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15 The Mitterberg tunnel Stud Name: "Mitterberg - Stollen" as locality name Struck: 7/25/1563 Length: 130 m Altitude: 886 m ​ Under Emperor Ferdinand I, the Mitterberg tunnel was opened on July 25, 1563 as the first and original salt tunnel on the Ischler Salzberg. A mine survey carried out on October 15, 1567 by Georg Neuhauser Salzamtmann, Balthasar Blindhammer court clerk at Hallstatt, Jakob Schmiedauer Unterpfleger at Wildenstein, with the involvement of the mine masters and other people who were familiar with the work of the salt pans at Hallstatt and Aussee, revealed that in the Mitterberg tunnel there was a shaft with 2 sinkworks in the salted mountains had been sunk. From this, great hopes were drawn of finding a salt store worth building in order to be able to set up a salt works in Ischl. For further investigation of the found salt deposit, it was decided to create a level excavation from the sinkhole sunk at 47 Stabel (56.2m) in the salted mountains and to sunk another sinkhole from the same. As the salt mountain stretched further down, a deeper tunnel was to be built at the "Hohensteg". In 1575, experts from the salt works in Aussee, Hallstatt and Ischl carried out another inspection and consultation on the Ischler Salzberg. In the Mitterberg tunnel there were two prepared pumping works, which were already being used to produce brine. The mountain master and mountain workers from Ischl, who had twice seen the salt industry in Hallein and Schellenberg, suggested driving under these structures through the Steinberg tunnel to avoid the costly brine pumping and cleaning, as was still customary with the salt pans in the Salzkammergut and convert to discharge weirs. This proposal, which was recognized as useful, was carried out, the connection was established with the nearest water dam in the Steinberg tunnel - main shaft and then in the Mitterberg tunnel the first discharge weir according to the "Schellenberger form" of the Upper Austrian salt works was put into operation. This was the start of replacing the ancient pumping stations with drainage works. But it still took a long time to completely suppress them. In a pit plan drawn up in 1654, one can see that the Mitterberg tunnel – the main shaft after 66 5/8 Stabel (79.4m) of driving in the limestone reached the salt mountains. This was lengthened and a 99 bar (118.3 m) long side shaft, the so-called "Neue Kehr", was created. The field site of the Neue Kehr stood in deaf mountains. At the front of the Neue Kehr there was an old weir, already rotten in 1654, which was the first drainage weir, prepared in 1575 according to the Schellenberg model. Behind it was a 44 bar (52.6m) long main pit down the Steinberg tunnel, which was used for weather management and drainage. On the further continuation of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which is referred to in the Reformation Libel from 1656 as "Krechenschafftgericht" ("straight shaft"), a building was laid out on the right. This was driven under by the then Bergmeister Hanns Kalß and by the worker Wolfgang Kalß to save the expensive scooping and to reduce the costs of cleaning, through the Steinberg tunnel and also made into a weir according to the Schellenberger form. Furthermore, on the left hand side of the main shaft there was a 32 bar (38.2 m) long Ebenschurf, which was initially operated as a detection blow, then connected to the side shaft or "Neuen Kehr" by a wing site and later to a Lettendamm, the "Schwarzel Weir". called, has been devoured. When 34 ½ Stabel (41.2 m) left the salt mountains on the main shaft continuation and fresh water was built, several water openings were knocked out. In addition, the first water tunnel was created 7 Stabel (8.4m) above the Mitterberg tunnel and advanced to a length of 93 Stabel (111.1m). Due to the inexperience of the miners, who believed that the limestone in the back of their heads was a deposit, after which salt would have to come again after it had been breached, strong self-watering waters were approached, the mastering of which caused great difficulties. The total length of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which had a total gradient of 4 ¼ Stabel (5.1m or 4%), was 108 Stabel (129.1m). Only 65 of these (77.7m) were in the Hasel Mountains, the rest in dense, water-bearing limestone. The outcrops of the Hasel Mountains in the Mitterberg tunnel formed only a small, cut-off part of the main deposit, which was fully utilized by the construction of 3 barrages. The Mitterberg tunnel was already in use around 1656 and was only used to drain mine water. The collapse had already taken place in 1596 and the amount of scraped water was so large that it was able to drive a mill wheel. Despite all the effort, it had not been possible to find the place where the burglary had taken place, and in the end one had to content oneself with collecting the waste water in the main shaft and channeling it to the surface in gutters. Because of the inrush of water in 1596, the main shaft had to be maintained almost entirely in expensive timber. The Mitterberg tunnel also served to ventilate the Steinberg tunnel. In 1689 the Mitterberg tunnel was finally completely abandoned. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 B. Pillwein "History, Geography and Statistics of the Archduchy above the Enns and the Duchy of Salzburg", 2nd part Traunkreis, Linz 1828 ​ Mitterberg - tunnels, routes and buildings, 1757, Solingen, IGM archive Plan Salzberg Bad Ischl in 1654

Squire's dress and squire's garb: Clothing has always served people as protection against harmful environmental influences such as cold or wet, and in their respective design also for interpersonal communication. It has therefore developed very differently according to the climatic, individual and fashionable needs. Shoes and headgear, such as helmets, are considered clothing, but purely decorative items are not. ​ The oldest remains of fabric from miners' clothing are known from the salt mines of Hallstatt and Dürrnberg near Hallein from the period from 1,600 BC. Christ. More than 700 fragments of flax, hemp, but above all wool fabrics and also fur and leather clothing were discovered in the Bronze Age pits. Although the fragments of fabric found are too small to provide information about the cut and the way it was worn, they do provide other essential information about Bronze Age textile craftsmanship. So high-quality sewing techniques and weaving patterns are documented. In addition to these revealing but fragmentary witnesses to mining clothing, a single piece has been preserved in its entirety. It is a cone-shaped leather or skin hat with strips of leather hanging from the crown. She was worn with the hair side inwards. Textiles were not only used as clothing or makeshift binding material in Bronze Age mines, but also for wound care. A bandage for a finger made of linen strips with plant remains to stop bleeding was found on the Dürrnberg. Fritz Gruber gives a good overview of the everyday clothing of early modern miners in his "Mining History of the Rauris Valley". In the 16th century, a squire wore a "Pfaid" (= "path", shirt), over it a skirt. This skirt originally reached to the knee like a smock, but later showed a clear tendency towards shorter and shorter versions. In the first third of the 16th century such open “mountain smocks” were at least sometimes still worn. It is not known whether underpants were used, but it can be assumed. Originally, a belt was worn under the skirt, to which the stockings were attached. Presumably, however, a strip of fabric was also attached to the belt, which covered the pubic area from below and was similar to a "bruoch" (= short trousers). The shirt was mostly linen, sometimes with a black collar. If the collar was set off and sewn out particularly beautifully, one spoke of a "Golter". The skirt in the cheap, simple form usually referred to as "Joppn" could occasionally have a lambskin lining. There was a version with wide or narrow sleeves, but there was also a version without sleeves. The trousers also underwent changes. Originally, the buttocks were covered by the so-called "bruoch" and for the legs there were two pieces of knitted stockings that were attached to the "bruoch" or, if they were not available, to a "trouser belt" (= trouser belt). As early as the early 16th century, the "bruoch" and leggings grew together into a single, undivided garment. Since the smock was probably quite short at that time, the idea of covering the male sex with a well-padded, capsule-shaped “braguette” (= codpiece) came up with the idea, as it had occasionally before. It is questionable whether the braguette belonged to the everyday clothing of the miners. For lansquenets, however, the "braguette" was part of the costume as a masculine attribute. Another aspect is important, namely the transformation of the old "Bruoch" into a particularly wide, bulbous, baggy "Puffhose" that reached down to the knees. The miners depicted in the Schwazer Bergbuch of 1556, for example, wear puffy trousers. The colorfulness of the trousers, which is particularly accentuated by the striped pattern, is striking. By the middle of the 18th century at the latest, the old leggings - similar leg warmers - gradually shrank to normal knee socks and puffy trousers to knee breeches. Interesting is the fact that the miners in the Rauris valley were allowed to wear trousers by decree for their loyalty to the Salzburg archbishop in the peasant wars of 1526, after the end of the turmoil of war. The rebellious farmers were still forbidden from doing this, they were not allowed to take off their old coats. All in all, the colors were lost in the later centuries and the natural gray should have determined the work clothes, apart from the "ass leather", which was black at all times. It was an approximately triangular cut leather patch that was worn on the buttocks. This made sense, since a miner had to protect himself against the damp, especially against damp, often clay-covered tunnel walls, not only when walking through narrow loops that were often not much more than 30 - 40 cm wide, but of course also when sitting . Incidentally, the ass leather could also be worn as belly leather, this was done by the mountain blacksmiths, for whom the nature of their work meant protecting the sensitive front. In a broader sense, of course, shoes also belonged to clothing. The old Bundschuhe only rarely appear in the estate inventories, but always "a cut pair of shoes", these initially without their own soles. If you want to look at it that way, these shoes were actually a kind of leather bag. It can be assumed that the "pit shoes" already had a sole, initially perhaps made of wood, later made of hard leather. Of course, the latter made them quite expensive. A "berett" made of cloth or "rough" (= fur, fur) served as headgear. The beret was a cap-like headgear that was more likely to belong to holiday garb and was not commonly worn until the 18th century. For bad weather, some afforded a dirty, light-grey “weather coat”. It didn't take long to clean the clothes. A contemporary