the right. This was driven under by the then Bergmeister Hanns Kalß and by the worker Wolfgang Kalß to save the expensive scooping and to reduce the costs of cleaning, through the Steinberg tunnel and also made into a weir according to the Schellenberger form. Furthermore, on the left hand side of the main shaft there was a 32 bar (38.2 m) long Ebenschurf, which was initially operated as a detection blow, then connected to the side shaft or "Neuen Kehr" by a wing site and later to a Lettendamm, the "Schwarzel Weir". called, has been devoured. When 34 ½ Stabel (41.2 m) left the salt mountains on the main shaft continuation and fresh water was built, several water openings were knocked out. In addition, the first water tunnel was created 7 Stabel (8.4m) above the Mitterberg tunnel and advanced to a length of 93 Stabel (111.1m). Due to the inexperience of the miners, who believed that the limestone in the back of their heads was a deposit, after which salt would have to come again after it had been breached, strong self-watering waters were approached, the mastering of which caused great difficulties. The total length of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which had a total gradient of 4 ¼ Stabel (5.1m or 4%), was 108 Stabel (129.1m). Only 65 of these (77.7m) were in the Hasel Mountains, the rest in dense, water-bearing limestone. The outcrops of the Hasel Mountains in the Mitterberg tunnel formed only a small, cut-off part of the main deposit, which was fully utilized by the construction of 3 barrages. The Mitterberg tunnel was already in use around 1656 and was only used to drain mine water. The collapse had already taken place in 1596 and the amount of scraped water was so large that it was able to drive a mill wheel. Despite all the effort, it had not been possible to find the place where the burglary had taken place, and in the end one had to content oneself with collecting the waste water in the main shaft and channeling it to the surface in gutters. Because of the inrush of water in 1596, the main shaft had to be maintained almost entirely in expensive timber. The Mitterberg tunnel also served to ventilate the Steinberg tunnel. In 1689 the Mitterberg tunnel was finally completely abandoned. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 B. Pillwein "History, Geography and Statistics of the Archduchy above the Enns and the Duchy of Salzburg", 2nd part Traunkreis, Linz 1828 Mitterberg - tunnels, routes and buildings, 1757, Solingen, IGM archive Plan Salzberg Bad Ischl in 1654

25 The mine locomotive: The Ruhrthal mine locomotive with serial no. 2947, Type G 22, service weight 5,160 kg was made in 1951 by the Ruhrthaler Maschinenfabrik in Mülheim an der Ruhr / Germany built. On February 8, 1952, it was delivered to ÖSAG in Bad Ischl and then pulled up from the Au with several teams of oxen and the entire Salzberg workforce to the Maria Theresia tunnel. Until the Jenbacher mine locomotive was purchased in 1982, the Ruhrthaler was the only locomotive in use both for transporting materials and for visiting the Maria Theresia tunnel. From 1982 until the cessation of foreign traffic in 2000, the Ruhrthaler served exclusively as a reserve machine. In August 2009 I was able to buy the Ruhrthal mine locomotive that had been parked for 9 years at the station in the Maria Theresia tunnel. After a thorough restoration, it is now operational on my property. I managed to save this rare piece from scrapping and make it accessible to the public. Good luck for Eric Ramsauer Technical details:

Projekt Zahnradbahn aufs Hütteneck The project of a cog railway to the Hütteneckalpe near Bad Ischl Figure 1: Hütteneckalm rack railway, probable route, Google Maps, Franz Kranabitl Figure 2: A "typical" railway from that time: Gaisbergbahn, built in 1887, photo taken around 1890, from Harrer "Gaisbergbahn" Figure 3: Hütteneckalm, Dachstein view, around 1950 By Friedrich Wilhelm Kremzow, Upper Austrian homeland sheets 1987 The Hütteneckalpe is located in the Salzkammergut at the foot of the Hoher Raschberg on a saddle between the Zwerchwand and Kleberwand at an altitude of 1,240 m. You can climb it both from Bad lschl and from Bad Goisern. If you choose the ascent route from Bad Ischl, the path usually leads via Perneck, the lschler Salzberg and the Reinfalzalm. From Bad Goisern the ascent takes place - past the villages of Lasern and Riedeln - usually through the Stambachtal. Since a chairlift leads to the high-lying village of Wurmstein, you can reach the Hütteneckalpe on a comfortable hiking trail, which has its starting point at the mountain station of this chairlift and touches the Roßmoosalm . Due to its favorable location, the Hütteneckalpe is one of the easiest vantage points to reach in the Salzkammergut region south of Bad lschl. To the south, the view extends from Lake Hallstatt to the peaks of the Dachstein massif, to the east you can see the still untouched Landscape of the Rettenbach valley and the plateau of the Dead Mountains. If you turn to the west, the wide expanse of the Traun Valley near Bad Goisern opens up to the viewer, while the Hoher and Niederer Kalmbergs limit the horizon. Already in the early days of the spa town of Bad lschl (i.e. before 1848) the Hütteneckalpe seems to have been a popular destination; at that time they were probably climbed almost exclusively from Bad lschl. It had become all the more popular with tourists since the imperial family regularly spent the summer in Bad lschl. The Hütteneckalpe was also a favorite destination of Empress Elisabeth, who visited this area several times. This excellent vantage point of the Salzkammergut was now the subject of a railway project, which has since been forgotten, but which seems worth discussing in more detail; only the local likes it - and he railway historians have a professional interest. The motives for the construction of such a mountain railway can no longer be deduced from the files and documents that have been preserved. However, some conclusions can be drawn from the time when the project was to be carried out, the year 1890. At that time, the project planning and construction of the Salzkammergut local railway from Salzburg to Bad lschl and the mountain railway to the Schafberg had just started. It is therefore understandable that - due to the economic situation - an interest in the construction of other mountain railways in the Salzkammergut has arisen. It is also worth mentioning that the initiator of this railway project also dealt with a plan for a Schafberg railway, but obviously did not get a chance here. Ultimately, it should be noted that the expansion and development of the railway network in Austria was in full bloom at the time, which was not only due to the construction. but also the project planning, later of course not executed railway lines is proven. It is not without significance for understanding the fate that befell the cog railway project on the Hütteneckalpe. First of all, to briefly outline the legal basis under which a railway could be built at that time. In 1890, the railway concession law of September 14, 18548 was still in force in Austria. This law required special permits for the construction of a railway, namely one for carrying out the preparatory work (§ I Para. 2 lit. a. of the law) or the concession for the installation of the railway itself (§ 1 Para. 2 lit. b. of the law). By approving the preparatory work, the concession applicant only obtained the right under § 4 of this law to carry out the preliminary surveys for the future construction of the planned railway and the necessary surveying and leveling work on the spot in nature at his own expense. This right expired six months after the approval was granted. It should be explained here that an extension of this deadline was once requested for the present railway project. A special privilege to be granted a concession to build the railway line in question, let alone an exclusive power, was not obtained through the granting of such a permit. Finally, in order for the concession to be granted, it was necessary, according to Article 5 No. 3 of the Act, to demonstrate how the funds required for the execution of the project were to be raised. This provision was also alluded to in the last official settlement of this project on October 14, 1890; the lack of funds was ultimately also the reason why no concession was granted at all. According to § 2 of the ordinance of January 25, 1879, the actual concession procedure began with the submission of a detailed project, to which, among other things, situation plans, cost estimates and a technical report explaining the planned railway construction had to be attached. If the project submitted then proved to be executable, the then competent Ministry of Trade had to order the so-called route revision (this was carried out in the case of the project discussed on June 28, 1890). This revision was carried out by an ad hoc commission, which included representatives of the state authorities, the General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways and the municipalities involved. Their task was to check whether the proposed railway project could also be carried out under natural conditions. Only on the basis of the results of the track revision did the Ministry of Commerce decide on the admissibility and building worthiness of the railway in question and was able to discuss the conditions under which a concession could be acquired (in the present case this decision was the subject of the last official decision on October 14, 1890 ). If the concession was granted, the railway line could be laid out in detail in nature and then the political inspection could be carried out (§ 13 of the aforementioned ordinance). Its purpose was, on the one hand, to determine the extent of the necessary expropriation and, on the other hand, to examine the project from the point of view of public interests. After the inspection, the Ministry of Commerce then issued the construction consent that was required for the actual construction work to begin (Section 19 of the aforementioned ordinance). On May 6, 1889, engineer Eduard Miller submitted an application to the Ministry of Commerce for a "preliminary concession for a local railway with a mixed system from the right bank of the Traun near Ischl to the Dachstein view on the Hütteneckalp e". The Ministry first sent this request to the Upper Austrian Lieutenancy in order to ascertain the personal circumstances of the applicant and to procure an overview map from which the planned line design could be seen. The Upper Austrian governor's office carried out these surveys and then presented Miller's application with a report dated August 22, 1889, noting that in their opinion there were no objections to the granting of the preliminary concession. Her report was accompanied by a report by the Budapest magistrate on Miller's personal circumstances and statements by the Bad Ischl community council and the Gmunden district authority, which unfortunately have not survived in the ministry files. This is to be regretted because the report of the Budapest magistrate would have been the only determinable source for a more detailed assessment of the applicant. The Ministry of Commerce also obtained the opinion of the Ministry of the Interior and the Reich Ministry of War, which, however, also raised no objections to the railway project, and then finally granted the requested approval on October 13, 1889 to carry out technical preliminary work for a local railway with a mixed system from the right bank of the Traun lschl to the Dachstein view on the Hütteneckalpe within the meaning of the Railway Concession Act of September 14, 1854 ... for a period of six months ... Ing. Miller then began the necessary surveying work on site in 1889, since he obviously intended to start construction work as early as the next year. As can be inferred from a note in the "Ischler Wochenblatt" dated December 8, 1889 , the trace should ... from a point yet to be determined on the right bank of the Traun via Reiterndorf along the Perneckerstraße on the eastern slope of the Brunnerberg (Groß- or Hochleiten) The trail crosses the Sulzbach stream above the Rosa waterfalls and, climbing up the south-western slope of the Mitterberg, reaches the Reinfalzalpe, in order to end on the Hütteneckalpe on the path marked out there by the terrain conditions. The unnamed author also reported that the previous recordings had yielded an unexpectedly favorable result, since "the roadbed can be built without the aid of large, costly engineering structures ", and then concluded his article with the words: " Hopefully next spring will not be too long in coming wait and allow the weather conditions to start work again soon, so that the original intention of the gentleman concessionaire can come true, to go to Hütteneck in the autumn of 1890. The project meets with general sympathy in the widest circles and certainly deserves it from the local population Support as a company that specifically promotes local interests". In the meantime, Ing. Miller was already working on a detailed project, after the Ministry of Commerce had extended the deadline granted at the time by another three months on March 17, 1890. Finally put lng. Miller presented a detailed project to the Ministry of Trade, which first obtained a statement from the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways. In their statement of May 20, 1890, the project is described as suitable for execution and then executed: "The starting point of the approx. 7.7 km long track is projected on the right bank of the Traunf1usse next to the railway bridge and will be discussed by the high representative when the traces are revised, whether a more suitable, i.e. more easily accessible place next to one of the Road bridges over the Traun could be substituted. " Then it says with regard to the technical proposals in the detailed project: "The minimum radius of the arches is projected to be 100 m for both sections. There is no objection to the above-mentioned installation conditions, and the width of the substructure in the embankment chosen at 3.5 m also appears corresponding. In contrast, the projected width of only 3.3 m The substructure width in the incisions should be increased to 3.5 m in order to have enough space on both sides of the train for evasion either the usual Riggenbach splint or the two-lamella Abt gear rack can be implemented, depending on the price conditions being determined." The General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways commented on the financing of the project: "The proposed construction costs of 750,000 fl effective in total, that is approx. 97,400 fl per km. do not contain any items. for intercalar interest and reserve funds. With regard to the execution of this railway, which has not yet been made completely clear in several points, the assessment of the preliminary construction sum will not be included for the time being and the production of a corresponding cost figure will be reserved for a later point in time." length With regard to the financing, Miller had calculated a capital requirement of 750,000 fl., his summary cost estimate consisted of the following individual items: 1. Preparatory work and construction supervision 20,000 fl 2. Basic Redemption 25,000 fl 3. Earthworks 190,000 fl 4. Ancillary works, retaining and lining walls 60,000 fl 5. Art structures 55,000 fl 6. Ballast and superstructure laying 45,000 fl 7. Superstructure 150,000 fl 8. Building construction 50,000 fl 9. Miscellaneous 25,000 fl 10. Vehicle fleet 130.000,- f1 In view of this statement, the Ministry of Commerce entrusted the Upper Austrian governorship with the revision of the route by decree of June 4, 1890. As can be seen from the technical report , the detailed project envisaged the execution of a mixed local railway system with a gauge of 1 m. It then goes on to say: "The same is adhesion railway with a length of 2,333 m and with the maximum gradient of 22.67%o and cog railway with a length of 5,390 m with a maximum gradient of 18O%o. The total length is therefore 7,723 m. The minimum radius would be 75 m. Particularly noteworthy would be that all stops and the shunting yard are in the adhesion section, so ordinary switches and crossings are sufficient.The terrain to be cut through by the railway consists largely of limestone, while clay slate with marl occurs on the east side of the Mittelberg, which is why the trace had to be led along the western leaning of the same, which line, however, was longer is, however, landslides are avoided. There is only one larger structure across the Sulzbach at Pfl. 40 + 33; large not because of the span, which is only 4 m, but because of the height of 11 m. Only one railway station is planned, namely near Reitterndorf, where the official apartments, accommodation for the staff, locomotive depot and water station are planned. - At Ischl, a stop with a waiting hall and room for an official is necessary, but no points. - There are also stops, each 80 m long, at Perneck and on the Reinfalzalpe with double tracks and two points each. The terminus of the train is the Hütteneckalpe, where a hotel is being built. The stops are connected to each other and to the shunting station and hotel by telephone." The Upper Austrian governor's office set the date for the route revision as June 28, 1890. The hearing took place in the town hall. At the beginning, the representative of the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways suggested - as already mentioned above when reproducing their expert statement - to move the starting point closer to one of the existing bridge crossings over the Traun, with which the concession applicant agreed. On the part of the state forest administration ( the projected railway line was to be routed through state forest property for a length of approx. 5.25 km) no objection was raised to the railway project, but it was asserted: "It goes without saying that the management of that railway and/or after completion of the construction, the bringing of the forest products in individual parts of the forest, especially in the aerarian Kufbergwalde, is made more difficult insofar as the wood, which stands above the railway trace, can only be delivered at great cost. The request is therefore made, that on that route suitable devices, which make it possible to bring the wood, are already laid out when the railway is laid at the expense of the company in agreement with the forest authority Mitterberg, Geigenthal and Eisenerz., then Zwischenbergen, towards Hütteneck, mostly a b existing timber transport route, which serves to deliver forest products in winter. Since this transport route must be maintained, the company would have to build a suitable transport route along the railway track at its own expense, according to the forest authorities. Incidentally, it is noted that the kk Forstaerar lodged a deposit against any replacement performance expected from the title of the wood delivery or for any other reason from the outset and the express request is also made that the kk Forstaerar be acquitted of any compensation payment and the railway to carry out the bank protection and other security structures required for one's own security at one's own expense without forestry competition." The statement of the Imperial and Royal Hunting Line is interesting. Although the practice of hunting in state-owned forests was the Emperor's personal condition and it was pointed out "that the management of the railway would damage the hunt in them, because experience has shown that the game leaves such parts of the forest as a result of the prevailing unrest" , it was nevertheless opposed to the Execution of the track itself did not raise any objection, but merely made a reservation regarding any claims for compensation. The representative of the salt works administration did not raise any objection to the execution of the railway project, but said that mining should not be adversely affected by the railway construction and operation. Finally, the representatives of the AH. Finally, the "Commission's report" on the railway project says: "1. Regarding the statement by the representative of the kk Forest and Domain Directorate in Gmunden, it cannot be ignored that the execution of the projected trace will make it more difficult to bring the forest products out of the Aryan forests. However, it will be the subject of the political inspection to consider how this aggravation can be counteracted as far as is practical As far as the comments made by the representative of the kk Forstaerars regarding the compensation for bank protection and other security structures are concerned, the official provisions existing in this case will apply Regarding the remark made by the representative of the Imperial and Royal Hunt Management that the projected track would significantly reduce the value of the very highest huntability, it should be remembered that based on the experience made, this fear does not appear to be justified! and that it is up to the construction company will, in this case, with de r kuk court hunting management to settle 2. The requirements of the representatives of the kk Salinenärars generally appear to be based on the existing laws, but it will also be up to the political inspection commission to consider to what extent the requirements made must be taken into account. 3. With regard to the concerns raised by the representative of the Imperial and Royal Directorate General of the Austrian State Railways regarding the variant at the starting point of the Localbahn in Ischl, the following must be noted: As far as the fear of a close contact between the two railway tracks is concerned, the justification of the same will only be determined after submission of the Detailprojectes a final report can be made. However, insofar as the present situation and the variant drawn in blue paint give a picture of the future station layout, the two railway bodies should be far enough apart from each other. As far as the intended expansion of the existing lschl station is concerned, the space that is envisaged for this, according to the representative of the Imperial and Royal Directorate General of the Austrian State Railways, is hardly sufficient, since this area lies between the existing railway bridge and the tunnel has a length of 200 m and, by the way, the track there is in a strong curve. On the other hand, an extension of the projected station system of the Localbahn will not be necessary at all in the foreseeable future. – The question regarding an extension or relocation of the station facilities of the state railway cannot be the subject of today's discussion at all. 4. No objection was raised by interested parties against the projected trace taken into negotiation, nor against the projected stations and stops, and the Commission therefore advocates that the concession negotiations should be initiated on the basis of these negotiations and the assigned project. As far as the variant discussed by the representative of the kk General Inspectorate is concerned, with the exception of the representative of the kk General Directorate of the Austrian State Railways, all other interested parties agree with it and the Commission also unanimously endorses it, especially apart from those already mentioned by the Commission For the reasons given, the fears of signal interference expressed by the Designated Agent appear unjustified after the applicants have considered the establishment of a telephone line." On July 13, 1890, the "Ischler Wochenblatt" also reported on the result of the route revision. After describing the negotiations, the report continues: "Meanwhile the staking of the approved line has already begun and in the direction towards Perneck you can see white poles with red and white flags everywhere, which mark the trace. Now that this railway matter has taken another step forward, we hope that construction could begin this fall.As far as profitability is concerned, it is undoubtedly the same if we consider similar, already existing railways in Austria, not to mention Switzerland, especially with the one to be expected due to the cheap tariff rates great tourist traffic, which will be significantly increased by the imminent expansion of the direct lschl-Salzburg line.We take it for granted that the community of Ischl and the neighboring communities will support the undertaking in every direction and that the papers later submitted for subscription will be excellent system are welcome." The day before, the report from the Upper Austrian governor's office dated July 5, 1890 on the result of the route revision had reached the Ministry of Commerce. The ministry first obtained a statement from the General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways. In the meantime, the detailed marking out of the railway line took place, and lng. At the same time, Miller began to seek funding for his railroad project. A report in the "Ischler Wochenblatt " of September 21, 1890 provides information about this as well, which states, among other things: "The detailed stakeout work for this railway is now almost completely finished, so that the necessary plans for submission to the political inspection can be completed in the course of the winter. The political inspection commission should take place at the beginning of next spring, but it is necessary to regulate the financial question at the same time. Above all, it is in the interest of the municipality of lschl to contribute as much as possible to the realization of the project, because lschl must strive, because the spa has to withstand the competition from all sides, to add artificial attractions to the natural ones(!). but unfortunately lschl is not one of the most prosperous elite bathing resorts, as we have heard, the concessionaire Mr. Engineer Miller made the following suggestion to make it easier for lschl to be able to lay the financial foundation for the railway and to enable the concessionaire to continue developing Mr. Miller wants namely that the community for 50,000 fl shares accept the five-percent interest guarantee and continue to contribute the very modest amount of 500 fl to purchase the 50,000 fl; with this small sum, interest would be calculated on interest, the shares would be purely the property of the community in about 50 years, which would have been easily acquired, and the guarantee would then also be void. Let us now assume that there could be years when the shares would yield only four percent, then the community would then have one percent, that would be 500 fl to cover; However, this case is unlikely to occur, because the frequency of Ischl, especially after the expansion of the Ischl-Salzburg railway connection and the zone tariff, will be so enormous that the profitability of the railway will be very good. Apart from the new points of attraction that are created by the railway and contribute to further prosperity, there are also very favorable, direct material advantages: the payment during the operating hours should go annually to the management, officials, railway maintenance, engineers, conductors, Heizer certainly an amount of 5 to 6,000 fl, as necessary to show what amount circulates in lschl and benefits the local tradesmen. Of particular importance for the population during the construction period is the circulation of around 200,000 fl, a large part of which is accounted for by the use of carts, since large cuts have to be made. Even if the entire construction could not be carried out by local workers, almost the entire amount remains here, since, as is well known, railway workers usually save nothing or only very little. " Meanwhile , on September 26, 1890, the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways issued their report . After that, no objection was raised either to the routing or to the planned stations and stops. By decree of October 14, 1890, the Department of Commerce notified lng. Miller that with regard to the favorable result of the route revision, the route of the projected local railway will be approved with the following "comments": "The elaboration of the detailed project will be based on the general project that has undergone the route revision, of which a copy will be returned below, and the variant desired by the interested parties and also applied for by the Commission for execution, in the project blue marked variant at km 0 to 0.1 has to be carried out, especially since the relocation of the train transport system from km 0.6 to the Ischl exit station seems more appropriate and, according to a message received recently from the kk General Directorate of the Austrian State Railways, the latter also has no objection to it. -I will therefore have no objection to initiating negotiations with Yours to provide evidence. So I put it to Ew. Well born at home, if necessary, for the purpose of the planned official act, to present himself personally at the Ministry of Commerce, or to send authorized representatives there. Because of the timing of the nursing negotiation is sohin with the ho. Department VII in the shortest possible way to maintain agreement." Once there were no longer any technical or legal obstacles to the railway project, the designer had to try to secure the financing. Nothing could be found out about details of attempts at financing, apart from the fact that Ing. Miller had contacted the municipality of lschl ; he wrote to them and suggested, among other things: "The municipality of lschl participates firstly by providing a guarantee of five percent for 50,000 fl years pass into the ownership of the community of lschl, whereupon the interest guarantee ends. The community therefore comes into possession of the shares with a nominal value of 50,000 fl. by paying in a total of 50 times 500 fl the respective 500 fl to be paid in are calculated with interest on interest ... The basis for the future construction sum is the lump sum to be approved by the High Imperial and Royal Ministry of Commerce, of which two-fifths ordinary shares and three-fifths priority shares are issued according to the usage the honored community can of course only after the political inspection and from the day of the definitive concession, which by the Hohenk. k. Ministry of Commerce not earlier, before the building capital is proven, can be claimed by the company of the lschl-Hütteneckalpe-Bahn." The community deliberated on these proposals on October 8 and 15, 1890, initially electing a committee to begin negotiations with Ing. Miller. As can be seen from the minutes of the consultation, there was no objection in principle to the railway project in the municipal council committee, but two committee members doubted the profitability of the railway by stating that other restaurants suffered a loss of earnings as a result of the hotel planned on the Hütteneckalpe. Another committee member requested a different route as the current line passes through many very small properties, reducing them even further and making management almost impossible. On October 15, 1890, the mayor then reported on the outcome of the negotiations with Ing. Miller and stated, among other things, that he had reported "that the cost of the railway including the hotel to be built was 750,000 fl., i.e. the interest 35,000 fl. and the annual Operating costs will amount to 15,000 fl, so annual expenses of around 60,000 fl should accrue with amortization, etc. The revenue would amount to the amount after the assumed 45 full days of operation with a fare of 3 fl from 60,000 fl, i.e. direct interest appears to be covered." The mayor remarked on this: "Since, however, with this composition, income from the railway seems somewhat uncertain, the committee came to the conclusion that it could not recommend a guarantee from the municipality, although it was convinced of the importance of this railway for lschl, all the more so since Austria has so few high-altitude hotels. " In the ensuing discussion, the committee members stated that the railway should be built anyway. The community councilor Kuhn said that the committee should think twice before voting so that the construction of the railway would not be made completely impossible by a hasty decision. We are health resort representatives, and as such have the duty to always keep an eye on the improvement of the health resort, and we must be all the less slacking off, as in recent years a decline in the health resort has been noticeable anyway. However, since the creation of the projected mountain railway is likely to raise interest in Ischl again, the municipality must not refrain from supporting the company with all means possible. On the other hand, municipal councilor Wiesinger said that there must first be clarity about how to raise money. He said he agreed with Mr. Kuhn word for word, but could Mr. Kuhn also state how he intends to raise the money, whether he had perhaps thought of the possibility of increasing the community contribution? He fully sympathizes with the rail project, but he doesn't want the community to jump headlong into an undertaking. The funds of the community were so scarce that there was absolutely no money for anything beyond the ordinary administrative expenses, and so long as he had the honor of being a member of the finance committee he felt it his duty to guard against any new burden talk before you are clear about the coverage. The municipal committee finally agreed to offer the designer half of the desired sum, while the remaining sum should be raised by the three institutes Wirerstiftung, Kurfonds and Ischler Sparkasse, whose survey the mayor wanted to take over. About the further fate of the railway project there is only one file later - a submission by Ing. Miller to the Ministry of Commerce dated June 28, 1893 , in which he asked for approval of a project change ( conversion to electrical operation, design with a gauge of 76 cm instead the previous track gauge of 1 m) . It also says there: "Until now it has not been possible to finance the projected steam cog railway ... " It is therefore clear that the execution of the railway plans failed due to the impossibility of financing them. One cannot at all say that the implementation failed because of the attitude of the municipality, especially since, despite corresponding research, it was not possible to determine what attitude the Kurfonds, Wirerstiftung held and Ischler Sparkasse responded to the mayor's request. Of course, it is also conceivable that the lack of willingness to finance is due to other reasons; like when you visualize yourself. that the railway should lead through a personal hunting ground of the emperor. However, there is no documentary or even literary evidence for such influences or assumptions. So the execution of this railway project was omitted, while the further fate of Ing. Miller is lost in the dark. Whether one should regret that this railway remained unbuilt is difficult to decide; On the one hand, the railway - like the one on the Schafberg - would be a real tourist attraction today, on the other hand, it and the projected hotel construction on the Hütteneckalpe would have destroyed another piece of nature. List of Sources: The railway project was only mentioned by Prolraska (History of the bathing resort Bad Ischl1823-1923. Linz 1924. p. 55) - as far as can be seen right now. He used the Ischler Woche, the municipal council minutes of October 8, 1890, but not the sources mentioned in note 7. I. The following relevant files of the Ministry of Commerce are in the traffic archive: 19.236/889 - long. Miller applies for pre-concession for Hütteneck railway. 36.469/889 - Report of the Upper Austria. governorship. 14.709/890-Lng. Miller, submitting the detailed project, applies for the route revision to be ordered. 30.328/890 report of the Upper Austria. Lieutenant's Office for the route revision (the detailed project including all plans and documents are included in this file). 34.615/890 - Prime Minister Graf Taaffe wg. Naming of the railway as Archduchess Marie-Valerie Railway. 39.33 7/890- oö. The governor's office submits a supplementary statement to the court hunting management (the last three HMZI. form a single, otherwise jointly completed bundle of files). 50.558/890 - Inspection file Zl. 4683/890 of the Ministry of the Interior regarding the naming of the railway. 34.199/893 - long. Miller for possible electrification of the railroad. II. 1m 00. Landesarchiv is also a collection of files from the former Upper Austria. Lieutenancy, consisting of the following documents: 7721/889- Department of Commerce for survey of the personal circumstances of the lng. Miller (= settled in HMZI. 19.236/889). 9524/889 - long. Miller presents map of railway project. 10.5001889 - Magistrate of Budapest reports on Miller's personal circumstances (original submitted to the Ministry of Trade, but no longer available in HMZI. 36.469/889). 11.771/889 Gmunden district authority reports on the railway project of the governor's office to the Ministry of Commerce (- HMZI. 36.469/889). 14.504/889 - long. Miller indicates that with the preparatory work the lng. Haas and Klein-Neusiedl were entrusted. 4177/890- Department of Commerce approves extension of deadline for completion of preliminary work (corresponding Department of Commerce act no longer exists in Transport Archive). 8437/890 - Ministry of Commerce issues an order for route revision (= completed in HMZI. 14.709/890). 8454/890 - Gmunden district authority reports on the announcement of the local appointment. 8786/890 - Report of the Upper Austria. Lieutenancy regarding carrying out the route revision (- HMZI. 30.328/890); with the original of the commission report. 10.058, 10.282/890 - travel invoices. 13.385/890- Submission of the court hunting management, original submitted to the Ministry of Trade (- HMZI. 39.337/890). 15.342/890- Ministry of Commerce approves routing (= HMZl30.328/890). In the town archive of Bad lschl there is a fascicle (volume 1 of the general files) with the designation • Eisenbahnkorrespondenz lschl - Salzburg, Schafberg, Hütteneck etc: and the year 1886 written in blue pencil. The fascicle has no special order; some of the letters, notes, etc. are of a private nature, have no log number or entry notes and are mostly addressed to the mayor personally. There is only one undated letter from lng. Miller, whose settlement is not apparent from the documents. From the exhibit protocols and repertories of the years 1889-1891 there is only one statement in the year 1890: 28 I 2/890 Miller, construction company, requests subscription of regular shares. There is no settlement in the log book; the search for the act was unsuccessful. - The municipal council committee minutes are bound in their own books. The two meetings of October 8th and 15th, 1890 deal with the Hütteneckalpe railway. After that, there are no more references in the minutes.

Kunstgüterbergung im Ischler Salzberg 1944/ 45 Dark moments at the Ischler Salzberg: art objects salvage 1944/45 Inhalt: 1. Ischler Salzberg wird Bergungsort 2. Einlagerungsorte 3. Eingelagerte Kunstschätze 4. Erste Entführung 5. Zweite Entführung 6. Sperre der Bergung im Ischler Salzberg 7. Die Befreiung Franz Juraschek, the regional conservator responsible for the Upper Danube and later the provincial conservator for Upper Austria during World War II, suggested the Ischler Salzberg as well as Aussee as a salvage site for endangered art treasures. Juraschek and Hans Dellbrügge, District President in Vienna, turned to the Erbstollen near Bad Ischl, particularly after the Aussee salt mine had become the “ Reich’s salvage site ” and especially for objects in the “ Fuhrer Museum” in Linz. wird Bergungsort Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, transport of art, 1944, archive Salinen Austria Kunstgütertransport, 1944, Archiv Salinen Austria 2. Einlagerungsorte: Für die Einlagerungen waren vorhandene und neue Bergungsräume im Erbstollen und im I. und II. Blindhorizont vorgesehen. Der I. und II. Blindhorizont wurden über den Distler Schacht vom Erbstollen und von Perneck, vom Leopoldstollen, erreicht. Aufgrund der leichteren Anlieferung zum Erbstollen wurden alle Einlagerungen über diesen durchgeführt. Einlagerungsorte Im I. Blindhorizont wurde das Werk XII mit 1100 Quadratmeter für Einlagerungen freigegeben. Plan Bergung: I. Blindhorizont 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Ein neuer Lagerraum wurde für Einlagerungen im Erbstollen bei Streckenmeter 250 ausgesprengt. Dieser war aber nicht durchlüftet und nicht im Salzstock angelegt und deshalb feucht! Dieser wäre für großformatige Einlagerungen des Sonderstabes Rosenberg, Führersammlung, vorgesehen gewesen. Reimer, Sonderbeauftragter Hitlers, verzichtete aber danach auf diese Räume und ermöglichte somit die Einlagerung der Wiener Sammlungen. Außerdem wurde das Sprengmitteldepot bei Streckenmeter 500 geräumt und für Einlagerungen freigegeben. Plan Bergung: Neue Bergungsräume und frühere Sprengmitteldepot im Erbstollen 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Im II. Blindhorizont wurde der sogenannte Bahnhof, der zum Verschub der Grubenbahn diente, für die Bergung vorbereitet. Ein vom I. zum II. Blindhorizont führender Schurf, wurde später verschüttet, damit niemand ungebeten die Lagerräume erreichen konnte. Anfang 1945 war der „Bahnhof“ so verkleidet, dass nur ein Gleis frei blieb. Der übrige Raum war für die Lagerung von Gemälden vorgesehen. Er wurde an beiden Enden mit schweren hölzernen Bohlentüren verschlossen. Das machte den Eingang absolut sicher. Nur die Lüftungsrohre blieben frei. Plan Bergung: II. Blindhorizont 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Salvage plan, 1944 Archive Salinen Austria Shaft machine Distlerschacht: All art objects were made with it transported to the second blind horizon, 1940 Archive Salinen Austria In der Endphase des Krieges wurden auch Lagerbereiche in der Ischler Saline verwendet: Zum Beispiel wurden am 27.3.1945 Bilder von Cassone aus der Sammlung Lanzkoronski hier eingelagert. Zur Vorgeschichte der Sammlung Lanzkoronski: Das Vermögen und auch die hochbedeutende Kunstsammlung des polnischen Staatsangehörigen Anton Lanzkoronski wurde unter Berufung auf eine “Verordnung über Behandlung von Vermögen der Angehörigen des ehemaligen polnischen Staates” beschlagnahmt und vom zuständigen Staatskommissar in Wien übernommen. Im ehemaligen Hotel Grüner Baum, Bad Ischl, wurden zu Kriegsende Kunstgüter aus Altausse eingelagert, um der befürchteten Zerstörung zu entgehen. Ein anderes Lager war die Villa Castiglioni am Grundlsee: hier wurde ein Teil der Bibliothek Hitlers eingelagert. Schloss Kogl bei Attersee war ein Lagerort für Kunstgüter, die Alfred Rosenberg für sich selbst reserviert hatte. From November 1944 it was decided to store the Viennese art collections and the Lichtenstein picture gallery in the Ischler Salzberg . The daily reports from Lauffen began on December 9, 1944 with the arrival of the restorers Josef Hajsinek from Vienna and Franz Sochor from Kremsmünster. The first transport arrived in Lauffen on December 12, 1944. Almost all Viennese collections relocated salvaged goods to Lauffen. Gert Adriani was appointed head of the salvage. But after a fatal mishap, he was replaced by Viktor Luithlen , head of the collection of ancient musical instruments. This remained so until the end of the repatriation in 1947. Eingelagerte Kunstschätze Gert Adriani, KHM Museum Association Viktor Luithlen , KHM Museum Association Storage of the art objects 1944/45: Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, art goods transport, 1944/45, archive Salinen Austria Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kunstgutdepot 2. Blindhorizont, 1986, Katharina Hammer Shine in the dark Valuable holdings from spiritual possessions were now also stored in the Ischler Erbstollen instead of in the Ausseer Salzberg. One transport after the other arrived from Vienna. Treasures came from almost all state collections: there were 150 boxes from the national library with manuscripts and printed works, each individual page of which is a treasure. Holdings from the Natural History Museum, the Ethnological Museum, the Museum of Decorative Arts, the Art History Museum, the Liechtenstein Gallery and the Graz State Archives were delivered. Pictures by such important artists as Rembrandt, Raffael, Brueghel, Albrecht Dürer, Jan van Eyck, Rubens and also by "modern" painters such as Munch, Monet, Klimt and Kokoschka were stored in Ischl. In addition, the gold treasure finds, ivories, vases, jewelery and statuettes from the antique collections. A small selection of the priceless art objects stored in the Ischler Salzberg: Tower of Babel Pieter Bruegel the Elder , 1563 Venus of Willendorf, around 30,000 years old peasant dance Pieter Bruegel the Elder , 1525/30 Requiem in D minor ( KV 626) from 1791 is Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart's last composition Madonna in the green Raphael Santi , 1505-1506 Tassilo chalice from the year 777 The “Tassilokelch” from Kremsmünster Abbey also had a special situation: Officially it was housed in the Aussee salvage, but after this became the official salvage location for Hitler in 1943, it was secretly stored in the Ischler Salzberg by district conservator Franz Juraschek. On April 18, 1945, a crisis team met in the general management of the saltworks to discuss the measures that were necessary to save the Ischler salvage from having to store a bomb like the one in Aussee. According to this plan, the salvage should be made completely inaccessible. The "filling point" of the Distler shaft in the Erbstollen should be completely filled up with rock, "collapsed". The elevator is to be pulled up to the ceiling of the Leopold horizon, i.e. to its highest point, and shut down there. The stairs that lead up next to the elevator, the so-called "rides", are to be torn out below and above the I. and II. underground constructions and the burial of the pit between the I. and II. underground constructions is to be strengthened. This work was completed by May 5, 1945. In the meantime, the situation in Ischl / Lauffen has also deteriorated dramatically. Between April 20 and 25, 1945, a total of 928 pictures of various origins from Kartause Gaming (Lower Austria) arrived here. On the orders of Hermann Stuppäck (General Cultural Officer of the Reich Governor Baldur von Schirach) in Gaming, the paintings had been thrown in a hurry "without any consideration and without the slightest care". Due to the "barbaric" nature of the transport, numerous paintings "were perforated, torn off, damp or otherwise damaged in Bad Ischl/Lauffen. But that was not all, Stuppäck arrived in Bad Ischl on April 25 with orders from Schirach to move the salvaged goods kept in Lauffen further west without delay. At first Luithlen successfully resisted the order, but the arrival of officers and soldiers from the "Fabian Combat Unit" from the SS Panzer Division "Großdeutschland" on the evening of May 1st made any further delay impossible. Captain Reinhardt and Lieutenant Kahles would not be put off. Bergrat Lepez refused the SS commander to provide the mine locomotive, the winding machine and the miners on the pretext that there was no corresponding clear written order from the Waffen SS command. Under threat of the use of weapons, the captain drove furiously to Gmunden to obtain the necessary powers of attorney. This saved valuable time again. On May 3rd, however, the 184 paintings desired by Schirach and Stuppäck - including all paintings by Rembrandt, P. Bruegel the Elder, had to be handed over. Ä., Titians and Velazquez, 49 tapestry sacks and two crates are loaded onto trucks. It turned out that a whole series of the main pieces from the Viennese picture gallery were to be kidnapped in this way. Among them were Bruegel's "Peasant Wedding" and "Peasant Fair", "Carnival Games", "Tower of Babel", "Homecoming of the Herd", "Storm at Sea", "Bird Thief" and "Pauli's Conversion", 6 Velasquez -Pictures, 7 Titians, including the cherries and the Gypsy Madonna, as well as the portrait of Jacopo della Strada, the two well-known self-portraits and the reading Titus by Rembrandt, and finally the "All Saints' Day" and "Emperor Maximilian" by Dürer. So you can safely say, not only the most valuable, but also a number of the most popular pictures in their gallery. You worked late into the night. The marching orders were given on May 4th. At 4 a.m. the convoy with the restorers Hajsinek and Sochor left Bad Ischl in the direction of Mittersill. In the evening of the same day, the convoy arrived in Bramberg in the Pinzgau region of Salzburg, where Stuppäck was already awaiting the transport. But the odyssey of the art treasures was not over yet. The very next day, Major Fabian ordered the paintings, boxes and tapestry sacks to be loaded onto the trucks. The transport could only be accompanied by officers. Franz Sochor and Josef Hajsinek stayed in Bramberg, where they contacted the advancing American army and reported the incident. All cultural assets were then found by the Americans in St. Johann in Tirol. The final result of the Ischl salvage was: 8 figures, 1428 paintings, 122 sacks with tapestries, 278 folder boxes with cadastral maps and 728 boxes. A total of 150 tons of salvage. On May 13, 1945, US troops arrived in Bad Ischl and took control of the salvage site. On June 1, 1945, with the permission of the occupiers, the work to uncover the treasures in the salt mine could also begin, namely in the Erbstollen and in Plant XII in the I. underground construction. The II. civil engineering was initially still buried, but its opening was tackled soon afterwards. On June 13, 1945, the main salvage at the "Bahnhof" in II. Civil Engineering was accessible again. The salvage proved to be in excellent condition, with the exception of a lost painting, a bouquet of flowers by Jan Brueghel the Elder. Ä., which later reappeared in a private apartment in Munich and returned to the Kunsthistorisches Museum in 1959 after a court decision. Rosenberg Erste Entführung Zweite Entführung Sperre Befreiung Am 11. Juli 1945 erschien „Monuments Man“ Lieutenant Frederick Shrady in Bad Ischl und kündigte an, dass die im ehemaligen Hotel Grüner Baum , Grazerstraße Nr. 39, und in der Kaiservilla gelagerten Objekte, nach München zum „Central Collection Point“ gebracht werden würden. Lieutenant Frederick Shrady, Internet On August 7, 1946, the first major transport back from Ischl to Vienna for an exhibition in Switzerland took place. On April 25, 1947, the last large transport of art goods left the Ischl salt mine. After checking the rooms in the presence of the gendarmerie commander, the final commissioning took place and the salt works management took over sole supervision of the mountain again. The salvage in Lauffen took place without any major losses or damage. Only the loss of 7 paintings for the Kunsthistorisches Museum had to be lamented, which are still considered lost today: Landscape by Nicolaes Berchem (GG 623), The Painter Jan Wildens by Anthonis van Dyck (GG 694), A Female Portrait by Peter Paul Rubens (GG 711), Hoffnung by Maerten van Heemskerck (GG 1946) and Faith (GG 1953.), a Venetian ceiling sketch (GG 6398), and a loan were still available at the general inspection on April 26, 1945. Sources used: Katharina Hammer "Shine in the Dark", Altaussee 1996 Franz Juraschek "Heimatblatt Oberösterreich", Linz 1947 British information service "World Press", 9 July 1947 Salzkammergut newspaper, January 6, 1946 Vienna Courier, November 19, 1945 Sabine Loitfellner, Pia Schölnberger "Salvage of cultural property under National Socialism: Myths - Background - Effects", April 18, 2016 Theodor Brückler, Art theft, art recovery and restitution in Austria 1938 to the present, 1999

Tiefbohrung in Goisern Deep drilling in Goisern

watering:

13 The Emperor Matthias – tunnels + iron ore Stud Name: "Archduke Matthias - Stollen", from 1612 "Kaiser Matthias - Stollen" Emperor Matthias, reign 1612 – 1619, son of Emperor Maximilian II. Struck: 1577 Length: 420 m Altitude: 959 m In 1577, after looking around for 14 years and still not finding anything special, the mining experts of the Salzamt decided to convert a trial dig from the Neuhauser - Kehr im Obernberg - tunnel into a weir and to dig a new mountain below to drain the brine . It was the Archduke Matthias tunnel that, after nine years of driving through limestone, finally came across salted Haselgebirge. As expected, the Matthias tunnel - main shaft soon reached the rear, eastern salt boundary again. However, a trial transverse building opened up good Haselgebirge over a longer distance. Two mountain inspections were carried out in 1584 for a more expedient opening up of the Ischler Salzberg. In the Archduke Mathias tunnel, because the salt mountains had improved, a new building was to be built behind the so-called water building. In the meantime, in the Matthias tunnel, the main shaft and two test digs had been driven out of the salt into the water-bearing limestone. In 1586 a mountain inspection was carried out again at the Ischler Salzberg. It turned out that the test pit sunk by the Archduke Mathias tunnel had encountered good salt rock over a whole mountain thickness. For this reason, the uncertain investigation work in the mining tunnels at Obereck ("Moosegg") and Roßmoos should be stopped quickly and the Archduke Matthias tunnel should be driven under with a new hill climb, the Neuberg tunnel. Situation of the water dams and weirs in the Kaiser Matthias tunnel around 1654: A total of 9 waterworks; Water, Archduke Matthias, Seeauer, Rettenbacher, Hippelsroider, Cain, Our Lady, Haimb and Klein Trattel – building. The 9 Schöpfbaue were already cut before 1648 and were used as princes - as well as Kain and Trattel - weir with indulgences in the Frauenholz - tunnels. The Matthias tunnel – main shaft was 387 stalks (461.3 m) long until it reached the salt boundary. 6 Stabel (7.2m) after the salt line there was a test dig down into the Neuberg tunnel. On the continuation of the Matthias tunnel - main shaft 9 constructions were created. Namely the water - and Archduke Matthias - building, which lay under a sky and contained 42 rooms (4,754m³) brine. The two constructions were undercut from the Neuberg tunnel with a weir furnace and referred to as the prince's weir. In 1725 the base of the Fürsten weir in the Matthias tunnel broke through into the Rassfellner weir in the Neuberg tunnel below. The princes' weir was later extended up to the St. John's tunnel and only abandoned around 1744. The following buildings, namely the Seeauer, Rettenbacher, Hippelsroider, Kain, Fraun, Haimb and Klein Trattel buildings contained 60 rooms (6,792m³) of brine and were also under a sky. They were also run under from the Neuberg tunnel with a weir furnace and prepared for an outlet weir. This weir was called the Cain and Trattel weir during the leaching in the Matthias tunnel. When it was further watered down into the St. Johannes tunnel, it was renamed the Zierler weir. The Zierler weir was in operation until 1807. Behind these buildings, the Matthias tunnel - main shaft was still 16 Stabel (19.1m) long. Their field place was already in the deaf mountains. In 1654 the thickness of the mountain from the Matthias tunnel to the Obernberg tunnel was still around 10 bar (11.9m). The St. Johannes tunnel was opened in 1725 to gain this mountain thickness and for higher drainage of the weirs created in the Archduke Matthias tunnel. In 1656 there was a partly brick and partly wooden mountain house near the Matthias tunnel. When this was later removed, the still usable woodwork was used to build a, not far from the Neuberg - tunnel built under the name Taxhaus, wooden room. Miners were housed in this wooden room. The Starhembergsche inspection commission of 1707 already found the Matthias tunnel devious, behind the dam outlet there were collapsed weirs, which were exploited by robbery watering, whereby the generated brine flowed through the main shaft. The introduction of the fresh water required for the leaching in the deeper tunnels came from the stream and the springs in the area of the Matthias tunnel mouth hole. The water collected in wooden tubes was fed into the mountain via the Matthias tunnel – main shaft. From 1769, the water needed to dilute the weirs was channeled through a surface dig above the St. Johannes tunnel and from there via the Saherböck dig to the Matthias tunnel main shaft. From 1784, the water required for brine production was collected in a “watering hut” above the Matthias tunnel and diverted via the newly built watering pit to the Matthias tunnel – main shaft. From there, the water reached, depending on the need, either through the pastor Weissbacher - Schurf and the subsequent digging to the weirs located on the evening side (west side) in the deeper tunnels. The morning (eastern) weirs could be over the v. Adlersberg - conversion and the Weilenböcker - digging and the subsequent digging can be achieved. Situation of the weirs in the Matthias tunnel around 1850: A total of 3 weirs, all pronounced dead around 1850; Preuner and Raßfellner weir, from Frauenholz - via Neuberg - up to Matthias - tunnel. Zierler – weir and princes – weir from Matthias – on St. Johannes - tunnel up verlaugt. Until 1933, the drainage route led in the Matthias tunnel via the drainage pit to the main shaft and along this further to the Plenzner pit leading down into the Neuberg pit. In addition, another water pipe came down from the St. Johannes tunnel via the Saherböck scour to the main shaft. In 1931, during the main inspection, it was decided to leave the Matthias tunnel open because future watering should come from the Törlbach via the Maria Theresia tunnel. For this reason, dams were built in 1932 at the end of the tunnel and at the head of the Plenzner and Weissbacher quarry. A final inspection to check the dams took place on February 5, 1934. The tunnel entrances to the Matthias tunnel and the drainage pit were then finally sealed. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 Pit map around 1700 Rock carvings near the Matthias tunnel Drainage pit in the Matthias tunnel Built 1784 - In service until 1934 From 1784 water was in a "watering hut" above of the Matthias tunnel from the Sulzbach and from a strong one Source (Kaltenbrunn source) caught and over the newly built drainage pit on the Matthias Stollen – main shaft derived. From there, the water reached, depending on the need, either through the Pastor Weissbacher - digging and the subsequent digging to the on the Evening side (west side) located weirs in the deeper tunnels. The morning (eastern) Defense could over the v. Adlersberg – conversion and the Weilenböcker – Schurf as well the following prospects can be reached. Miner Franz v. Schwind started in 1842 Laying of cast-iron water pipes at the Ischler Salzberg. This made it possible the long way that those in the upper horizons collected water had to travel to fill the leach workers, since the iron pipes could be under higher pressure than the wooden pipes. The rapid supply of larger amounts of water to the production workers and drainage the stretches soaked by the weeping wooden pipes was now possible. In September 2018, members of the IGM uncovered the mouth of the drainage pit, revealing a surprisingly well-preserved portal. Text: Archive Salinen Austria, Archive IGM Water basin for watering into the Matthias tunnel Built 1883 - In service until 1934 In 1883, to secure the machine and watering operation in arid times the manufacture of a large concrete water collection trough in the near the Matthias – Stollen in place of the one that has existed for ages rotten collection box made of wood approved. This one covered with a simple wooden hut water collection trough, served for feeding the winding machine and for the leaching operation. In September 2018, members of the IGM approx. 100 m3 capacity Water basin at the Matthias gallery cleared of trees at the edge of the basin, which on the one hand restricted the view of this building, on the other hand threatened to burst through the concrete wall with their roots. This water basin is fed by the very productive "Kaltenbrunn spring". This basin is the largest surviving building which was built from "Pernecker Romanzement" - hydraulic Pernecker lime, also known as "Hydrauer". This was produced in large quantities in the cement works at the Josefstollen. Text: Archive Salinen Austria, Archive IGM In the iron ore The iron ore tunnels Stud Names: 2 lower, 1 middle and 1 upper iron ore tunnels Struck: before 1500 Length: lower left cleat approx. 40 m right lower stud crime middle stud crime upper stud 43 m Altitude: lower left stud 1018 m right lower stud 1024 m middle stud 1040 m upper stud 1105 m 1st story: In historical times there was also ore mining in the Salzkammergut. However, for the most part it has remained at prospecting attempts and only in a few cases has there been short-term mining. The ore deposits are exclusively sulphide ores such as pyrites, galena, chalcopyrite and sphalerite, which are accompanied by spar iron and brown iron ore and occur on the border between Werfen slate and dolomite. On the Reinfalzalm above the Ischler Salzberg, iron mining in the so-called "Eisenarz" can be traced back to the 15th century. Around 1500, a certain Hans Gaisbrucker from Lauffen operated a mine for pyrite and brown iron ore including a vitriol smelter. The remains of 4 tunnel mouths from iron mining can still be found in the area. The iron smelter was probably at the foot of the Salzberg just below the mouth of the Leopold tunnel. This is confirmed by slag residues that can be found in the ground in the area of the lower barn that was removed, the former impact room and up to the Auer well. Vitriol was produced by roasting the pyrite, extracting the iron sulphide, which had been subject to a weathering process for several months, with water and boiling the solution until the blue-green vitriol crystals crystallized out. For this roasting and boiling process, 100 Rachel wood, which is around 700 m³, were used annually. The Vitriolsudhütte was not far from the Matthias tunnel at the foot of the Sudhüttenwand. The 100 m³ heap can still be seen here today. The by-products of vitriol boiling are a strongly red-colored, earthy mass that was used as red chalk by masons and carpenters. Dicklberger (1820) writes about the fate of the vitriol works at Reinfalz: When in 1562 the exploration of the Ischler Salzberg was suggested by Hans Praunfalk, administrator in Aussee, the high directive was issued at the same time "to occupy the Salzberg, to visit the salt store, to diligently tend the forests on the Reinfalz, Mitterberg and in this area, and to completely stop all melting and boiling of the vitriol in these places in order not to tolerate any waste in the forests that will be necessary in the future for salt brewing.” Emperor Ferdinand I gave this order on September 25, 1562 and one year later the Ischl salt mine was approached. This sealed the fate of the vitriol boiling plant. In the 1920s, two of the tunnels used to access the ore deposits were rediscovered by the Perneck miner Josef Hütter. According to old miners, the upper Eisenarz tunnel had been retrofitted in 1866 by the then mine manager August Aigner on his own initiative. The lower left iron ore tunnel was reconstructed 12 m by a group of speleologists from Linz at the end of the 1930s. In 2014, under the direction of Horst Feichtinger, a 7 m long new tunnel section was cleared in the mouth hole area of the upper iron ore tunnel. In 1858 the same ore formation had been driven through when the tamper turned in the Maria Theresia horizon. The vertical distance between the Eisenarz and the Stampfer - Kehr is around 400 m. 2. Location and geology: The Eisenarze area is some 100 meters south of the Reinfalzalm (1026 m) on the Ischler Salzberg. Here, at the northern foot of the Sudhüttenwand, a ditch runs steeply in the forest in a SE direction. This graben is of tectonic origin and forms the boundary between limestone (Jurassic) in the NE and dolomite (Triassic) in the SW. The ditch extends to the crest of the ridge formed by the Sudhüttenwand and the Zwerchwand at about 1170 m above sea level. Of the tunnels from the 16th century in the area of the ditch, only the upper iron ore tunnel, also known as the "Hütter-Stollen" after its rediscoverer (1920), is still conditionally passable today. From the other 3 you will only find Pingen and Halden, from the bottom left Iron ore tunnel even still has the mouth hole. Above the Hütter tunnel, the mineralization is exposed on a cuirass. Otherwise there are no more outcrops during the day. The mineralization can be found at the layer boundary between the Werfen slate and the Hallstatt dolomite. Sulphide ores include galena, sphalerite and pyrites. Calcite, dolomite and siderite (iron carbonate) form the carbonates and brown iron ore and quartz form the oxides. Dolomite occupies the largest space in the ore pieces that can be found, calcite and siderite are rare. As a typical weathering mineral, brown iron stone is only found near the surface. The most conspicuous and predominant sulphide mineral is galena, which can be found up to 8 mm thick veins that are easily visible to the naked eye. Zinc blende can only be detected microscopically. You won't find pyrites at all. However, the existing vitriol boiler requires a pyrite deposit. 3. Cleats: 3.1. Lower Left Iron Ore Adit: The lower left iron ore adit is at an altitude of 1018 m and is easy to find, as the damp and cold weather rising from the mouth of the adit forms a vapor strip that is visible from afar. Its entrance is frozen almost all year round. The tunnel was rebuilt at the end of the 1930s to a length of 12 m. Following that, he's been on the run since about 1985. The tunnel was originally passable over a length of about 30 m. Near its aft end was a shaft that had completely collapsed at a depth of about 15 m. The entire tunnel including the shaft is in Jura limestone and there were no signs underground that it had ever hit another rock formation. The tailings pile consists largely of the same rock, but isolated pieces of Werfen slate can also be found. Since no mineralized rock is found, it can be concluded that the adit did not reach the mineralization at all. 3.2. Lower Right Iron Ore Adit: The lower right vitriol tunnel, previously unknown in the specialist literature, was discovered during field inspections by F. Federspiel, H. Feichtinger and E. Ramsauer in the summer of 2016. This tunnel is about 70 m south-west of the lower left vitriol tunnel at an altitude of 1024 m. The extensive slag heap is a good 28 m long at the crown. It is made up of fine-grained heaps containing plenty of ore. The size of the heap indicates what is probably the most extensive mine workings in the entire area. From the foot of the heap, the ore path, which is still clearly visible in sections, leads to the former vitriol sud hut near the Matthias tunnel. 3.3. Medium Iron Ore - Adits: The middle iron ore tunnel is located at 1040 m above sea level in the lower part of the steeply rising ditch that begins in Eisenarz. Nothing remains of the tunnel mouth, but the Pinge and the heap are still clearly visible in the steeply sloping terrain. In addition to samples from the Hallstatt dolomite and the Werfen strata, numerous pieces with relatively rich galena mineralization can be found. This heap is the richest of the 4 tunnels. 3.4. Upper Iron Ore – Adit: The mouth of the upper Eisenerz - or Hütter - tunnel is at 1105 m above sea level and is very similar to a natural cave entrance. Only when you have crawled through the narrow entrance area do you come to a chamber-like extension, which still contains the remains of an old wooden structure. The ceiling height in the center of the hall is up to 3.5 m. On the side, a short tunnel leads past a rock pillar into a second chamber, which can also only be reached by crawling. The second working chamber runs parallel to the first chamber and is offset to the SE. A third mining area can be reached via a short, narrow gap. The approximately 4.5 m long and around 1.5 m high excavation chamber shows white sinter formations on the ceiling, which clearly stand out from the black rock coatings. The further continuation of the tunnel is likely to be closed by a breach. There are no longer any documents about the former extent of the tunnel. While the first and second chambers are in the dolomite, pinching between the dolomite and the Werfen slate can be seen in the third chamber. The 7.5 m long part of the tunnel, newly discovered by Horst Feichtinger in 2014, begins about 5 m behind the mouth hole area. With a width of 50 cm and a height of 90 cm, it runs in a straight line and evenly in the SE direction. Sintering and mineral efflorescence can be observed on the tunnel ceiling. There are numerous black chunks on the heap of this tunnel, which only turn out to be ore-bearing after they have been smashed. The manganese-rich, black coating is the result of centuries of weathering on the rock. The mineralization here also consists mainly of galena. 4. Vitriol - production and use: Vitriols are minerals that belong to the salts of sulfuric acid (sulphates). The white zinc vitriol, the green iron vitriol and the blue copper vitriol are the most important representatives of this mineral class. The term vitriol comes from Latin and is translated as "glass", based on the glass-like appearance of the crystals of vitriols. Vitriols occur as oxidation products of sulphide ores. They are obtained by capturing leachates containing vitriol or by leaching weathered, oxidized metal ores. Georgius Agricola describes the production of vitriol in his work "Of the 12 Books of Metallurgy" published in 1556. Sulfur pyrites were leached out with hot water, the vitriol precipitated out of the solution and the resulting vitriol sludge was heated in a boiling furnace to evaporate the residual moisture. Iron vitriol was primarily used to color leather, the so-called "blackening of leather". Iron vitriols were also used in fabric dyeing, for the production of dyes and ink, and as a disinfectant. The representatives of the medieval alchemists saw more than just minerals behind the vitriole. For the alchemists, vitriols were the outer philosopher's stone, with the help of which the transformation of seemingly worthless materials into precious metals such as gold and silver should be possible. Despite centuries of research, the alchemists did not succeed in producing gold and silver with the vitriols. Sources used: Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans in Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1817, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, Weitra 2018 Ludwig Antes and Siegfried Lapp "On the mineralization on the Reinfalzalm", Leoben 1966 Othmar Schauberger "Historical mining in the Salzkammergut", communication of the Austrian consortium for prehistory and early history, vol. 24, Vienna 1973 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Alfred Pichler "Lipplesgrabenstollenhütte", State Association for Speleology, Linz 2003 Wilhelm Freh "The iron mining in the country above the Enns", Linz 1949 Erich Haslinger "Ore deposits in the Salzkammergut", Vienna 1962

financial support

ventilation: