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Social – Faith and Church: A document from Duke Albrecht II from 1344 confirms that there was already a church in Ischl around 1270. Ischl originally belonged to the Frauenstift Traunkirchen, to which all churches in the "Ischlland" were subordinate. At the beginning of the 15th century, the mother church of Traunkirchen was divided. The churches of the upper Kammergut were subordinated to the parish of Goisern. Ischl became Goisern's branch church. From there the branch priests rode to their assigned places to exercise pastoral care. So Ischl did not have an independent priest until he was promoted to a pastor. May 26, 1554 was a memorable day when Ischl was elevated to an independent parish by Bishop Wolfgang Passau. This important event fell in the century of the Reformation. Luther's teachings made their way into the Kammergut as early as the first half of the 16th century. Promoted by the rural nobility and rich citizens, Protestantism also gained ground because there was a great shortage of priests and there was often a lack of good pastors. In 1568, Maximilian II (1564 – 1576) granted the Protestant Christians of the chamber estate the freedom to practice their religion, so it is not surprising that from around 1575, instead of Catholic pastors, Protestant priests appeared in Ischl. From the pastor Paul Neumayr (1602) the Catholic pastoral care in Ischl is again documented. The first pastors had a low income because they didn't have the tithe that Goisern collected and they didn't have a farm that could have contributed a subsidy. In 1609, the salt clerk Veit Spindler granted financial support at the request of the Ischl pastor "so that a learned priest and good preacher can be preserved in such a respectable community". In 1622 the monastery in Traunkirchen became a Jesuit residence. The Jesuit missionaries traveled the Kammergut and exercised the bailiwick rights intensively. In 1634 the emperor appointed the Salzamtmann to be the religious inspector and, in his own religious dragonfly, tightened the compulsion to follow the Catholic religious norms. In 1672 the population of the parish of Ischl had grown to 3,000 souls. The stormy waves of Reformation and Counter-Reformation flared up again at the end of the 17th century. The Hofkammer wanted to finally get rid of the Protestants in the Kammergut. Another means of coercion by the government was the establishment of a sovereign religious reform commission in 1712, which did not find the hoped-for support from the tolerant salt official, Count von Seeau. Therefore, the court chamber extended the powers of the commission and granted it the main inspection and supreme authority before the salt official in all religious incidents. The commission had the right to pronounce the expulsion of the Protestant partner from the country even in mixed marriages, and was only allowed to allow him to remain in the country if he did not prevent the Catholic part and the household members from worship, only married the children to Catholics, and did not spread the contradiction and no other annoyance. The religious commissioners now had a free hand and did not lack the necessary zeal for the Catholic cause. Around 1731 a new wave of reformations flooded from Salzburg into the Kammergut. The great persecution of Protestants was going on in Salzburg, many Protestants fled to their co-religionists across the border. The Salzamt strengthened the border guard because they feared a general uprising in Salzburg and its spread to the Kammergut. Count von Seeau, who understood the religious feelings of the population better than anyone else, saw the only effective means of suppressing the evangelical doctrine in expelling those residents who persisted in the new faith and were inaccessible to all attempts at conversion, following the example of the Archbishop of Salzburg. However, the government wanted to avoid this because they rightly feared disadvantages for the Salzkammergut. The government's policy was like dancing on eggshells, they wanted to make people Catholic under all circumstances, but not lose them. The Protestants who decided to emigrate in 1733, whom the religious commission described as ringleaders in a report to the secret court chancellery, were sent to Transylvania, for which the Salt Office had to provide the necessary ships. There were about 30 to 40 of them. The proceeds from their possessions of houses and land remained with the emigrants after deduction of the ten percent departure fee to be paid to the rulers. The government's hope of being able to curb Lutheran teaching through leniency and accommodation was not fulfilled; Protestantism is still widespread in the Kammergut. And since Austrian goodness didn't work, sharper tones were found in Vienna. In 1735 about 80 apostates were again allowed to emigrate, but the unmarried young boys among them who were fit for military service were to be retained and placed among the recruits; the emigrants also had to pay the shipping costs themselves. Educational contributions and alms could henceforth only be given to needy Catholics. The Salzburg emigrants who remained in the Kammergut were to be agreed to leave those who had become Catholic, but to "unfailingly abolish" the heretics; it was forbidden to include one in the work. When recruiting soldiers in the Kammergut, untamed and wanton boys were handed over to the militia by the salt office, but Lutheran ones by the religious commission itself against their will. The government issued stricter mandates to the regional courts in order to prevent the importation of non-Catholic books and correspondence, such as the dealings of Protestants with the Reich. A guard house was built at the Lauffener bridge and manned by three invalids to better monitor the people passing through in matters of religion. From 1737 the government tried to get rid of the remaining Protestants entirely, supported the emigration of those who publicly professed Lutheranism in every way and made life at home difficult for them. The Salt Office visitation of December 1737 hoped to have deported the last remaining Lutherans. She was wrong, the evangelical faith had not died out in the Kammergut, its followers in the country had only become Catholics outwardly and only obeyed the commandments of the church out of necessity, because otherwise they would have lost work and bread. As late as 1742 the order was issued to suspend all workers who did not appear in the churches or left them during services. The overzealousness of the religious commission and individual missionaries even fought the Sunday work of the Pfannhauser and boatmen, but the Salt Office, which was concerned with maintaining operations, found insightful helpers in the local clergy. In Ischl, the pastor was willing to offer early mass on Sundays and public holidays to such an extent that the workers could attend the service without disturbing the order of the south. Incidentally, the church would not have had any reason to forbid work on Sundays and public holidays, since for centuries its institutions had used the healing salt of God as atonement for the profanation of Sundays. The construction of the Ischler Bergkirche, ordered by Empress Maria Theresia, also took place during this period. The chapel, built between 1747 and 1751, was intended to "serve the workers of the Ischl salt mine to perform prayer and to maintain devotion to preserve the divine blessing". The period from 1750 to the patent of tolerance in 1781 was completely under the influence of the strictly Catholic Empress Maria Theresia, who did not want to see any means left unexploited in the Kammergut to strengthen the Catholic faith in the population and to suppress the heretical evangelical doctrine. Severe penalties were meted out to all those who gave the official bodies or supervisory bodies justifiable cause for complaints. The subjects of the Wildenstein dominion who took in servants had to submit a spiritual certificate to the nursing office that they were Catholic, otherwise they had to pay a fine. As late as 1776, those who missed Sunday services had to be arrested for 24 hours with bread and water. Parties who used bacon for cooking on a fast day, as well as the innkeepers who served during the service, were arrested for 24 hours, but threatened with severe corporal punishment in the event of a repeat offense. The deportation of the Protestants to Hungary lasted until 1753, later an attempt was made to convert them in the Kremsmünster conversion house, "particularly so as not to at least teach their children the same poison in which one might secretly hope". The Hofkammer attached great importance to the distribution of Catholic books and the prevention of the importation of Protestant writings. Under the pretense of a pilgrimage, the evangelicals had often visited their co-religionists in Germany and brought Lutheran books with them. As a result, only those people were allowed to cross the border who could identify themselves with a parish certificate about their Catholic way of life. The border guards had a strict mandate to search for Lutheran books, and they exposed themselves to punishment if they left them with the owners. In the Kammergut itself, it was the task of the religious commission to search for banned books, take them away from the owners and send them to punishment. The writings found had to be taken to the salt office and were not allowed to be kept in the administration offices and chancellery. The salt office had to send the seized books immediately to the censorship commission. When Emperor Joseph II came to power in 1781, the suppression of Protestantism also came to an end in the Chamber estate and the Protestant faith gained its freedom. The Protestants from Gosau, Goisern and Hallstatt united in faith communities and built houses of prayer; Gosau and Goisern also chose pastors and built apartments for them. A prayer house and a Protestant school were established in Gosau around 1783, and a pastor and a schoolmaster were employed. The evangelical community in Goisern also had a house of prayer in 1783. In February 1802, the Goisern pastorate comprised 4000 souls, including the Hallstatt and Obertraun branches. In 1790 the evangelical community in Hallstatt had a house of prayer, but no pastor of its own and was affiliated with the pastorate in Goisern. The first half of the 19th century was a period of undisturbed development for the Protestant parishes in the Kammergut, and their equality with the Catholic parishes was based on the law. Of course, the final barriers had not yet fallen; Protestants were not allowed to teach Catholic children and, for the most part, were not allowed to rest among Catholics even in death. Goisern was the largest evangelical community in the Kammergut. The Salzamt was the patron saint of the parishes in Altmünster, Ebensee, Ischl, Laufen, Goisern, Hallstatt with Obertraun and Gosau up until the 19th century. The patronage rights and duties that accrued to the Salzamt extended its sphere of activity, but also increased the financial expenditure for church purposes. In the case of parish errands, however, the episcopal ordinariate was always involved and asked for their good opinion on the proposal for appointment. The connection between the church and the Salt Office led to the clergy being treated equally to civil servants who worked in wood, an advantage that was also given to teachers. Attending church services on Sundays and public holidays was made compulsory for civil servants up until the 19th century. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Franz Stüger, commemorative publication "400 year anniversary of the parish of Bad Ischl", Bad Ischl 1954 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004

09 mountain church The Ischler Bergkirche is owned by the Austrian Salinas and was founded in 1985 at a cost of about ATS 600,000.00 (EUR 43,603.70) and the roof was re-covered with larch shingles in 1994. A commemorative publication was published on the occasion of the restoration in 1985. She tells us about the history of the building: " With kk Deputat order of October 23, 1747 it was agreed, among other things, that a chapel should be erected at the marked location and if it is not possible with less expense, the 500 guilders shown for this purpose may also be used (Resol. Book 1745 - 1750; p . 339), whereupon the chapel was built in 1751.” According to oral tradition, miners' fines were also used for the construction. Empress Maria Theresia ordered the building of the chapel. It is known from various historical sources that Luther's forbidden teachings were widespread among the salt workers at the time and that this chapel was intended to strengthen the Catholic faith among the workers again. ​ Due to the tolerance patent of Emperor Josef II (1781), a more tolerant spirit also returned to the Salzkammergut, especially at the salt pans. The commemorative publication goes on to tell us: “Ever since this chapel was built, the Catholic priest from the Ischler Bergbruderlade has enjoyed two guilders for preaching a sermon on the St. Barbara festival. With the decree of May 1st, 1786, the Salzoberamt Gmunden granted the Protestant pastor von Goisern an annual guilder for the same purpose at the request of the non-Catholic miners.” The Ischler Bergkirche served both denominations for worship very early on, long before ecumenism brought the Christian churches closer together. Finally, I want to add the verses by Jolanthe Haßlwander: ​ The Miners' Church in Perneck by Jolanthe Hasslwander I know a little church deep in the forest on a steep rocky ground, this is the squire's stay in a prayerful hour! Saint Barbara, the helper in all mountain dangers, stands ready here, with a true mind to keep the squires. And in front of the beautiful high altar Mary looks down too and gladly blesses the small crowd, she hears the miners' songs. In this church silent hat itself pious the squires tend and then, strengthened with new courage, to descend to the layer. (Leopold Schiendorfer, Perneck A village through the ages mining saint »

Hinterrad 02 Der Kaiser franzens - Stollen Angeschlagen: 1794 - gemeinsam mit Kaiser Leopold Stollen Länge: 884 m - 1834 Vortrieb eingestellt. 1540 m zur Salzgrenze Seehöhe: 588 m Weiterlesen 03 Der Kaiser Leopold – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1794 – gemeinsam mit Niederer Kaiser Franzens – Stollen ( 1. Mai ) Länge : 1.800 m Seehöhe : 643 m Weiterlesen 04 Der Kaiserin Maria Theresia - Stollen Angeschlagen : 1775 am 26. September, unter „merkwürdigen Feierlichkeiten“ Länge : 1.590 m Seehöhe : 680 m Weiterlesen 05 Der Kaiser Josef Stollen Ursprünglich „Erzherzog Josef – Stollen“ Regierung Kaiserin Maria Theresia, 1740 – 1780 Angeschlagen : 1751 am 26. Oktober, „Feierlich aufgeschlagen“ Länge : 1.195 m Seehöhe : 722 m Weiterlesen 06 Der Kaiserin Ludovika- Stollen Angeschlagen : 1747 Länge : 1.013 m Seehöhe : 764 m Letzte Befahrung : 5. März 1934 Weiterlesen 07 Der Kaiserin Elisabeth – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1712 Länge : 750 m Seehöhe : 812 m Weiterlesen 08 Der Kaiserin Amalia – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1687 Länge : 572 m Seehöhe : 851 m Weiterlesen 09 Die Bergkirche Erbaut 1751 Weiterlesen 10 Der Frauenholz – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1610 - am 2. Oktober, aber erst am 22. Juni 1632 Salz angetroffen Verlassen : bis 1745 unterhalten, verlassen um 1848 Länge : 706 m Seehöhe : 880 m Weiterlesen 16 Der alte Steinberg Stollen Angeschlagen : 1567 Verlassen : Aufgelassen mit Rabenbrunn – Stollen, bald nach 1751 Länge : 902 m ( 658 m im Kalk, 244 m im Haselgebirge ) Seehöhe : 852 m Weiterlesen 17 Der neue Steinberg Stollen Angeschlagen : 1725 Verlassen : 1775 beendigte Benützung, dem gänzlichen Einsturz überlassen Länge : 280 m Seehöhe : 862 m Weiterlesen 19 Die Steinberg Säge ​ Weiterlesen

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Social affairs – health care: The medical services in the Kammergut were under the supervision of graduated doctors from an early stage. The first Salzamtsphysicus mentioned in the resolution books was 1628 Dr. Brown. Since 1656 (3rd Reformation Libel) free medical treatment and the free purchase of medicines have been among the most important benefits for masters and workers permanently employed in the salt industry. In the second half of the 18th century, workers who were unable to work as a result of illness received full wages for the first 14 days, then sick pay of 30 kreuzers a week until they recovered and a commission (mercy pension) in the event of permanent disability. The officials had to diligently monitor the sick worker, deal with the surgeon or barber after the end of the cure (sick leave) and submit the cost calculation to the salt office physician for review before payment was made. In order to reduce the high cost of sickness, the authorities were instructed not to pay any workers the allowance (sick pay) until they had been examined by the surgeon and found to be ill. All bathers, surgeons and surgeons of the saltworks offices, ie also the markets there, were subordinate to the salt office physician. From 1735 he inspected their activities, calculations and healing successes quarterly. He pronounced the inability to work to obtain the commissions. The official bather treated the salt people and usually also gave them the medicines. He submitted bills to the Salt Office for payment. It was often paid incompletely and it often took a long time, which is why two thirds of the accounts were paid in advance by the salt office. The Kammergut was already under the supervision of certified state doctors in the 16th century. The exercise of health care, however, was in the hands of practitioners without formal training, with bathers, surgeons or surgeons. They were also barbers, therefore craftsmen with their own craft regulations, approved by the Emperor in 1646 and confirmed in 1662. Neither the barbers and surgeons nor the pharmacists were imperial servants with a fixed salary. Their income was low, so they received aid money and often maintained era bathhouses. For the treatment of sick people there have always been two spas in Ischl and from 1711 a third spa. The barbers needed the approval of the Salt Office to practice their trade. They also had to take a vow at the market court and at the verwesamt. The Salzamt invoices also contain entries that there were two midwives in Ischl who received an annual subsidy from the market and had to take their vows before the market court. An important part of the medical system was the Kammergutapotheke in Gmunden, which was first mentioned in the Salzakten in 1616. In 1740, the reimbursement of doctor's wages and medicine costs granted from 1656 was still only available to workers in imperial service if they fell ill or were seriously injured in the course of their work and could no longer be prepared with regular household remedies. Only the unprejudiced and philanthropic physician Dr. In 1746 Lebzelter found the courage to openly declare that internal illnesses required treatment just as much as external illnesses, which is why such patients should be treated free of charge. Treatment costs for workers suffering from toothache were not reimbursed in 1745. If a worker fell ill with the French plague (syphilis), he had to be examined by the surgeon, who would decide whether the illness was the result of accident or his own fault. In the latter case, the doctor's wages were paid by the office, but the costs of treatment and maintenance were deducted from the worker's wages and he was also punished. To deter others, a salt worker from Ischl was dismissed from his work in 1738. In 1746 Dr. Lebzelter was one of the brightest minds of his time in the Salzamt. In order to make it easier for the salt workers to drink milk, which is indispensable for better nutrition for the children, Dr. Despite all resistance, Lebzelter managed to get the general ban on grazing for goats, which was issued to protect the forest stock and whose milk he declared curative against scurvy, partially lifted and raising was permitted wherever the animals could not damage the grazing culture. He recognized the inexpediency of the workers' vegetable-poor diet, which consisted almost entirely of flour, semolina, lard, and the daily Schott soup, and he was a zealous advocate of the cultivation of potatoes, which he considered to be of great value as a supplement to the diet. Through his efforts, the Salzamt also improved and expanded the unhealthy, unclean and cramped sleeping quarters in the miners' houses on the Salzbergen. From time immemorial, free medical treatment and sick pay were only due to workers directly employed by the era, and in 1777 the Court Chamber renewed the ban on granting these advantages to woodcutters employed by the entrepreneurs. However, as early as 1778, she softened this harsh provision to the extent that the salt office was allowed to pay the doctor's wages if such workers had an accident or fell ill while on duty. Provisional workers were long excluded from any sickness allowance; only from 1790 onwards did the Salt Office replace their doctor's wages. The Salzkammergut was not entirely spared from the risk of epidemics. The plague claimed larger numbers of victims in 1625, 1675 and at the beginning of the 18th century. The plague was probably brought in from Lower Austria, despite the border closure that was imposed on the country when it first appeared. The Kammergut was closed to all through traffic and the border crossings were strictly guarded. Every epidemic required an expansion of the old cemetery, which was located directly next to the Ischl church. The fire in the Hallstatt market in 1750 also destroyed the Salinenspital. The new building, which was only started in 1770 and completed in 1772, was no longer built in the market square, but in the Lahn like the Sud- and Amtshaus. The new hospital was dimensioned for the accommodation of 16 patients of both sexes, from among whom the court clerk entrusted with the overall management and supervision chose a hospital father and a hospital mother. These two, as well as the other patients, received a weekly benefice and were obliged to spin or knit according to their strength for the needs of the hospital. The beneficiaries were free to live with their relatives; in this case they were entitled to a payment of the weekly hostel rate. The interest on the assets was initially available to the hospital administration to cover current expenses. In addition, there were annual co-payments by the erar. With the growing knowledge of the causes of diseases and the means of combating them from the end of the 18th century, the medical service not only increased in size and prestige, but also the demands on the people responsible for the immediate treatment of the sick had increased. From 1790 onwards, the Court Chamber demanded Magistri and Doctors who had already been examined and approved at the University of Vienna for vacant barber positions, but there were still no such applicants for the Chamber estate. The bathing and barber trades, which used to be left almost entirely to the practice of treatment, lost more and more importance compared to the better trained and certified surgeons, of whom there were a few in every larger town. The salt workers were free to choose their bathers and surgeons, which is why they preferred the more competent ones and thus also contributed to raising the status of healers. The protection smallpox vaccination discovered in 1796 had already found its way into the Kammergut in 1802; from 1802 to 1806, 1,261 children had already been vaccinated free of charge by the saline surgeons. In 1807 the Court Chamber assigned the Gmunden pharmacist the establishment and operation of a branch pharmacy in Ischl, which became independent from 1821. In 1807 a saline physics department was created in Ischl. The former regimental doctor Dr. Josef Götz was in charge of the inner Kammergut and the forest districts around Mondsee and Attersee. From 1826, stable workers had to obtain spa certificates from the office in the event of illness, on the basis of which they were entitled to free medical treatment. Free treatment was excluded if a worker injured himself off duty. After six months of illness, the erar's obligation to provide medical assistance was ended, and the office then had to decide whether the worker was to be commissioned for a certain period of time or permanently. From 1827 onwards, dependent or interim workers enjoyed free medical treatment for injuries sustained on the job, but not for internal illnesses. In general, however, they were not entitled to sick pay. Seriously ill or injured Ischl salt workers could be accommodated in the hospital operated by the market community. For this purpose, the salt works management had 2 rooms available for 8 sick salt workers in return for an annual fee of 16 Rachel firewood. Here the saline workers were treated by the Ischl saline physician, and the erar paid the subsistence costs directly to the market town. The Ischl "infirmary" was first mentioned in 1586. This house was built for the sick, not for the old and poor. Around the middle of the 17th century it stood behind the church. When the hospital disappeared at the end of 1770 when the church was enlarged, the sick were accommodated in an old barracks outside the keep. Through an agreement with the saltworks, a new house was built on the so-called Pfarrwiesen and put into operation around 1800. In Ischl there was a second private hospital in Eglmoos in the village of Ahorn from 1827, where the sick received medical treatment and care for a certain fee. The health of the workforce was an important concern for the saltworks. At the turn of the century, workers' bathrooms were available for employees. In the mining industry, there were hot kitchens to give the workers the opportunity to eat regularly and healthily. Spiritual nourishment was available to the saline workers in their own saline libraries. However, the libraries were not used very actively, about one book per worker and year was borrowed. ​ Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

05 The Emperor Josef – Stollen Stud Name: "Archduke Josef - Stollen" until 1764, then "Kaiser Josef - Stollen" Emperor Joseph II, reign 1765 – 1790, son of Maria Theresa Struck: October 26, 1751 Length: 1,195 m Altitude: 722 m The Josef tunnel was officially opened on October 26, 1751. In order to speed up the advance of the main shaft as much as possible, two counter structures were built, namely the first from the mouth hole uphill, and from the Zierler Schurf, sunk from the Ludovika tunnel, towards the day. As early as 1756, the breakthrough of the first counter building took place. The second counter-construction was organized between the Salzobermatsrat v. Ehrlach Schurf and the Johann Lemberger Schurf. This second counter-building became clear in 1766. In 1767 the Salzoberamt approved the estimated cost of 2125 fl. for the construction of a mountain house on the Josef tunnel. A place above the Mundloch, where a chapel had previously stood, was initially chosen as the building site, but the Salzamtmann Scharf moved the new building further down the stream. Only the Kaiser Josef tunnel reached the salt dome in a deeper horizon, so that the mountain blessing opened up in a wide field. The existence of the Ischler Salzberg, together with the blasting work introduced at the same time and the resulting high rate of advance, was secured for the future. Situation of the weirs in the Kaiser Josef tunnel around 1800: Length from the mouth hole to the salt line 1,029 Stabel (1,226.6m), from there to the field site 510 Stabel (607.9m). 2 hairpin bends with a total of 10 weirs, 7 of which are usable and 3 new weirs that are not yet usable. ​ In 1826, the foreign trail led through the Empress Ludovika tunnel and the Ignatz Lindner factory in the Kaiser Josef horizon. These weirs were medium-sized, holding 40 barrels or 80,000 buckets (4,528 m²). In 1821 the Chorinsky bend in the Kaiser Josef tunnel was extended to the west and the Miller bend tackled. In 1840 an underground connection of the Pernecker salt dome with the Steinberg camp, which already belonged to the Lauffener salt dome, was considered. For this purpose, the Chorinsky turn from the Josef tunnel should be advanced in a north-westerly direction. The Chorinsky - Kehr was in the direction towards the Rabenbrunn - and Steinberg tunnels were advanced, but since in the Rabenbrunn tunnels, as the deepest tunnels of the Steinberg camp, the salt was only available in such a short amount of time that not even a single pumping station could be created, further driving the turn hardly made sense. The still outstanding, considerable distance to undercut the Steinberg camp of 1,100 Stabel (1311.2m) in the Tauber Mountains, also through hard limestone masses, was finally not tackled. Situation of the weirs in the Kaiser Josef tunnel around 1850: A total of 12 weirs, all of them in operation around 1850. Reiter - weir, Lenoble - weir, Gaisberger - weir, Ehrmann - weir, Appold - weir, Miss. Riethaler - weir, Harsch - weir, Lötsch - weir, Mrs. Riethaler - weir, Preßl - weir, Lindner - weir, Helms - weir. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Georg Chancellor "Ischl's chronicle", Ischl 1881, reprint Bad Ischl 1983 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 ​ Josefstollen ​ Gaisbachklause / saw The hermitage and the sawmill on the Gaisberg had completely collapsed in 1816 and were restored in three years for 12,000 guilders. In 1839 the woodwork was once again completely rotten. That is why Franz v. Schwind upgraded the Steinberg saw to make it more efficient. By using an overshot water wheel and the belt transmission in the gearbox - the first saw drive of this type in the monarchy - Franz Schwind succeeded in increasing sawn timber production fourfold. The Gaisbach saw was abandoned. Quarry / lime mill / stamp mill / lime kiln About 50 m above the mouth of the Josef tunnel, hydraulic limestone was mined in a quarry from 1846, transported via the Radgrabenbach to the "hydraulic stamp mill and lime mill" and heated in a "hydraulic furnace". fired (hydrauer). annual production about 6,000 hundredweight (from private sale) ​ ​Kohlstatt A "Kohlstatt" for the production of charcoal was built below the Josef tunnel. This charcoal was needed in the miners' forges to repair the "teasome" (miner's tool).

Social – Wages: A comparison with the wages set in the second Libellus of 1563 shows that the daily earnings of skilled miners have remained fairly unchanged, while those of day laborers and other unskilled laborers have increased by about 50%. It can be seen that under the pressure of economic hardship the government had to at least boost the wages of the lower classes to keep them viable and able to work. However, the wages of the salt workers were still very meager. Employment conditions in the rest of Upper Austria were significantly more favorable. A journeyman and a day laborer earned a good 50% more than a salt worker. It should not be overlooked that the salt workers enjoyed many benefits in addition to their wages that were unknown outside of the Kammergut. They were exempt from military service and from military billeting, paid no taxes or levies unless they were homeowners, they had free medical treatment in the event of illness and constant care in old age. Covering the demand for bread grain was one of the most important tasks of the Salt Office, which was authorized in times of rising prices to sell it to relatives below cost price. The livestock production of an entire district, the Hofmark with the Viechtau, served exclusively to supply meat to the Kammergut, the meat prices were set by the authorities and the butchers were supported with subsidies so that they were able to maintain these prices even in expensive times. The salt workers did not have to worry about the future of their sons, even in the first half of the 18th century every able-bodied farmer found appropriate income. The low-wage miners often only worked short shifts and thus had the opportunity to earn an extra income. By enfeoffing infangs (peripheral parcels) and allocating timber, the government encouraged the development of extensive smallholdings. The purchase of firewood was free for all employees. The miners in Ischl were paid much better than those in Hallstatt, so their economic situation was more favourable. Unfortunately, the reasons for the unequal treatment of the two companies could not be derived from the documents used. This difference is all the more striking as the other provisions of the Mining Code are the same for both salt mines. Around 1690 the administrative offices in Hallstatt, Ischl and Ebensee had an excessively high number of men. Not only did they take in far too young workers aged 12 to 15, but also immigrant workers from other countries. In the Kammergut everything was trying to find accommodation in the imperial service. The salt office did not cause any difficulties, on the contrary, its applications for commissions, grace money, alms, doctor's wages, educational contributions, etc. were "tardy, light and unfounded, written according to whim". Commissions were requested for people who were not entitled to them. Instead of flatly refusing requests, the officials even supported the parties in doing so. The officials wrote the submissions for commissions themselves and thus acquired a considerable additional income. The number of old-age pensioners was also unnaturally high, because the workers took early commissions to make room for their sons or to sell the vacant position to a third party. At the end of the 17th century, state finances were in particularly bad shape, and going into debt became the norm. In order to satisfy the empire's financial needs, the income from taxes was no longer nearly enough, even for the operation of the salt works in the Kammergut there was sometimes a lack of cash. Going into debt had become the norm in Austria in order to get over the current shortage of money. The workers drew their wages at the weekend and the Salt Office had no greater concern than to send the Weeding Office the necessary cash for the payday. But he didn't always succeed, sometimes people had to return home empty-handed on Saturday because no money had come from Gmunden. In 1693 the Kammergutarbeiter sent an emergency cry to the Court Chamber for grain; In Ebensee, Ischl and Hallstatt there was hunger and dysentery, the pans could no longer be operated, the deteriorating coinage had devalued the money. The buyers, shipwrights and Stadlinger (shipmen) who worked in the manufacturing sector suffered even more than the imperial workers. In a petition written to Ischl, they complained that they had nothing left on their bodies and nothing to eat, in Laufen some had already died of hunger and the rest were about to emigrate with their wives and children and go begging. The finishers were also impoverished and could no longer pay them their wages. The year 1696 was one of the saddest in the eventful history of the Salzamt. The Hofkriegszahlenamt claimed all of his receipts for itself. The shortage of money was also so bad because the sales of salt fell noticeably as a result of the rapid succession of price increases in favor of smuggling. The Salzamtmann had to find outside money, which could no longer be obtained at an interest rate of 6 percent, in order to be able to secure the grain deliveries to the Kammergut. The financial crisis lasted until 1703; they feared national bankruptcy and the loss of good faith among the people. All available means were necessary to maintain the empire and the army, and yet the payment of interest from the Salt Office could not be omitted. The emperor himself urged the salt office to send money to Gmunden so that the Gmunden office could pay the interest and pay the workers. With the intention of increasing the number of people needed for salt work in the Kammergut, the sovereigns had favored the founding of families by allocating fiefdom, helping to build houses and granting a dowry. By the end of the 17th century, this goal had not only been reached, but also exceeded; the supply of workers had outstripped the need. Marriage was no longer made so easy for young people and required the consent of the salt clerk; this only had to allow marriage to one or the other "busy and caring" worker. The allocation of infants (peripheral plots) was stopped, and the construction of new residential and farm buildings was made more difficult because there was no longer a particular desire to start families and there was every reason to limit the use of timber and to protect the forests. From 1709 onwards, the construction of workers' houses was only approved on the condition that they were made of brickwork and that the wood required did not come from imperial forests. A main inspection of the salt office ordered in 1733 under the direction of Count Starhemberg was to investigate and eliminate these abuses. The perception was made that “almost the entire crowd there insists on it and proposes that everyone should be appointed ex ärario, so to speak, because the young people of both sexes no longer go into private service, neither learn a trade, but want to get married early . Instead of them only foreign servants were kept and many foreign people were bred into them and the chamber estate was therefore overpopulated.” The Salt Office was instructed to encourage young people to do other than salt work, to remove immigrant strangers from the country, to restrict marriages, and to give stubborn elements to the soldiers. The appointment of Johann Georg Freiherr von Sternbach as Salzamtmann in 1743 marked the beginning of a new era. Sternbach intervened firmly in the administration of the Salzamt. The greatest and most difficult task was to reduce the excessively swollen labor force to economically justifiable proportions. So far, all the instructions and orders from the court authorities had remained fruitless because the officials knew what tremendous resistance they would unleash and had neither the courage nor the will to take up the inevitable fight The workers, alarmed by the action of the Salzamtmann, sent deputations to Vienna to prevent the threatened dismantling, but found little to meet them. Laid-off workers who, because of their age or family, could neither move nor earn an income elsewhere received maintenance payments. The unmarried boys who could not be used for salt or wood work and who were expendable joined the military. The recruitment of residents of the Salzkammergut violated the age-old statute that they should be exempt from any service. The seriousness with which the layoffs and other austerity measures were carried out aroused the most violent resistance from the workers. This led to riots in Ebensee. Officials were physically attacked and injured. Ischl forest workers tried to regain their old rights by going on strike. In order to give Sternbach's measures the necessary emphasis, 300 infantry and 30 men on horseback were sent to Gmunden under the command of a sergeant. The movement had become dangerous because the majority of senior officials, who disliked Sternbach's harsh actions, sided with the workers and encouraged them. The bourgeois circles, on the other hand, especially the salt manufacturers, were worried about the workers' unrest because they feared that their trades would be disturbed and they could not know what extent the unrest would become. A commission of inquiry was set up to urge the continuation unchanged of the measures introduced by Sternbach and approved by the government, and proceeded with the greatest severity against all who opposed them. Most of the participants in the uprising quickly showed remorse and there was no fear of a repeat of the unrest. Complaining officials were questioned by the commission of inquiry without involving the salt official. Their verdict was devastating for the applicants. Without exception, the commission found all objections to be unfounded, incorrect, impudent and of such a nature that the ignorance and negligence of the informants was proven and one was completely convinced of their recalcitrance. With this report, the fate of the complainants was decided, they were dismissed from the service. After the suppression of the workers' uprising and the removal of his most dangerous opponents, Sternbach was able to continue and consolidate his reform work undisturbed from 1744 onwards. Until 1753, the salt workers were regularly paid their wages on Saturdays after the weekly raitung (weekly payroll). In 1753, Salzamtmann Sternbach introduced four-week wage payments to save on paperwork and clerical work, and in the meantime gave the workers official slips with which they could buy from the millers and other tradespeople on Borg. The workers, whose economy had always been based on weekly pay, fought back and persuaded the investigative commission present to quickly withdraw Sternbach's decree. The closer it got to the turn of the century, the greater the need in the Kammergut and the more dissatisfied the workers, whose wages had remained almost unchanged for 80 years. A commemorative document written in 1797 by the spokesmen of the Hallstatt workers and presented to the Court Commission in Gmunden was extremely sharp in tone and openly expressed the ferment among the workers. The mountain carpenter Josef Pfandl, spokesman for the deputation at Count Aichold, said that the revolutionary ideas coming from France were fulfilled: "Things will be the same here in France as in France and in Vienna things are already going so well that no citizen would look at His Majesty pay more attention". The commission, outraged by Pfandl's language, found the authors guilty of defamation and attempted sedition and handed them over to the courts for trial. Pfandl was imprisoned in Ort near Gmunden for 388 days before he managed to escape. He then wandered erratically abroad and in November 1800 applied to Vienna for permission to travel home. At the request of the Court Chamber, which knew that the entire workforce was committed to him, the Emperor complied with his request. In the course of the 18th century the salaries of civil servants increased only partially and not significantly. The low wage increases have also permanently lost value due to the introduction of paper money alongside the metallic currency. In 1761, bank notes were first put into circulation as paper money. The people weren't happy about it. Paper currency declined sharply between 1808 and 1810. As a result, the need for the staff increased. In the years 1808 and 1809 the printing press printed more and more paper money, by 1810 this had almost completely replaced cash. On December 11, 1810, Austria stopped cash payments entirely, the bank notes were confiscated and replaced by redemption slips, which, however, only had 1/5 of the previous nominal value. Finally, in 1816, the rebuilding of the Austrian monetary economy began with the establishment of the National Bank. This alone was entitled to issue banknotes and obliged to redeem the current bill money. The wages of the miners were anything but good, mainly because of the devaluation of the currency. The management of their small estates was therefore a necessity in order to be able to provide themselves with the most important staple foods. On the other hand, working in the mountains offered a basic income that made it easier for the miners to survive times of crisis than other occupational groups – agricultural or non-agricultural – whose existence was often threatened by price fluctuations or crop failures. It was this system of "safe poverty" that made working in salt mines so popular. Austria's struggle against Napoleon required the utmost exertion of all forces and suppressed all other considerations. The imperial patent of October 25, 1804 granted exemption from military service only to executives and the most distinguished workers in the mines. With the strict application of this regulation, the Salt Office would have had to stop all operations that were not allowed to be interrupted because of the salt supply of the Reich. The Salzamt and the Verwesämter were constantly trying to get their people free from the Assentierung (conscription), but the recruitment commission instructed by the Hofkriegsrat made no exception for the Kammergut and called up 183 men from the Kammergut for the position in July 1805. After an objection from the Salzamt, the recruiting commission held back only 41 men from the Kammergut. The period of French rule from 1809 onwards was downright catastrophic for the salt industry. The income from the sale of salt in the country flowed into the coffers of the enemy intendancy, so the salt office could neither pay the wages of the salt workers nor procure the food they needed to feed themselves. During the summer months of 1809, Hallstatt workers waited seven weeks for their wages. Hundreds of them marched in front of the office building in Lahn and threatened to take the salt from the stacks as payment if help didn't come soon. A total of around 5,000 workers were probably employed in the salt industry around 1820. This number was already reduced by 1,058 men in 1825. In 1832, only 3,858 men served in the salt industry, 741 of them in Ischl. In 1851 the ministry set the peak of stable laborers at 3,739 men. The misery of the many dismissed workers was great, so their urge to be accepted back into the service of the salt office was understandable. The offices had to suffer a lot from the onslaught of job seekers and it was difficult to always make the right choice. In 1820, in addition to a shift wage of 45 Kreuzer, a worker also received farm grain and lard in exchange for the old limit price (purchase price). From 1829 onwards, in order to be able to continue operations without problems in the event of major sick leave, military conscription or temporary additional demands, for example due to construction work, the administrative offices were forced to take on temporary interim workers (temporary workers) beyond the normal status of permanent workers. The negotiations with the Oberamt led to a separation of the workers into three groups: 1. Stable workers entitled to commission and enjoying provisions (“full workers”). 2. Stable and commission-eligible workers without provisions ("incomplete workers"). 3. In non-permanent workers without a right to commission and provisions (“interim workers”). The winter of 1847 increased the misery of the workers to an unbearable level. The people sold their livestock, got into debt, couldn't get flour from the millers in advance, lost their strength and didn't have enough to clothe themselves. In January 1848, the Hofkammer began working out a new wage system that was intended to bring the workers a significant improvement in their income. The workers had always been used to bringing their wages home at the end of each week. In 1823, the court chamber wanted to introduce monthly payment to save on a lot of paperwork, but gave up due to the great resistance of the workers and finally stuck with the fortnightly payment. In 1848 the old wish of the working class for the reintroduction of weekly pay was fulfilled. For the payment of wages, it was customary for the clerk responsible for compiling the wage list to collect the necessary money from the till and for the foremen to make the payment. But no master was allowed to pay off his own staff. In order to be safe from fraud in shift calculations, the Hofkammer transferred this business to the cashiers in 1824. In 1848, the Court Chamber set the 48-hour week for all miners equally and wanted to break it down into six eight-hour shifts. However, she only found the approval of the Ausseer miners, while those in Hallstatt and Ischl insisted on the six-hour pit shift that had been granted to them in 1771. Mining lasted from Monday to Friday, leaving Saturday free for chores around the house. If the office needed farmhands, it encouraged marriages by providing marriage money, giving birth and giving away wood for building houses free of charge. When the fruits of economic policy had ripened and there were too many job seekers, the Oberamt again restricted marriages and denied the workers the necessary marriage permits. Maria Theresa's reforms had deprived the Salzamt of being able to enact marriage bans by legal means. Hofrat Schiller was faced with the hard and difficult task of not only adapting the excessive number of men to actual needs, but also of proceeding more strictly with the marriage permits that had previously been granted indiscriminately. In spite of the legal freedom to marry, the Oberamt still had effective means of discouraging the younger workers from marrying. It was within the power of the Salt Office to tie new marriage permits to the renunciation of the family grain. From 1830 onwards, the Oberamt denied marriage permits to all workers who were not yet eligible for a commission and had therefore not yet completed their eighth year of service. In addition, it no longer allowed them to receive the family grain. These measures, but especially the loss of the family grain, kept young people from getting married early, and by 1843 the number of marriage applications had already fallen sharply. A decree issued by the Emperor in December 1848 ordered leniency for sentences not yet executed and the termination of investigations. Furthermore, the reintroduction of the family grain, the reduction of the pasture interest by half, the reduction in the price of wood for the needy and the abolition of the long-service work. These government concessions were able to satisfy and reassure the workers. There was no real uprising movement in the Kammergut, but fears of such a movement prompted the authorities to take some precautionary measures. The Saline Ebensee had set up a fire station for a short time. A section of the National Guard had taken up position in Ischl. In October 1848, due to a shortage of firearms, the Board of Directors of the National Guard asked the Oberamt for the production of 120 pikes and for a contribution to the uniforming of the poor guards from the working class. The government had no objection to the production of pikes in the Ebensee court smithy, the salt works actually supplied the National Guard with 60 pikes. But she refused the uniform expenses, the workers should fall back on the funds of the brother shop. The long period of war, with its insatiable demands on men fit for arms, had eliminated the old privilege of the salt workers, who had also become conscripts and were subject to military laws. In November 1818, 124 men from the Kammergut were drafted to Kremsmünster for recruitment. In 1819, 168 Landwehr men from the Kammergut were ordered to move into Vöcklabruck for a fourteen-day weapons exercise and examination. It was important to the Salzamt to exempt people from military service who were indispensable for the company or who were difficult to replace. In response to their ideas, a joint commission consisting of representatives of the district office, the salt office and the military district command came together in 1820 to determine the categories desired for military liberation. According to this agreement, 1,385 of a total of 5,530 employees were to be released from military service for a limited period of time. Up until the 19th century, the salt workers in the Kammergut received “limito provisions”, a certain amount of grain and lard that could be purchased at fixed, reduced prices. This cheaper way of passing on food had made a significant contribution to alleviating the social hardship of the miners, especially in times of crisis, when the price of food rose sharply. On the other hand, even in the 19th century, the basic wages of salt workers were always below those of qualified factory workers. The system of "secure poverty" continued into the 19th century: working as a stable miner or salt worker was secure employment even in times of crisis, but cuts in pay had to be accepted. ​ Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 FX Mannert "Of Ischl and the people of Ischl...", Bad Ischl 2012 FX Mannert "From Ischl and the people of Ischl... 2.0", Bad Ischl 2016 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

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