report from Rauris around 1610 says that some people stink so much "that you have to flee the church because you faint." In addition to everyday clothing, the miners' costume was very important for identifying with the miners' class. For the entire Alpine region, the "white" (or "Maximilian") miner's costume is considered "historical" miner's clothing, the essential components of which are a light "mountain smock" reaching to the thigh, the hood either connected to it or at least to a neck and shoulder protector ("Gugl") and the Bergleder ("Arschleder") are. When miners represent their status, contemporary pictorial evidence shows them uniformly in white mountain smocks, with a hood and mountain leather, but mostly also with "mallets and irons" as attributes. It can be assumed, however, that only a very small percentage of those employed in mining bought this status clothing, most likely still members of the middle class among the miners: hat people, feudal workers and small trades. Uniform clothing at the expense of the mining operator is also unthinkable before the 18th century. Their clothing at work was not that uniform, but representations of working miners show a lot of agreement in essential parts: the preference for light colors for better visibility in the dark of the workplace, the hood that protects the head and neck, and the butt leather as protection with the often mallet work to be performed while sitting. However, the everyday and, above all, festive clothing of the miners, or the small number of those who could afford to dress, followed the changes in fashion as far as the applicable dress code allowed. Anyone who counted among the mining operators, the trades, was also allowed to wear the clothing reserved for merchants, townspeople and patricians. They dressed in magnificent robes of silk and cloth, wore pristine white ruffs, embroidered doublets, waistcoats or velvet jackets and short skirts and coats lined with fur. A beret worn on the head was considered a sign of status. According to the imperial dress code, berets were not allowed to be worn by farmers, commoners and craftsmen. The black miners' costume was introduced towards the end of the 18th century. It is attributed to the influence of the official clothing of the mining officials who were trained at the mining schools and academies and felt like "mining officers". The official attire, for its part, was based on models from Saxony from the beginning of the 18th century. The example of the Saxon "mining officers" with precisely prescribed uniforms for the individual ranks influenced Austrian mining, as photographic evidence shows, even before the first mining academy was founded in Schemnitz in 1771. However, pressure from the authorities to ensure a festive and representative setting for visits and transits by members of the imperial family certainly had the greatest influence on the implementation of uniform dark festive clothing. The mountain festival held in 1864 at the Ludovika tunnel in honor of the visit of the queens of Prussia and Saxony can serve as an example. Contemporary engravings show the miners' detachments with black kalpaks and plumes, black mountain smocks and trousers, and ass leathers. On April 20, 1850, after the events of the revolution in 1848, a regulation on mountain uniforms for mining state officials was issued for disciplining purposes. This regulation regulated the design of the mountain uniform down to the last detail as well as the general conditions of who had to wear it and when. The development of the miners' deed was completed in 1871 with the somewhat relaxed uniform regulations for miners and people working in the mines, to which the miner's smock, which is still worn today, goes back. The black mountain smock, which is still common today, has 3 rows of brass buttons on which the mining sign "Schlägel und Eisen" is shown. Furthermore, shoulder straps with the mining symbol are attached to the mountain smock. A white shirt with a black bow tie or tie, black trousers and a black shaft cap, a kind of beret, which also bears the mining symbols, are worn with the mountain smock. Some symbolic components of the mountain smock are worth mentioning: The 29 buttons of the smock are dedicated to the 29 years of St. Attributed to Barbara, the patron saint of miners. The golden buttons are supposed to symbolize the sun and the black cloth the color of the night in which the underground work is to be carried out. The miners' working clothes mostly consisted of discarded everyday clothes. Depictions from the Schwaz mining area show miners who, depending on their profession, wear worn and patched, colorfully assembled clothing. People often worked barefoot or with simple clogs. The Gugl was the only headgear. Protective clothing as we know it today has only existed since the second half of the 20th century. An essential part of modern mining clothing is the protective helmet. For thousands of years, helmets were worn primarily to protect against weapon damage. In the course of technological progress and the increasing number of special requirements, the first forerunners of modern protective helmets emerged in the middle of the 18th century. Originally made of leather or felt, these offered little protection. Moss caps made of felt have been worn in the Harz mining industry since the 18th century. They protected the miner from small rock falls and bumping against the ridges during his work. Moss caps were made from a hard green felt , but there are also said to have been "crocheted" versions. They were cylindrical, conical or dome-shaped. At the beginning of the 19th century, the first pit helmets were made of leather. They also offered only limited protection during underground work. Only with the development of plastics in the middle of the 20th century could the wearing comfort, the service life and above all the protective effect of the helmets be significantly improved. The color of the helmet also showed the profession or position of a miner. White helmets were reserved for supervisors such as foremen or overseers, blue helmets were worn by locksmiths, red helmets by electricians and yellow helmets by houseworkers. Modern mining protective clothing consists of overalls with reflective protective strips, safety shoes with steel toecaps, protective gloves, a protective helmet with integrated earmuffs and lamp holder, protective goggles, dust mask and a CO2 filter self-rescuer. ​ Sources used: "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberger - miners and Halleiner - saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998 Alois Fellner "Mining Dictionary", Vienna, 1999 Fritz Gruber "The Rauris Valley - Gold and Silver, Mining History", Rauris, 2004 Günther Biermann "Living conditions of the miners" in "Grubenhunt und Ofensau", Klagenfurt, 1995 German Mining Museum "Uphill - Downhill, 10 000 years of mining in the Eastern Alps”, Bochum 2015 Anton Kern "Salt - Reich 7000 Years Hallstatt", NHM Vienna, Vienna, 2008

100 years of the Sandling landslide 100 years ago, in September 1920, a massive landslide occurred in the West Face of Sandling. The so-called "Pulverhörndl", around 200 m high, which split off from the West Face of Sandling in a landslide in 1765, collapsed in September 1920. In May 1907 the summit was first climbed. Namely by the Ischl mountain guides Mathias Röchenbauer and Alois Wazinger. A cairn visible from afar at the summit testified to your first ascent. In the years that followed, the summit was climbed more often and the summit stone man soon gathered cards from the best Upper Austrian climbers. Der Sandlingturm, aufgenommen von Franz Maier, 1915. The west side of the Sandling summit with the Pulverhörndl in front of the landslide and the old scree heaps. In anticipation of the catastrophe, the builder, Weinzierl, had the pictured house of the alpine grass garden relocated to the foot of the Raschberg to the west of the stream. The western face of Sandling Peak after the landslide. On the far left, the seating area separates parts of the old scree heap from the new giant screed. About the geology: The Sandling has always been a troubled mountain . Namely, there is a high limestone on plastic Haselgebirge. And 1920 was a very wet, rainy year. This precipitation penetrated through the fissured and waterlogged limestone and marl and softened the underlying clayey layers. In addition, in the Ausseer salt mine in 1920 there were several "heavenly collapses", which destabilized the base of the rock masses of the "Pulverhörndl" just above. Beginning in the spring of 1920, salvos of rock pelted through the West Face of Sandling. Throughout the summer, much more frequently than usual, mighty boulders broke from the weathered rock and thundered down into the valley. Sandling rock stratification, Otto Lehmann 1926 The catastrophe: The sodden layers became this rainy summer literally squeezed out by the solid limestone marls and the limestone resting on them on the west wall. Then, on September 12, 1920, the unheard of happened . 20 people were still on the Vordersandlingalm. In the morning there was increasingly heavy rockfall from the west face, which was increasing constant noise. A climber who approached the summit from Altausse at 1 p.m. thought he heard train traffic, which surprised him because the railway lines were interrupted due to the heavy rain. The view down was already blocked by billowing clouds of dust. At about 4:30 p.m., even more violent boulder falls occurred, notably from the large rock pillars and pinnacles that towered between the Pulverhörndl and the face of the mountain. This was probably the time when the tower moved away from the wall, exposing the rocks wedged behind it. Cracks and faults became visible to the right of the tower, and the forest below slowly sank to the depths. At 5:30 p.m., a dairymaid noticed with horror that the Almboden was beginning to burst. Towards evening the mountain calmed down to some extent after most of the rocks between the Pulverhörndl and the wall had fallen down. Rock masses were no longer pressing on the back of the tower. But on the front, the pressure from the fallen rocks has increased considerably. The Pulverhörndl was now a bit shifted and isolated from the mountain up. But nobody took that as an opportunity to leave the Alm, only sleeping was out of the question. Around 11:00 p.m., a terrible roar began again, and a commotion was already felt in the ground. It was new moon and therefore pitch black, dust covered the pasture, lanterns could not illuminate anything. Now the fear was great: Valuables were hastily buried at the foot of the "Diebskögel" and the decision was made to leave the pasture and the cattle quickly. And not via the usual Almweg south along the Michelhallbach, but via the Raschberg to the Hütteneckalm. No one was harmed by this prudence! The Powder Tower collapsed on the night of September 13 with deafening thunder. Approx. 200,000 m3 of rock poured towards Michelhallbach. A large part of the overlying rock of the Sandlingalm was then torn down, creating a 400 m wide and 100 m deep shell-shaped crack. Incidentally, the entire Sandling was shaken, the entire western wall was speckled with light from stones that had broken out, and the trail through the western wall was then in a desolate condition. ​ The Alm after the disaster: The four huts that were lifted and moved when the Almgrund was devastated. From the fourth by H. Joh. Reisenauer you can only see the ruins on the right in front. The "Diebskögerl" and the pressed and advanced Almgrund, which filled the meadow valley of the stream and leveled it. The objects (clothes and tools) buried at the foot of the "Diebskögerl" on September 12 were completely buried and have remained lost. The Mure: A huge debris flow moved down the valley. Only the southern part of the moraine mass, which had started to move, lost its connection and ended up as a mudflow. The upper, northern part was only loosened and sunk about 40 m deep into the trough created by the outflow of the Haselgebirge. ​ On September 14th, a forest ranger from Bad Goisern, Paul Elsenwenger, was watching the debris flow from the foot of the Raschbergwand when the surrounding forest suddenly began to sway, the ground crunched, roots broke. He was only just able to save himself on the rocky valley wall! ​ The Mure now filled the creek bed of the Michelhallbach and the large Zlambach for about 3.7 km and has dammed the spring streams that flow in on the east side to form two small lakes. 50 m / hour was the initial speed of the Murkopf and covered 2 km in the first 6 days. In the next 10 days he advanced another 1.2 km and in the next 15 days he came to a halt after a total of 3.7 km. View towards the southern part of the eastern tear-out niche. A shattered mound of lias marl covered with tree corpses. The rounded rock tower behind heralds the appearance of the Hallstatt limestone on the eastern slope. Tree corpses covered the debris flow. Reservoir at the mouth of a side stream. Just before it flows into the Zlambach, the Mure divided and an island was formed on which the handsome and spacious Leisling wooden room stood. This was dismantled in days of hard work and salvaged by hand. Witnesses of historical rockfall catastrophes can be found at the foot of the rock tower "Uh-sinnig Kira" (popular expression for "mad scream") at the Michelhallbach. Judging from archaeological excavations, there was already a rockfall accident there during Roman times (approx. in the 5th century AD) . There is historically reliable information about another catastrophe in the spring of 1546 , in which the surface facility of the small Michlhallbach salt mine was buried by a rock avalanche and claimed victims among the miners. ​ The rock flow of 1920 also revealed evidence of this salt mine, namely a weak brine spring. It had been dyed red and exposed in several places. Literature: Company newspaper of the Austrian saltworks April 1928, Bergrat Ing. Hans Reinl The devastation in the Sandlin group, Otto Lehmann, 1926 Geological Map of the Republic of Austria Sheet 96 Bad Ischl, 2012 Mass movements in the hard-to-soft system and their anthropogenic influence, Weidinger JT, Spitzbart I. 2005 Vordersandlingalm 2020 Sandling West Face February 25, 2020 from a helicopter perspective by Raich Markus:

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16 The Old Steinberg – Tunnel Stud Name: "Alter Steinberg - Stollen" because of the route in dense limestone Struck: 1567 Length: 902 m (658 m in Kalk, 244 m in Haselgebirge) Altitude: 852 m In 1567, under Emperor Ferdinand I. the "Alte Steinberg - Stollen" and the "Oberberg - Stollen", later renamed "Lipplesgraben - Stollen". The new tunnel made it possible to use the salt mountains discovered in the Mitterberg tunnel and to convert the two pumping works of the Mitterberg tunnel into discharge weirs. Encouraged by a test dig created from the Mitterberg tunnel, the Ischl miners started the slightly lower-lying Old Steinberg tunnel. The main shaft had to be driven 552 Stabel (658.0m) in lime, behind it one encountered rich Haselgebirge, which was at least 205 Stabel (244.4m) long. In 1575, experts from the three Aussee, Hallstatt and Ischl saltworks inspected and advised on the Ischler Salzberg. In the old Steinberg tunnel there was a level pit to the left of the main shaft to open up the mountains and next to it a pumping station designed to the south. Since the test furnaces extended under the Ebenschurf were in the well-salted mountains, the inspectors suggested that the field site of the Ebenschurf in the Tauben should be further extended. A dam in good condition was erected because of the freshwater that had been brought in. Since the field site of the Old Steinberg tunnel was in the deaf mountains, the inspectors decided to dig down a sinkhole to explore the salt mountains and then to examine the mountains with an oven. Due to the inexperience of the miners, who considered the limestone in the back of the head to be a deposit, after which salt must come again after breaking through, strong self-watering was started in the Old Steinberg tunnel, the coping of which caused great difficulties. In 1580, when there was still water-bearing, jagged limestone in the Steinberg, one was close to stopping any further tunnel excavation. A pit plan drawn up in 1654 shows that the old Steinberg tunnel - main shaft was first 156 Stabel (186.0m) in the bare rock and timbering, then a 40 Stabel (47.7m) long section was built in dense limestone, where this tunnel came from also got his name and then again 113 Stabel (134.7m) in the Tauben Mountains. After a total length of 309 Stabel (368.3m), the old Steinberg tunnel - main shaft finally reached the salt mountains. In the Hasel Mountains, the straight main shaft was continued and two bends were created, namely the bowl bend on the right and the Christoph Eysel bend on the left. The bowl turn was 135 sticks (160.9m) long and its field location was written in stone. On this hairpin bend there were two abandoned pumping stations, namely the hook and shooting station. The Christoph Eysel - Kehr was 80 Stabel (95.4m) long and there were two new pumping works, namely the Mathias Eysel - and the Hörlin - building, which held 4 Stuben Sulzen (452.8m³) at the first watering. The field location of this turn was in the gypsum stone. On the straight continuation of the main shaft, which stood up to the Zwerchschurf (diagonal Schurf) 205 Stabel (244.4m) in the salted mountains, there were 6 burrows. The names of these waterworks were Ederinger, Ebinger, Hinterdorfer, Neuhauser, Schroffensteiner and old Weidinger - Bau. The burrows were partly intersected and already mostly used. The old Weidinger building was provided with an additional dam so that the fall from the salt mountains at the rear of the main shaft could also be watered down. In addition to the two bends mentioned, there were also the Eder and Weidinger bends, extended to the left of the main shaft. On the 67 bar (79.9 m) long Eder bend, whose field location was written in stone, was the Eder building, which was still in use and was 14 bar (16.7 m) deep and held 3 rooms (339.6 m³) of brine . The Weidinger - Kehr stood 34 Stabel (40.5m) in the well-salted mountains and on the same was the new Weidinger - building, which had 8 Stabel (9.5m) construction depth and 12 Suole rooms (1358.4m³) summarized. At the rear of the main shaft, a transverse dig (transverse dig) with 40 poles (47.7m) on the right and 28 poles (33.4m) on the left was lengthened to explore the salt mountains. The field site of the former stood in stone and barren mountains, in the latter there was a wooden weir to prevent an inrush of the approached fresh water. Behind this Zwerchschurf, the main shaft was extended by another 30 sticks (35.8 m) over a fall from the salt mountains. Their field place was in stone and barren mountains. Also on this main shaft were the main trench from the Mitterberg tunnel down and the two, 22 Stabel (26.2 m) and 8 Stabel (9.5 m) long discharge furnaces of the Schellenberger weirs built in the Mitterberg tunnel. ​ Due to lengthy repair work on the Sulzstrehn from Hallstatt, the brine for both salt pans in Ischl and Ebensee had to be produced mostly in the Old Steinberg tunnel. That is why in 1654 the whole 32 Stabel (38.1m) mighty mountain thickness was sooty except for 10 Stabel (11.9m). In 1656, the old Steinberg tunnel stood in the rich salt core and contained 12 water dams that had to be heavily used at times. A burrow had already collapsed. The commission recommended undercutting the Steinberg, but further consultations should take place with the involvement of external experts. Finally, in 1692, a new underpass tunnel, namely the Rabenbrunn tunnel, was struck. With the more than 1,000 m long Rabenbrunn tunnel, only salt mountains could be approached for the construction of a single building due to a faulty direction of advance and a too strong slope. In 1751, in the old Steinberg tunnel to explore the salt mountains, the test pits in the Eysel bend and in other places were not successful either. Therefore, the Old Steinberg - and the Rabenbrunn - tunnels were abandoned soon afterwards. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 B. Pillwein "History, Geography and Statistics of the Archduchy above the Enns and the Duchy of Salzburg", 2nd part Traunkreis, Linz 1828

The project of a cog railway to the Hütteneckalpe near Bad Ischl Figure 1: Hütteneckalm rack railway, probable route, Google Maps, Franz Kranabitl Figure 2: A "typical" railway from that time: Gaisbergbahn, built in 1887, photo taken around 1890, from Harrer "Gaisbergbahn" Figure 3: Hütteneckalm, Dachstein view, around 1950 By Friedrich Wilhelm Kremzow, Upper Austrian homeland sheets 1987 The Hütteneckalpe is located in the Salzkammergut at the foot of the Hoher Raschberg on a saddle between the Zwerchwand and Kleberwand at an altitude of 1,240 m. You can climb it both from Bad lschl and from Bad Goisern. If you choose the ascent route from Bad Ischl, the path usually leads via Perneck, the lschler Salzberg and the Reinfalzalm. From Bad Goisern the ascent takes place - past the villages of Lasern and Riedeln - usually through the Stambachtal. Since a chairlift leads to the high-lying village of Wurmstein, you can reach the Hütteneckalpe on a comfortable hiking trail, which has its starting point at the mountain station of this chairlift and touches the Roßmoosalm . Due to its favorable location, the Hütteneckalpe is one of the easiest vantage points to reach in the Salzkammergut region south of Bad lschl. To the south, the view extends from Lake Hallstatt to the peaks of the Dachstein massif, to the east you can see the still untouched Landscape of the Rettenbach valley and the plateau of the Dead Mountains. If you turn to the west, the wide expanse of the Traun Valley near Bad Goisern opens up to the viewer, while the Hoher and Niederer Kalmbergs limit the horizon. Already in the early days of the spa town of Bad lschl (i.e. before 1848) the Hütteneckalpe seems to have been a popular destination; at that time they were probably climbed almost exclusively from Bad lschl. It had become all the more popular with tourists since the imperial family regularly spent the summer in Bad lschl. The Hütteneckalpe was also a favorite destination of Empress Elisabeth, who visited this area several times. This excellent vantage point of the Salzkammergut was now the subject of a railway project, which has since been forgotten, but which seems worth discussing in more detail; only the local likes it - and he railway historians have a professional interest. The motives for the construction of such a mountain railway can no longer be deduced from the files and documents that have been preserved. However, some conclusions can be drawn from the time when the project was to be carried out, the year 1890. At that time, the project planning and construction of the Salzkammergut local railway from Salzburg to Bad lschl and the mountain railway to the Schafberg had just started. It is therefore understandable that - due to the economic situation - an interest in the construction of other mountain railways in the Salzkammergut has arisen. It is also worth mentioning that the initiator of this railway project also dealt with a plan for a Schafberg railway, but obviously did not get a chance here. Ultimately, it should be noted that the expansion and development of the railway network in Austria was in full bloom at the time, which was not only due to the construction. but also the project planning, later of course not executed railway lines is proven. ​ It is not without significance for understanding the fate that befell the cog railway project on the Hütteneckalpe. First of all, to briefly outline the legal basis under which a railway could be built at that time. In 1890, the railway concession law of September 14, 18548 was still in force in Austria. This law required special permits for the construction of a railway, namely one for carrying out the preparatory work (§ I Para. 2 lit. a. of the law) or the concession for the installation of the railway itself (§ 1 Para. 2 lit. b. of the law). By approving the preparatory work, the concession applicant only obtained the right under § 4 of this law to carry out the preliminary surveys for the future construction of the planned railway and the necessary surveying and leveling work on the spot in nature at his own expense. This right expired six months after the approval was granted. It should be explained here that an extension of this deadline was once requested for the present railway project. A special privilege to be granted a concession to build the railway line in question, let alone an exclusive power, was not obtained through the granting of such a permit. Finally, in order for the concession to be granted, it was necessary, according to Article 5 No. 3 of the Act, to demonstrate how the funds required for the execution of the project were to be raised. This provision was also alluded to in the last official settlement of this project on October 14, 1890; the lack of funds was ultimately also the reason why no concession was granted at all. According to § 2 of the ordinance of January 25, 1879, the actual concession procedure began with the submission of a detailed project, to which, among other things, situation plans, cost estimates and a technical report explaining the planned railway construction had to be attached. If the project submitted then proved to be executable, the then competent Ministry of Trade had to order the so-called route revision (this was carried out in the case of the project discussed on June 28, 1890). This revision was carried out by an ad hoc commission, which included representatives of the state authorities, the General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways and the municipalities involved. Their task was to check whether the proposed railway project could also be carried out under natural conditions. Only on the basis of the results of the track revision did the Ministry of Commerce decide on the admissibility and building worthiness of the railway in question and was able to discuss the conditions under which a concession could be acquired (in the present case this decision was the subject of the last official decision on October 14, 1890 ). If the concession was granted, the railway line could be laid out in detail in nature and then the political inspection could be carried out (§ 13 of the aforementioned ordinance). Its purpose was, on the one hand, to determine the extent of the necessary expropriation and, on the other hand, to examine the project from the point of view of public interests. After the inspection, the Ministry of Commerce then issued the construction consent that was required for the actual construction work to begin (Section 19 of the aforementioned ordinance). On May 6, 1889, engineer Eduard Miller submitted an application to the Ministry of Commerce for a "preliminary concession for a local railway with a mixed system from the right bank of the Traun near Ischl to the Dachstein view on the Hütteneckalp e". The Ministry first sent this request to the Upper Austrian Lieutenancy in order to ascertain the personal circumstances of the applicant and to procure an overview map from which the planned line design could be seen. The Upper Austrian governor's office carried out these surveys and then presented Miller's application with a report dated August 22, 1889, noting that in their opinion there were no objections to the granting of the preliminary concession. Her report was accompanied by a report by the Budapest magistrate on Miller's personal circumstances and statements by the Bad Ischl community council and the Gmunden district authority, which unfortunately have not survived in the ministry files. This is to be regretted because the report of the Budapest magistrate would have been the only determinable source for a more detailed assessment of the applicant. The Ministry of Commerce also obtained the opinion of the Ministry of the Interior and the Reich Ministry of War, which, however, also raised no objections to the railway project, and then finally granted the requested approval on October 13, 1889 to carry out technical preliminary work for a local railway with a mixed system from the right bank of the Traun lschl to the Dachstein view on the Hütteneckalpe within the meaning of the Railway Concession Act of September 14, 1854 ... for a period of six months ... Ing. Miller then began the necessary surveying work on site in 1889, since he obviously intended to start construction work as early as the next year. As can be inferred from a note in the "Ischler Wochenblatt" dated December 8, 1889 , the trace should ... from a point yet to be determined on the right bank of the Traun via Reiterndorf along the Perneckerstraße on the eastern slope of the Brunnerberg (Groß- or Hochleiten) The trail crosses the Sulzbach stream above the Rosa waterfalls and, climbing up the south-western slope of the Mitterberg, reaches the Reinfalzalpe, in order to end on the Hütteneckalpe on the path marked out there by the terrain conditions. The unnamed author also reported that the previous recordings had yielded an unexpectedly favorable result, since "the roadbed can be built without the aid of large, costly engineering structures ", and then concluded his article with the words: " Hopefully next spring will not be too long in coming wait and allow the weather conditions to start work again soon, so that the original intention of the gentleman concessionaire can come true, to go to Hütteneck in the autumn of 1890. The project meets with general sympathy in the widest circles and certainly deserves it from the local population Support as a company that specifically promotes local interests". In the meantime, Ing. Miller was already working on a detailed project, after the Ministry of Commerce had extended the deadline granted at the time by another three months on March 17, 1890. Finally put lng. Miller presented a detailed project to the Ministry of Trade, which first obtained a statement from the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways. In their statement of May 20, 1890, the project is described as suitable for execution and then executed: "The starting point of the approx. 7.7 km long track is projected on the right bank of the Traunf1usse next to the railway bridge and will be discussed by the high representative when the traces are revised, whether a more suitable, i.e. more easily accessible place next to one of the Road bridges over the Traun could be substituted. " Then it says with regard to the technical proposals in the detailed project: "The minimum radius of the arches is projected to be 100 m for both sections. There is no objection to the above-mentioned installation conditions, and the width of the substructure in the embankment chosen at 3.5 m also appears corresponding. In contrast, the projected width of only 3.3 m The substructure width in the incisions should be increased to 3.5 m in order to have enough space on both sides of the train for evasion either the usual Riggenbach splint or the two-lamella Abt gear rack can be implemented, depending on the price conditions being determined." The General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways commented on the financing of the project: "The proposed construction costs of 750,000 fl effective in total, that is approx. 97,400 fl per km. do not contain any items. for intercalar interest and reserve funds. With regard to the execution of this railway, which has not yet been made completely clear in several points, the assessment of the preliminary construction sum will not be included for the time being and the production of a corresponding cost figure will be reserved for a later point in time." length With regard to the financing, Miller had calculated a capital requirement of 750,000 fl., his summary cost estimate consisted of the following individual items: ​ 1. Preparatory work and construction supervision 20,000 fl 2. Basic Redemption 25,000 fl 3. Earthworks 190,000 fl 4. Ancillary works, retaining and lining walls 60,000 fl 5. Art structures 55,000 fl 6. Ballast and superstructure laying 45,000 fl 7. Superstructure 150,000 fl 8. Building construction 50,000 fl 9. Miscellaneous 25,000 fl 10. Vehicle fleet 130.000,- f1 In view of this statement, the Ministry of Commerce entrusted the Upper Austrian governorship with the revision of the route by decree of June 4, 1890. As can be seen from the technical report , the detailed project envisaged the execution of a mixed local railway system with a gauge of 1 m. It then goes on to say: "The same is adhesion railway with a length of 2,333 m and with the maximum gradient of 22.67%o and cog railway with a length of 5,390 m with a maximum gradient of 18O%o. The total length is therefore 7,723 m. The minimum radius would be 75 m. Particularly noteworthy would be that all stops and the shunting yard are in the adhesion section, so ordinary switches and crossings are sufficient.The terrain to be cut through by the railway consists largely of limestone, while clay slate with marl occurs on the east side of the Mittelberg, which is why the trace had to be led along the western leaning of the same, which line, however, was longer is, however, landslides are avoided. There is only one larger structure across the Sulzbach at Pfl. 40 + 33; large not because of the span, which is only 4 m, but because of the height of 11 m. Only one railway station is planned, namely near Reitterndorf, where the official apartments, accommodation for the staff, locomotive depot and water station are planned. - At Ischl, a stop with a waiting hall and room for an official is necessary, but no points. - There are also stops, each 80 m long, at Perneck and on the Reinfalzalpe with double tracks and two points each. The terminus of the train is the Hütteneckalpe, where a hotel is being built. The stops are connected to each other and to the shunting station and hotel by telephone." The Upper Austrian governor's office set the date for the route revision as June 28, 1890. The hearing took place in the town hall. At the beginning, the representative of the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways suggested - as already mentioned above when reproducing their expert statement - to move the starting point closer to one of the existing bridge crossings over the Traun, with which the concession applicant agreed. On the part of the state forest administration ( the projected railway line was to be routed through state forest property for a length of approx. 5.25 km) no objection was raised to the railway project, but it was asserted: "It goes without saying that the management of that railway and/or after completion of the construction, the bringing of the forest products in individual parts of the forest, especially in the aerarian Kufbergwalde, is made more difficult insofar as the wood, which stands above the railway trace, can only be delivered at great cost. The request is therefore made, that on that route suitable devices, which make it possible to bring the wood, are already laid out when the railway is laid at the expense of the company in agreement with the forest authority Mitterberg, Geigenthal and Eisenerz., then Zwischenbergen, towards Hütteneck, mostly a b existing timber transport route, which serves to deliver forest products in winter. Since this transport route must be maintained, the company would have to build a suitable transport route along the railway track at its own expense, according to the forest authorities. Incidentally, it is noted that the kk Forstaerar lodged a deposit against any replacement performance expected from the title of the wood delivery or for any other reason from the outset and the express request is also made that the kk Forstaerar be acquitted of any compensation payment and the railway to carry out the bank protection and other security structures required for one's own security at one's own expense without forestry competition." The statement of the Imperial and Royal Hunting Line is interesting. Although the practice of hunting in state-owned forests was the Emperor's personal condition and it was pointed out "that the management of the railway would damage the hunt in them, because experience has shown that the game leaves such parts of the forest as a result of the prevailing unrest" , it was nevertheless opposed to the Execution of the track itself did not raise any objection, but merely made a reservation regarding any claims for compensation. The representative of the salt works administration did not raise any objection to the execution of the railway project, but said that mining should not be adversely affected by the railway construction and operation. Finally, the representatives of the AH. Finally, the "Commission's report" on the railway project says: "1. Regarding the statement by the representative of the kk Forest and Domain Directorate in Gmunden, it cannot be ignored that the execution of the projected trace will make it more difficult to bring the forest products out of the Aryan forests. However, it will be the subject of the political inspection to consider how this aggravation can be counteracted as far as is practical As far as the comments made by the representative of the kk Forstaerars regarding the compensation for bank protection and other security structures are concerned, the official provisions existing in this case will apply Regarding the remark made by the representative of the Imperial and Royal Hunt Management that the projected track would significantly reduce the value of the very highest huntability, it should be remembered that based on the experience made, this fear does not appear to be justified! and that it is up to the construction company will, in this case, with de r kuk court hunting management to settle ​ 2. The requirements of the representatives of the kk Salinenärars generally appear to be based on the existing laws, but it will also be up to the political inspection commission to consider to what extent the requirements made must be taken into account. 3. With regard to the concerns raised by the representative of the Imperial and Royal Directorate General of the Austrian State Railways regarding the variant at the starting point of the Localbahn in Ischl, the following must be noted: As far as the fear of a close contact between the two railway tracks is concerned, the justification of the same will only be determined after submission of the Detailprojectes a final report can be made. However, insofar as the present situation and the variant drawn in blue paint give a picture of the future station layout, the two railway bodies should be far enough apart from each other. As far as the intended expansion of the existing lschl station is concerned, the space that is envisaged for this, according to the representative of the Imperial and Royal Directorate General of the Austrian State Railways, is hardly sufficient, since this area lies between the existing railway bridge and the tunnel has a length of 200 m and, by the way, the track there is in a strong curve. On the other hand, an extension of the projected station system of the Localbahn will not be necessary at all in the foreseeable future. – The question regarding an extension or relocation of the station facilities of the state railway cannot be the subject of today's discussion at all. ​ 4. No objection was raised by interested parties against the projected trace taken into negotiation, nor against the projected stations and stops, and the Commission therefore advocates that the concession negotiations should be initiated on the basis of these negotiations and the assigned project. As far as the variant discussed by the representative of the kk General Inspectorate is concerned, with the exception of the representative of the kk General Directorate of the Austrian State Railways, all other interested parties agree with it and the Commission also unanimously endorses it, especially apart from those already mentioned by the Commission For the reasons given, the fears of signal interference expressed by the Designated Agent appear unjustified after the applicants have considered the establishment of a telephone line." On July 13, 1890, the "Ischler Wochenblatt" also reported on the result of the route revision. After describing the negotiations, the report continues: "Meanwhile the staking of the approved line has already begun and in the direction towards Perneck you can see white poles with red and white flags everywhere, which mark the trace. Now that this railway matter has taken another step forward, we hope that construction could begin this fall.As far as profitability is concerned, it is undoubtedly the same if we consider similar, already existing railways in Austria, not to mention Switzerland, especially with the one to be expected due to the cheap tariff rates great tourist traffic, which will be significantly increased by the imminent expansion of the direct lschl-Salzburg line.We take it for granted that the community of Ischl and the neighboring communities will support the undertaking in every direction and that the papers later submitted for subscription will be excellent system are welcome." The day before, the report from the Upper Austrian governor's office dated July 5, 1890 on the result of the route revision had reached the Ministry of Commerce. The ministry first obtained a statement from the General Inspectorate of Austrian Railways. In the meantime, the detailed marking out of the railway line took place, and lng. At the same time, Miller began to seek funding for his railroad project. A report in the "Ischler Wochenblatt " of September 21, 1890 provides information about this as well, which states, among other things: "The detailed stakeout work for this railway is now almost completely finished, so that the necessary plans for submission to the political inspection can be completed in the course of the winter. The political inspection commission should take place at the beginning of next spring, but it is necessary to regulate the financial question at the same time. Above all, it is in the interest of the municipality of lschl to contribute as much as possible to the realization of the project, because lschl must strive, because the spa has to withstand the competition from all sides, to add artificial attractions to the natural ones(!). but unfortunately lschl is not one of the most prosperous elite bathing resorts, as we have heard, the concessionaire Mr. Engineer Miller made the following suggestion to make it easier for lschl to be able to lay the financial foundation for the railway and to enable the concessionaire to continue developing Mr. Miller wants namely that the community for 50,000 fl shares accept the five-percent interest guarantee and continue to contribute the very modest amount of 500 fl to purchase the 50,000 fl; with this small sum, interest would be calculated on interest, the shares would be purely the property of the community in about 50 years, which would have been easily acquired, and the guarantee would then also be void. Let us now assume that there could be years when the shares would yield only four percent, then the community would then have one percent, that would be 500 fl to cover; However, this case is unlikely to occur, because the frequency of Ischl, especially after the expansion of the Ischl-Salzburg railway connection and the zone tariff, will be so enormous that the profitability of the railway will be very good. Apart from the new points of attraction that are created by the railway and contribute to further prosperity, there are also very favorable, direct material advantages: the payment during the operating hours should go annually to the management, officials, railway maintenance, engineers, conductors, Heizer certainly an amount of 5 to 6,000 fl, as necessary to show what amount circulates in lschl and benefits the local tradesmen. Of particular importance for the population during the construction period is the circulation of around 200,000 fl, a large part of which is accounted for by the use of carts, since large cuts have to be made. Even if the entire construction could not be carried out by local workers, almost the entire amount remains here, since, as is well known, railway workers usually save nothing or only very little. " Meanwhile , on September 26, 1890, the General Inspectorate of the Austrian Railways issued their report . After that, no objection was raised either to the routing or to the planned stations and stops. By decree of October 14, 1890, the Department of Commerce notified lng. Miller that with regard to the favorable result of the route revision, the route of the projected local railway will be approved with the following "comments": "The elaboration of the detailed project will be based on the general project that has undergone the route revision, of which a copy will be returned below, and the variant desired by the interested parties and also applied for by the Commission for execution, in the project blue marked variant at km 0 to 0.1 has to be carried out, especially since the relocation of the train transport system from km 0.6 to the Ischl exit station seems more appropriate and, according to a message received recently from the kk General Directorate of the Austrian State Railways, the latter also has no objection to it. -I will therefore have no objection to initiating negotiations with Yours to provide evidence. So I put it to Ew. Well born at home, if necessary, for the purpose of the planned official act, to present himself personally at the Ministry of Commerce, or to send authorized representatives there. Because of the timing of the nursing negotiation is sohin with the ho. Department VII in the shortest possible way to maintain agreement." Once there were no longer any technical or legal obstacles to the railway project, the designer had to try to secure the financing. Nothing could be found out about details of attempts at financing, apart from the fact that Ing. Miller had contacted the municipality of lschl ; he wrote to them and suggested, among other things: "The municipality of lschl participates firstly by providing a guarantee of five percent for 50,000 fl years pass into the ownership of the community of lschl, whereupon the interest guarantee ends. The community therefore comes into possession of the shares with a nominal value of 50,000 fl. by paying in a total of 50 times 500 fl the respective 500 fl to be paid in are calculated with interest on interest ... The basis for the future construction sum is the lump sum to be approved by the High Imperial and Royal Ministry of Commerce, of which two-fifths ordinary shares and three-fifths priority shares are issued according to the usage the honored community can of course only after the political inspection and from the day of the definitive concession, which by the Hohenk. k. Ministry of Commerce not earlier, before the building capital is proven, can be claimed by the company of the lschl-Hütteneckalpe-Bahn." The community deliberated on these proposals on October 8 and 15, 1890, initially electing a committee to begin negotiations with Ing. Miller. As can be seen from the minutes of the consultation, there was no objection in principle to the railway project in the municipal council committee, but two committee members doubted the profitability of the railway by stating that other restaurants suffered a loss of earnings as a result of the hotel planned on the Hütteneckalpe. Another committee member requested a different route as the current line passes through many very small properties, reducing them even further and making management almost impossible. On October 15, 1890, the mayor then reported on the outcome of the negotiations with Ing. Miller and stated, among other things, that he had reported "that the cost of the railway including the hotel to be built was 750,000 fl., i.e. the interest 35,000 fl. and the annual Operating costs will amount to 15,000 fl, so annual expenses of around 60,000 fl should accrue with amortization, etc. The revenue would amount to the amount after the assumed 45 full days of operation with a fare of 3 fl from 60,000 fl, i.e. direct interest appears to be covered." The mayor remarked on this: "Since, however, with this composition, income from the railway seems somewhat uncertain, the committee came to the conclusion that it could not recommend a guarantee from the municipality, although it was convinced of the importance of this railway for lschl, all the more so since Austria has so few high-altitude hotels. " In the ensuing discussion, the committee members stated that the railway should be built anyway. The community councilor Kuhn said that the committee should think twice before voting so that the construction of the railway would not be made completely impossible by a hasty decision. We are health resort representatives, and as such have the duty to always keep an eye on the improvement of the health resort, and we must be all the less slacking off, as in recent years a decline in the health resort has been noticeable anyway. However, since the creation of the projected mountain railway is likely to raise interest in Ischl again, the municipality must not refrain from supporting the company with all means possible. On the other hand, municipal councilor Wiesinger said that there must first be clarity about how to raise money. He said he agreed with Mr. Kuhn word for word, but could Mr. Kuhn also state how he intends to raise the money, whether he had perhaps thought of the possibility of increasing the community contribution? He fully sympathizes with the rail project, but he doesn't want the community to jump headlong into an undertaking. The funds of the community were so scarce that there was absolutely no money for anything beyond the ordinary administrative expenses, and so long as he had the honor of being a member of the finance committee he felt it his duty to guard against any new burden talk before you are clear about the coverage. ​ The municipal committee finally agreed to offer the designer half of the desired sum, while the remaining sum should be raised by the three institutes Wirerstiftung, Kurfonds and Ischler Sparkasse, whose survey the mayor wanted to take over. About the further fate of the railway project there is only one file later - a submission by Ing. Miller to the Ministry of Commerce dated June 28, 1893 , in which he asked for approval of a project change ( conversion to electrical operation, design with a gauge of 76 cm instead the previous track gauge of 1 m) . It also says there: "Until now it has not been possible to finance the projected steam cog railway ... " It is therefore clear that the execution of the railway plans failed due to the impossibility of financing them. One cannot at all say that the implementation failed because of the attitude of the municipality, especially since, despite corresponding research, it was not possible to determine what attitude the Kurfonds, Wirerstiftung held and Ischler Sparkasse responded to the mayor's request. Of course, it is also conceivable that the lack of willingness to finance is due to other reasons; like when you visualize yourself. that the railway should lead through a personal hunting ground of the emperor. However, there is no documentary or even literary evidence for such influences or assumptions. So the execution of this railway project was omitted, while the further fate of Ing. Miller is lost in the dark. Whether one should regret that this railway remained unbuilt is difficult to decide; On the one hand, the railway - like the one on the Schafberg - would be a real tourist attraction today, on the other hand, it and the projected hotel construction on the Hütteneckalpe would have destroyed another piece of nature. List of Sources: The railway project was only mentioned by Prolraska (History of the bathing resort Bad Ischl1823-1923. Linz 1924. p. 55) - as far as can be seen right now. He used the Ischler Woche, the municipal council minutes of October 8, 1890, but not the sources mentioned in note 7. I. The following relevant files of the Ministry of Commerce are in the traffic archive: 19.236/889 - long. Miller applies for pre-concession for Hütteneck railway. 36.469/889 - Report of the Upper Austria. governorship. 14.709/890-Lng. Miller, submitting the detailed project, applies for the route revision to be ordered. 30.328/890 report of the Upper Austria. Lieutenant's Office for the route revision (the detailed project including all plans and documents are included in this file). 34.615/890 - Prime Minister Graf Taaffe wg. Naming of the railway as Archduchess Marie-Valerie Railway. 39.33 7/890- oö. The governor's office submits a supplementary statement to the court hunting management (the last three HMZI. form a single, otherwise jointly completed bundle of files). 50.558/890 - Inspection file Zl. 4683/890 of the Ministry of the Interior regarding the naming of the railway. 34.199/893 - long. Miller for possible electrification of the railroad. II. 1m 00. Landesarchiv is also a collection of files from the former Upper Austria. Lieutenancy, consisting of the following documents: 7721/889- Department of Commerce for survey of the personal circumstances of the lng. Miller (= settled in HMZI. 19.236/889). 9524/889 - long. Miller presents map of railway project. 10.5001889 - Magistrate of Budapest reports on Miller's personal circumstances (original submitted to the Ministry of Trade, but no longer available in HMZI. 36.469/889). 11.771/889 Gmunden district authority reports on the railway project of the governor's office to the Ministry of Commerce (- HMZI. 36.469/889). 14.504/889 - long. Miller indicates that with the preparatory work the lng. Haas and Klein-Neusiedl were entrusted. 4177/890- Department of Commerce approves extension of deadline for completion of preliminary work (corresponding Department of Commerce act no longer exists in Transport Archive). 8437/890 - Ministry of Commerce issues an order for route revision (= completed in HMZI. 14.709/890). 8454/890 - Gmunden district authority reports on the announcement of the local appointment. 8786/890 - Report of the Upper Austria. Lieutenancy regarding carrying out the route revision (- HMZI. 30.328/890); with the original of the commission report. 10.058, 10.282/890 - travel invoices. 13.385/890- Submission of the court hunting management, original submitted to the Ministry of Trade (- HMZI. 39.337/890). 15.342/890- Ministry of Commerce approves routing (= HMZl30.328/890). In the town archive of Bad lschl there is a fascicle (volume 1 of the general files) with the designation • Eisenbahnkorrespondenz lschl - Salzburg, Schafberg, Hütteneck etc: and the year 1886 written in blue pencil. The fascicle has no special order; some of the letters, notes, etc. are of a private nature, have no log number or entry notes and are mostly addressed to the mayor personally. There is only one undated letter from lng. Miller, whose settlement is not apparent from the documents. From the exhibit protocols and repertories of the years 1889-1891 there is only one statement in the year 1890: 28 I 2/890 Miller, construction company, requests subscription of regular shares. There is no settlement in the log book; the search for the act was unsuccessful. - The municipal council committee minutes are bound in their own books. The two meetings of October 8th and 15th, 1890 deal with the Hütteneckalpe railway. After that, there are no more references in the minutes.

18 The Rabenbrunn tunnel Stud Name: "Rabenbrunn - Stollen" as locality name Struck: 1692 Length: 1,116 m Altitude: 800 meters Since the old Steinberg tunnel was rich in salt, especially towards the depths, the Rabenbrunn tunnel was dug in 1692 under Emperor Leopold I in order to use it. The Rabenbrunn Stollen - main shaft was initially in gravel mountains, then a long stretch in solid limestone. The initial direction of advance was to the south-east, to undercut the old Steinberg tunnel. After 320 Stabel (381.4m) of tunneling, the direction of tunneling was to go under the New Steinberg - Tunnel pivoted to the east. After the construction of the connecting line with the same, the main shaft of the Rabenbrunn tunnel was swung back to the south-east to undercut the old Steinberg tunnel. In 1725, when the Rabenbrunn tunnel had already been extended to 913 Stabel (1088.3m), the first traces of salt were found. Initially, there was the hope of going under the rich dams built in the Old Steinberg tunnel. Therefore, several search routes were excavated, but without encountering rich salt agents. The salt was found everywhere only in such short resources that hardly a single pumping station could be built. In 1737 all hopes of finding salt mountains with the Rabenbrunn tunnel were finally abandoned. A mistake uncovered by the Starhemberg Commission in 1707 was the hasty opening of the Rabenbrunn tunnel to undercut the Old Steinberg tunnel, before a test dig from the Old Steinberg tunnel made sure that the Haselgebirge really was there. How right Starhemberg was proved later. For 20 years one had then continued to build and the Rabenbrunn - tunnel lengthened a total of 936 rods (1115.7m) without leaving the limestone; only at the beginning was the Haselgebirge, but only 21 Stabel (25.0m) in length. Because of these poor prospects and other, more important tunnel drives, further tunneling of the Rabenbrunn tunnel was stopped entirely in 1739. Only the main shaft, together with the small mountain house and the mountain forge that were built there, were still maintained. When the test drives carried out in the Old Steinberg tunnel to further uncover the salt mountains in 1751 on the Eysel bend and other places did not have any favorable success, the Old Steinberg tunnel and the Rabenbrunn tunnel were soon completely abandoned. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018

3 a Rosas waterfalls: On May 7th, the members of the IG-Mitterbergstollen - Via Salis graveled the approximately 100 meter long path to the "pink waterfalls" in the Perneck district of Bad Ischl, set up the information board and the benches and installed the signposts. ​ An extraordinarily attractive sight has thus been opened up for Perneck and Bad Ischl. Figure 1: Rosa's Waterfalls, 2021 IGM The naming of these cascades, known as "Rosa's waterfalls", is derived from Countess Rosa v. Kolowrat, who really enjoyed visiting this vantage point. As early as 1809, Johann August Schultes, in his travels through Upper Austria, described "The two waterfalls on the lschler Salzberg" as "a very rewarding game". pink v Kolowrat Countess Maria Rosa Johanna v. Kolowrat was born on May 23, 1780 as the daughter of Count Kinsky and married Count Franz Anton von Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky in 1801. The marriage remained childless, Countess Rosa Kolowrat died on March 16, 1842. Figure 2: Rosa von Kolowrat, Internet Wikipedia Franz Anton von Kolowrat Count Franz Anton von Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky, *01/31/1778, +04/04/1861, headed the finance section as Minister of State from 1827 and from 1835, together with Prince Clemens Metternich, was a permanent member of the secret state conference, which from 1836 to 1848 governed government affairs in the led the Habsburg Empire. After Metternich's resignation in 1848 he was the first constitutional prime minister. Figure 3: Franz Anton von Kolowrat, Internet Wikipedia The Kolowrat family in the Salzkammergut In 1830 the Minister of State acquired the "Schlössl am Wolfsbühel", which was called "Schloss Kolowrat" from then on. He was made an honorary citizen of lschl in 1831. The new brewhouse built in lschl in 1834 was named "Graf Kolowrat-Sudwerk". Today's "Adalbert-Stifter-Kai" was called "Kolowrat-Kai" at that time and today's Bahnhofstraße was called "Kolowrat-Allee" in 1837. Around 1835, Count Kolowrat built a "big Swiss house" on the Hoisenradalm and in 1836 he had a lookout tower built on the "Hohen Perneck". This existed from 1836 to 1863. Since then this mountain peak has been called "Kolowratshöhe". The connecting road between Strobl and Schwarzenbach, built in 1840, was named "Rosa-Straße" in honor of Countess Rosa von Kolowrat. Figure 4: Tower on the Kolowratshöhe, Internet Wikipedia Figure 5: Schweizerhaus Hoisnrad, 1835 JV Reim Figure 6: Rosas Waterfalls, 1809 Schultes travel through Upper Austria

03 The Emperor Leopold – tunnel Stud Name: "Emperor Leopold - Stollen" Emperor Leopold II (son of Maria Theresa), reigned 1790 - 1792 Struck: May 1, 1794 - together with "Unteren Kaiser Franz - Stollen" Length: 1,800m Altitude: 643 m ​ The Emperor Leopold Stollen was built together with the Lower Emperor Franz Stollen on Struck May 1, 1794. Around 1800, the Kaiser Leopold tunnel had only been extended to 100 bars (119.5 m). In 1815, the Ischl mountain jury member Michael Kefer submitted a plan to the Salt Office to make the Kaiser Leopold tunnel dispensable by installing elevator machines and to stop driving it. In return, Kefer wanted the Lower Emperor Franz Stollen to continue to operate vigorously. This would have created the first blind horizon in the Kammergut. The Court Chamber, however, did not respond to the suggestion because it saw no advantage. The operation would become very difficult and the cleaning up would become more cumbersome and expensive. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel was to be driven further in the opposite building, but with lower ascents in order not to lose any of the usable mountain thickness. Until 1850 neither the Emperor Leopold reached Stollen nor the Lower Kaiser Franz tunnel also only the salt limit. The work in the dense and hard limestone of the Leopold tunnel caused great difficulties for the workers, the field site only advanced by 1 ½ bar (1.8m) in four weeks, the yearly advance was therefore limited to an average of 18 bar (21.5m) for a long time. In 1827, the court chamber complained about the little progress, in ten years only 171 rods (204.3m) had been advanced. It would therefore take a good 30 years to reach the salt dome, which is still 541 Stabel (646.5m) away. In order to speed up the advance, both the counter and the forward construction with two passes should now be initiated from the Pohl - Schurf. A water inrush in 1832 delayed the advance of the main town and prompted the mining administration to temporarily stop the counter building. In 1834, however, all places were in operation again. It was hoped that with the increased workforce, the Leopold tunnel could be completed in eight years up to the Wokurka dig and in another 15 years to the Pohl dig. A water drum set up at the Dicklberger - Schurf was used to ventilate the tunnel. In 1842, according to the program, the breakthrough from Dicklberger to Wokurka dig took place. Five years later, in the 840th fathom (1,592.6m) of the main tunnel, the huts came across the sulfur springs from the Maria Theresia tunnel. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel was driven to a height of 2.2 m and a width of 1.15 m; This resulted in a cross-sectional area of around 2.5 m². Its gradient was around 2.2%. The Kaiser Leopold tunnel led 1800 m through a deaf medium until it reached the Hasel Mountains. The tunnel was initially driven in a purely N-S direction, and then later turned towards the NNW-SSE towards the salt boundary. In 1850 the Mining Directorate approved the driving of the Lobkowitz bend in the dead end of the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. From the Lobkowitz-Kehr, the alignment of the salt storage should be carried out by transverse parallels in a southerly direction towards the hanging wall. In the years 1874 – 1875, the Dunajewski exploratory shaft was sunk from the Rosenfeld bend in the Leopold tunnel to a depth of 94 m and another borehole was drilled from the base of the shaft, which got stuck at a depth of 160 m in the Hasel Mountains. This proved the extension of the Perneck salt storage towards the depths. In 1895, the Kaiser Franz Josef heritage tunnel was dug near Sulzbach, not far from Lauffen, in order to capture the deeper parts of the salt mine. In addition, the Freiherr von Distler shaft was sunk 180 m deep from the Kaiser Leopold tunnel as the deepest horizon of Perneck. In the years 1957 to 1960 the central shaft from the Maria Theresia - tunnel to the Franz Josef - Erbstollen with a height of 203.8m was sunk by our own staff. In 1964, the central shaft in the limestone replaced the Freiherr von Distler shaft built between the Leopold tunnel and the level of the Franz Josef Erbstollen. The Distler shaft, which was excavated in the Hasel Mountains, required an excessive amount of maintenance work. In 1923, the salt mines on the Radgrabenbach not far from the Maria Theresia tunnel converted a dam for a small power station. The dam was originally used for a water wheel to drive the blacksmith's hammer in the Maria Theresia tunnel. A pressure pipeline DN 120 mm was laid from this dam to the mouth of the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. This had a length of 250 m with a gradient of 45 m. The hydromotor device consisted of a Pelton turbine with two inlet nozzles and a water consumption of 13 to 15 l/s. The turbine was made by the Josef Oser company, Krems, and had an output of 6.5 hp. The driven DC generator supplied a voltage of 220 V with an output of around 4 kW. According to the Wasserbuch, the system was used to illuminate the saline buildings and the salt mines. This small power plant was closed after the Second World War and the Salzberg was supplied with electrical energy via the Kaiser Franz Josef - Erbstollen from Lauffen's own power plant. In 1954 there were several major factory failures in the Kaiser Leopold tunnel. Brine had drained into the Sulzbach and destroyed the fish population. From the 1920s, the Leopold tunnel was used as an exit route for visitors. As a result, the attractive slide of the Pohl - Schurfes, which leads from the Maria Theresia - into the Leopold - tunnel, could be installed in the guideway. From about 1953, after the tunnel was demolished and the Ruhrthal mine locomotive G22 Z was put into service, crew hoists were again driven out of the Maria Theresia tunnel. ​ From 1957 all the leaching works of the Pernecker tunnels, which lay above the horizon of the Leopold tunnel, were used up and the brine produced in the lower horizons has since been released via the central or Distler shaft and the Franz Josef Erbstollen. As a result, in 1957 the brine pipelines in the Leopold tunnel and subsequently also the entire Pernecker Strehn including the brine rooms could be closed. In September 1978, February 1980 and March 1981, about 130,000 m³ fell from the Zwerchwand - SW - side of the 120 m high rock face, whereby the boulders of Tressensteinkalk, up to the size of a house, flowed down the valley on the Haselgebirge and marl. These landslides can be linked to leachate collapses in the Ischler Salzberg, especially in the horizon of the Leopold tunnel. Leopold Stollen – weirs around 1966: 21 weirs (18 weirs in operation around 1966, 2 weirs under construction) Mayerhofer (XIX) - weir (under construction), Vogl (XX) - weir (under construction around 1966), Schauberger (XVIII) - weir (under construction), Ressel - weir, Rotter - weir, Münzer (XIV) - weir, Mayerhoffer (XIII) - Weir, Krenn - weir, Griessenböck - weir, Backhaus - weir, Balzberg - weir, Janiss - weir, Pickl - weir, Sorgo - weir, Posanner - weir, Kirnbauer - weir, Haupolter - weir, Schraml - weir, Bretschneider - weir, Krempl - and Birnbacher - weir (cut). ​ In 1983 the desolate tunnel building was demolished, a concrete retaining wall was erected to protect the slope and the pink limestone ashlar portal was restored. Additional parking areas were created on the tunnel forecourt for visitors to use. ​ At present there is a firing channel in the Kaiser Leopold tunnel that is used privately by the Rieger "Ischler Waffen" company. For this purpose, the tunnel was closed after 100 m and the entrance area was blocked off with a massive steel door. Not far from the Leopold tunnel in the area of the parking lot and the garages you can still find iron slag, which probably comes from a smelting works operated in the 16th century, in which the ores extracted from the Rainfalz were smelted. In order to save time-consuming and long tunnel driving from above ground, 2 underground mines were created below the Leopold tunnel. These underground works can only be reached via the two pits (Distler and Central pit) and via several pits (sloping pits with stairs) from the Leopold and Erbstollen level. Originally it was planned to create a total of 6 civil engineering sections, each 30 m thick, in the 180 m high mountain center between the Erbstollen and Leopold levels. ​ I. Civil engineering: After completion of the Dister shaft in 1895, the preparatory work for the exposure of the first blind horizon at the Ischler Salzberg could begin. Starting in 1904, starting from the Distler shaft 30 m below the Leopold level, the drivage for the first civil engineering began. The first civil engineering served to derive the brine from the workers laid out in the Leopold horizon. In addition, a total of 13 plants were built in the first civil engineering. In December 1944, Plant XII, the so-called Ebensee plant, was released for the storage of works of art in the first civil engineering works. The plant had a storage area of 1100 m² and a capacity of 2700 m³. A trench leading from the first to the second civil engineering was buried in 1945 so that nobody could reach the storage uninvited. In the 1950s, a place of honor was created for the fallen salt miners in the Pernecker Salzberg. In the first civil engineering works, a leaching plant was baptized as a “heroic work” to commemorate the fallen. A plaque with the names of the im 2nd World War remaining work comrades attached. However, since the route had to be closed in the 1980s, the plaque was moved to the mountain chapel on the Salzberg. I. Civil Engineering - Weirs around 1983: 13 weirs Lepez - weir, Köck - weir, Grundmüller - weir, Krieger - weir, Rettenbacher - weir, Heldenwerk, Gmunder - weir, Lauffen - weir, Ebensee - weir, plant 6, Hampl - weir, plant 8, Mock - weir, Mitterauer - weir. II. Civil engineering: Starting in 1934, starting from the Distler shaft 37 m below the 1st underground construction and 67 m below the Leopold level, the roadway drivage for the 2nd underground construction began. In the area of the Distler shaft, a spacious, two-track filling point, the so-called "Bahnhof", was driven up. The Häuerberge was excavated via the Distler shaft and the Franz Josef Erbstollen to an above-ground heap. If you climbed out of the conveyor shell of the Distler shaft in the II. civil engineering, you first arrived at the "filling point", a room that measured about 8 by 4 m and was used for loading and unloading the elevator. From there, the "Bahnhof" branched off diagonally to the right, equipped with 2 tracks for moving the mine railway, which was also built for this mining horizon and was therefore wider than the other tunnels in the mountain. II. Civil Engineering - Weirs around 1983: 6 depth workers (putten) and 3 borehole probes Pütte 2, Pütte 3, Pütte 4, Pütte 6, Vogl - Pütte, Pütte 9, boreholes 1/II, 2/II and 3/II In 1989, extensive construction and device work was carried out in II. Civil Engineering for underground brine extraction. Boreholes 4/II – 6/II were drilled. At the time brine production was stopped in 2010, Pütte 4/II was being used as a spillway for Häuerberge and Pütte 6/II was being used to extract bath mud. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Walter Medwenitsch "The geology of the salt deposits Bad Ischl and Altaussee", communications from the Geological Society, 50th vol. 1957, Vienna 1957 ​ Dark moments: salvage of art objects 1944/45 Dark moments: salvage of art objects 1944/45

Deep drilling in Goisern

ventilation: