Kunstgüterbergung im Ischler Salzberg 1944/ 45 Dark moments at the Ischler Salzberg: art objects salvage 1944/45 Inhalt: 1. Ischler Salzberg wird Bergungsort 2. Einlagerungsorte 3. Eingelagerte Kunstschätze 4. Erste Entführung 5. Zweite Entführung 6. Sperre der Bergung im Ischler Salzberg 7. Die Befreiung Franz Juraschek, the regional conservator responsible for the Upper Danube and later the provincial conservator for Upper Austria during World War II, suggested the Ischler Salzberg as well as Aussee as a salvage site for endangered art treasures. Juraschek and Hans Dellbrügge, District President in Vienna, turned to the Erbstollen near Bad Ischl, particularly after the Aussee salt mine had become the “ Reich’s salvage site ” and especially for objects in the “ Fuhrer Museum” in Linz. wird Bergungsort Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, transport of art, 1944, archive Salinen Austria Kunstgütertransport, 1944, Archiv Salinen Austria 2. Einlagerungsorte: Für die Einlagerungen waren vorhandene und neue Bergungsräume im Erbstollen und im I. und II. Blindhorizont vorgesehen. Der I. und II. Blindhorizont wurden über den Distler Schacht vom Erbstollen und von Perneck, vom Leopoldstollen, erreicht. Aufgrund der leichteren Anlieferung zum Erbstollen wurden alle Einlagerungen über diesen durchgeführt. Einlagerungsorte Im I. Blindhorizont wurde das Werk XII mit 1100 Quadratmeter für Einlagerungen freigegeben. Plan Bergung: I. Blindhorizont 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Ein neuer Lagerraum wurde für Einlagerungen im Erbstollen bei Streckenmeter 250 ausgesprengt. Dieser war aber nicht durchlüftet und nicht im Salzstock angelegt und deshalb feucht! Dieser wäre für großformatige Einlagerungen des Sonderstabes Rosenberg, Führersammlung, vorgesehen gewesen. Reimer, Sonderbeauftragter Hitlers, verzichtete aber danach auf diese Räume und ermöglichte somit die Einlagerung der Wiener Sammlungen. Außerdem wurde das Sprengmitteldepot bei Streckenmeter 500 geräumt und für Einlagerungen freigegeben. Plan Bergung: Neue Bergungsräume und frühere Sprengmitteldepot im Erbstollen 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Im II. Blindhorizont wurde der sogenannte Bahnhof, der zum Verschub der Grubenbahn diente, für die Bergung vorbereitet. Ein vom I. zum II. Blindhorizont führender Schurf, wurde später verschüttet, damit niemand ungebeten die Lagerräume erreichen konnte. Anfang 1945 war der „Bahnhof“ so verkleidet, dass nur ein Gleis frei blieb. Der übrige Raum war für die Lagerung von Gemälden vorgesehen. Er wurde an beiden Enden mit schweren hölzernen Bohlentüren verschlossen. Das machte den Eingang absolut sicher. Nur die Lüftungsrohre blieben frei. Plan Bergung: II. Blindhorizont 1944, Bundesarchiv Deutschland Salvage plan, 1944 Archive Salinen Austria Shaft machine Distlerschacht: All art objects were made with it transported to the second blind horizon, 1940 Archive Salinen Austria In der Endphase des Krieges wurden auch Lagerbereiche in der Ischler Saline verwendet: Zum Beispiel wurden am 27.3.1945 Bilder von Cassone aus der Sammlung Lanzkoronski hier eingelagert. Zur Vorgeschichte der Sammlung Lanzkoronski: Das Vermögen und auch die hochbedeutende Kunstsammlung des polnischen Staatsangehörigen Anton Lanzkoronski wurde unter Berufung auf eine “Verordnung über Behandlung von Vermögen der Angehörigen des ehemaligen polnischen Staates” beschlagnahmt und vom zuständigen Staatskommissar in Wien übernommen. Im ehemaligen Hotel Grüner Baum, Bad Ischl, wurden zu Kriegsende Kunstgüter aus Altausse eingelagert, um der befürchteten Zerstörung zu entgehen. Ein anderes Lager war die Villa Castiglioni am Grundlsee: hier wurde ein Teil der Bibliothek Hitlers eingelagert. Schloss Kogl bei Attersee war ein Lagerort für Kunstgüter, die Alfred Rosenberg für sich selbst reserviert hatte. From November 1944 it was decided to store the Viennese art collections and the Lichtenstein picture gallery in the Ischler Salzberg . The daily reports from Lauffen began on December 9, 1944 with the arrival of the restorers Josef Hajsinek from Vienna and Franz Sochor from Kremsmünster. The first transport arrived in Lauffen on December 12, 1944. Almost all Viennese collections relocated salvaged goods to Lauffen. Gert Adriani was appointed head of the salvage. But after a fatal mishap, he was replaced by Viktor Luithlen , head of the collection of ancient musical instruments. This remained so until the end of the repatriation in 1947. Eingelagerte Kunstschätze Gert Adriani, KHM Museum Association Viktor Luithlen , KHM Museum Association Storage of the art objects 1944/45: Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, art goods transport, 1944/45, archive Salinen Austria Kaiser Franz Josef – Erbstollen, Kunstgütertransport, 1944/45, Archiv Alois Lackner, Lauffen Kunstgutdepot 2. Blindhorizont, 1986, Katharina Hammer Shine in the dark Valuable holdings from spiritual possessions were now also stored in the Ischler Erbstollen instead of in the Ausseer Salzberg. One transport after the other arrived from Vienna. Treasures came from almost all state collections: there were 150 boxes from the national library with manuscripts and printed works, each individual page of which is a treasure. Holdings from the Natural History Museum, the Ethnological Museum, the Museum of Decorative Arts, the Art History Museum, the Liechtenstein Gallery and the Graz State Archives were delivered. Pictures by such important artists as Rembrandt, Raffael, Brueghel, Albrecht Dürer, Jan van Eyck, Rubens and also by "modern" painters such as Munch, Monet, Klimt and Kokoschka were stored in Ischl. In addition, the gold treasure finds, ivories, vases, jewelery and statuettes from the antique collections. A small selection of the priceless art objects stored in the Ischler Salzberg: Tower of Babel Pieter Bruegel the Elder , 1563 Venus of Willendorf, around 30,000 years old peasant dance Pieter Bruegel the Elder , 1525/30 Requiem in D minor ( KV 626) from 1791 is Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart's last composition Madonna in the green Raphael Santi , 1505-1506 Tassilo chalice from the year 777 The “Tassilokelch” from Kremsmünster Abbey also had a special situation: Officially it was housed in the Aussee salvage, but after this became the official salvage location for Hitler in 1943, it was secretly stored in the Ischler Salzberg by district conservator Franz Juraschek. On April 18, 1945, a crisis team met in the general management of the saltworks to discuss the measures that were necessary to save the Ischler salvage from having to store a bomb like the one in Aussee. According to this plan, the salvage should be made completely inaccessible. The "filling point" of the Distler shaft in the Erbstollen should be completely filled up with rock, "collapsed". The elevator is to be pulled up to the ceiling of the Leopold horizon, i.e. to its highest point, and shut down there. The stairs that lead up next to the elevator, the so-called "rides", are to be torn out below and above the I. and II. underground constructions and the burial of the pit between the I. and II. underground constructions is to be strengthened. This work was completed by May 5, 1945. In the meantime, the situation in Ischl / Lauffen has also deteriorated dramatically. Between April 20 and 25, 1945, a total of 928 pictures of various origins from Kartause Gaming (Lower Austria) arrived here. On the orders of Hermann Stuppäck (General Cultural Officer of the Reich Governor Baldur von Schirach) in Gaming, the paintings had been thrown in a hurry "without any consideration and without the slightest care". Due to the "barbaric" nature of the transport, numerous paintings "were perforated, torn off, damp or otherwise damaged in Bad Ischl/Lauffen. But that was not all, Stuppäck arrived in Bad Ischl on April 25 with orders from Schirach to move the salvaged goods kept in Lauffen further west without delay. At first Luithlen successfully resisted the order, but the arrival of officers and soldiers from the "Fabian Combat Unit" from the SS Panzer Division "Großdeutschland" on the evening of May 1st made any further delay impossible. Captain Reinhardt and Lieutenant Kahles would not be put off. Bergrat Lepez refused the SS commander to provide the mine locomotive, the winding machine and the miners on the pretext that there was no corresponding clear written order from the Waffen SS command. Under threat of the use of weapons, the captain drove furiously to Gmunden to obtain the necessary powers of attorney. This saved valuable time again. On May 3rd, however, the 184 paintings desired by Schirach and Stuppäck - including all paintings by Rembrandt, P. Bruegel the Elder, had to be handed over. Ä., Titians and Velazquez, 49 tapestry sacks and two crates are loaded onto trucks. It turned out that a whole series of the main pieces from the Viennese picture gallery were to be kidnapped in this way. Among them were Bruegel's "Peasant Wedding" and "Peasant Fair", "Carnival Games", "Tower of Babel", "Homecoming of the Herd", "Storm at Sea", "Bird Thief" and "Pauli's Conversion", 6 Velasquez -Pictures, 7 Titians, including the cherries and the Gypsy Madonna, as well as the portrait of Jacopo della Strada, the two well-known self-portraits and the reading Titus by Rembrandt, and finally the "All Saints' Day" and "Emperor Maximilian" by Dürer. So you can safely say, not only the most valuable, but also a number of the most popular pictures in their gallery. You worked late into the night. The marching orders were given on May 4th. At 4 a.m. the convoy with the restorers Hajsinek and Sochor left Bad Ischl in the direction of Mittersill. In the evening of the same day, the convoy arrived in Bramberg in the Pinzgau region of Salzburg, where Stuppäck was already awaiting the transport. But the odyssey of the art treasures was not over yet. The very next day, Major Fabian ordered the paintings, boxes and tapestry sacks to be loaded onto the trucks. The transport could only be accompanied by officers. Franz Sochor and Josef Hajsinek stayed in Bramberg, where they contacted the advancing American army and reported the incident. All cultural assets were then found by the Americans in St. Johann in Tirol. The final result of the Ischl salvage was: 8 figures, 1428 paintings, 122 sacks with tapestries, 278 folder boxes with cadastral maps and 728 boxes. A total of 150 tons of salvage. On May 13, 1945, US troops arrived in Bad Ischl and took control of the salvage site. On June 1, 1945, with the permission of the occupiers, the work to uncover the treasures in the salt mine could also begin, namely in the Erbstollen and in Plant XII in the I. underground construction. The II. civil engineering was initially still buried, but its opening was tackled soon afterwards. On June 13, 1945, the main salvage at the "Bahnhof" in II. Civil Engineering was accessible again. The salvage proved to be in excellent condition, with the exception of a lost painting, a bouquet of flowers by Jan Brueghel the Elder. Ä., which later reappeared in a private apartment in Munich and returned to the Kunsthistorisches Museum in 1959 after a court decision. Rosenberg Erste Entführung Zweite Entführung Sperre Befreiung Am 11. Juli 1945 erschien „Monuments Man“ Lieutenant Frederick Shrady in Bad Ischl und kündigte an, dass die im ehemaligen Hotel Grüner Baum , Grazerstraße Nr. 39, und in der Kaiservilla gelagerten Objekte, nach München zum „Central Collection Point“ gebracht werden würden. Lieutenant Frederick Shrady, Internet On August 7, 1946, the first major transport back from Ischl to Vienna for an exhibition in Switzerland took place. On April 25, 1947, the last large transport of art goods left the Ischl salt mine. After checking the rooms in the presence of the gendarmerie commander, the final commissioning took place and the salt works management took over sole supervision of the mountain again. The salvage in Lauffen took place without any major losses or damage. Only the loss of 7 paintings for the Kunsthistorisches Museum had to be lamented, which are still considered lost today: Landscape by Nicolaes Berchem (GG 623), The Painter Jan Wildens by Anthonis van Dyck (GG 694), A Female Portrait by Peter Paul Rubens (GG 711), Hoffnung by Maerten van Heemskerck (GG 1946) and Faith (GG 1953.), a Venetian ceiling sketch (GG 6398), and a loan were still available at the general inspection on April 26, 1945. Sources used: Katharina Hammer "Shine in the Dark", Altaussee 1996 Franz Juraschek "Heimatblatt Oberösterreich", Linz 1947 British information service "World Press", 9 July 1947 Salzkammergut newspaper, January 6, 1946 Vienna Courier, November 19, 1945 Sabine Loitfellner, Pia Schölnberger "Salvage of cultural property under National Socialism: Myths - Background - Effects", April 18, 2016 Theodor Brückler, Art theft, art recovery and restitution in Austria 1938 to the present, 1999

01 Perneck village square Stud Name: IGM - Studs Posted : 2019 Length : 1 m Altitude : 590 m No salt found. Information board Via Salis at the village square:

Reinfalz 02 Der Kaiser Franzens – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1794 – gemeinsam mit Kaiser Leopold – Stollen ( 1. Mai ) Länge : 884 m - 1834 Vortrieb eingestellt – noch 1540 m zur Salzgrenze Seehöhe : 588 m Weiterlesen » 03 Der Kaiser Leopold – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1794 – gemeinsam mit Niederer Kaiser Franzens – Stollen ( 1. Mai ) Länge : 1.800 m Seehöhe : 643 m Weiterlesen » 04 Der Kaiserin Maria Theresia – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1775 am 26. September, unter „merkwürdigen Feierlichkeiten“ Länge : 1.590 m Seehöhe : 680 m Weiterlesen » 05 Der Kaiser Josef Stollen Ursprünglich „Erzherzog Josef – Stollen“ Regierung Kaiserin Maria Theresia, 1740 – 1780 Angeschlagen : 1751 am 26. Oktober, „Feierlich aufgeschlagen“ Länge : 1.195 m Seehöhe : 722 m Weiterlesen » 06 Der Kaiserin Ludovika- Stollen Angeschlagen : 1747 Länge : 1.013 m Seehöhe : 764 m Letzte Befahrung : 5. März 1934 Weiterlesen » 07 Der Kaiserin Elisabeth – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1712 Länge : 750 m Seehöhe : 812 m Weiterlesen » 08 Der Kaiserin Amalia – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1687 Länge : 572 m Seehöhe : 851 m Weiterlesen » 09 Die Bergkirche Erbaut 1751 Weiterlesen » 10 Der Frauenholz – Stollen Angeschlagen : 1610 - am 2. Oktober, aber erst am 22. Juni 1632 Salz angetroffen Verlassen : bis 1745 unterhalten, verlassen um 1848 Länge : 706 m Seehöhe : 880 m Weiterlesen » 11 Der Lipplesgraben Stollen Angeschlagen : 1567 - 1654 schon „mehrentheils“ versotten Verlassen : 1933 Länge : 236 m Seehöhe : 1000 m Weiterlesen » 12 Der Johannes Stollen Angeschlagen : 1725 Verlassen : 1831 Länge : 230 m Seehöhe : 991 m Weiterlesen » 13 Der Kaiser Matthias Stollen Angeschlagen : 1577 Vortrieb 9 Jahre im Kalkgestein Verlassen : 1931 Auflassung beschlossen, am 5.2.1934 letzte Befahrung und Verriegelung der Eingänge Länge : 420 m Seehöhe : 959 m Weiterlesen » 14 Der Neuberg Stollen Angeschlagen : 1586 Verlassen : 1879 ( 1648 ? ) Länge : 994 m ( 834 Stabl bis zum Salz – in Fortsetzung lagen 11 Baue ) Seehöhe : 909 m Weiterlesen » 15 Der Mitterberg Stollen Angeschlagen : 1563 - 25.Juli, seit 1564 Wetter- und Wasserstollen Verlassen : gänzlich verlassen 1689 Länge : 130 m Seehöhe : 886 m Weiterlesen » 16 Der alte Steinberg Stollen Angeschlagen : 1567 Verlassen : Aufgelassen mit Rabenbrunn – Stollen, bald nach 1751 Länge : 902 m ( 658 m im Kalk, 244 m im Haselgebirge ) Seehöhe : 852 m Weiterlesen » 17 Der neue Steinberg Stollen Angeschlagen : um 1715 Verlassen : 1775 beendigte Benützung, dem gänzlichen Einsturz überlassen Länge : 280 m Seehöhe : 862 m Weiterlesen » 18 Der Rabenbrunn Stollen Angeschlagen : 1692 1707 rügte eine Kommission den voreiligen Aufschlag Verlassen : 1739 weitere Betreibung eingestellt , bald nach 1751 verlassen Länge : 1.116 m 1725 bereits 1088 m Vortrieb – erste Salzspuren ! Seehöhe : 800 m Weiterlesen » 19 Die Steinbergsäge Weiterlesen » Please reload

Historische Bergsäge beim Maria Theresia Stollen Erhaltungsverein Bergsäge Maria Theresia Stollen Die ehemalige Bergsäge am Pernecker Salzberg bei Bad Ischl ist ein montanhistorisches Denkmal ersten Ranges: • Sie ist das letzte vollständig erhaltene Relikt des Pernecker Salzbergs. • Sie wurde als erste Säge der k:k: Monarchie mit einem Riemenantrieb ausgestattet, der bis heute vollständig erhalten ist. • Sie ist die letzte aus dieser Zeit stammende Säge im inneren Salzkammergut. Zum Erhalt dieser Säge wurde im März 2025 der gemeinnützige „Erhaltungsverein Bergsäge Maria Theresia Stollen“ gegründet. Ziel der Mitglieder und Unterstützer dieses Vereines ist es, dieses einzigartige Objekt zu sanieren und im Zuge von Führungen auf den Pernecker „Via Salis Themenwegen“ der interessierten Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen. Gemeinsam können wir die traditionsreiche Bergsäge wieder in Schwung bringen, wir freuen uns auf Ihre Anfragen! Der „Erhaltungsverein Bergsäge Maria Theresia Stollen“ Hans Kranabitl: Tel. +43664 73118978, Mail kranabitl@aon.at Horst Feichtinger: Tel. +43677 61168967, Mail horst.feichtinger@gmx.at Vereinskonto: Sparkasse Bad Ischl AT14 2031 4055 0006 0693 Via Salis ways of salt Weiterlesen » Via Salis ways of salt Weiterlesen » Via Salis ways of salt Weiterlesen » No posts published in this language yet Once posts are published, you’ll see them here.

mining saint The activities of miners have always been associated with many problems, stresses and dangers. That is why the veneration of special “professional saints” plays a major role in the tradition of the miners. The outstanding mining saints of the Alpine region are Barbara and Daniel. Both are extraordinarily different in meaning in faith. That's why they complement each other quite well. Saint Daniel , as one of the most important prophets of the Old Testament, was the most important mining patron of the Middle Ages. His three-day stay in the lions' den and his visionary abilities soon made him popular with everyone pit saints. A legend says that in a dream Daniel was told that there would be treasure in the branches of a tree. Daniel was looking for this nest with the silver eggs in vain in the treetops. Suddenly an angel appeared to Daniel. This referred him to the subterranean tangle of the tree where Daniel actually found a rich deposit of silver. Because of this story, Daniel was recognized by the miners as a discoverer of mining and as a teacher in searching and mining find worshiped. The importance that Daniel was given is also shown in detail in the early mining textbooks. These books are already more than 500 years old. However, with the growth of mining science, the worship of Daniel became less and less important. For the miners of the Age of Enlightenment, there were no longer any higher powers to call upon when searching for and finding deposits. The decline of From around 1620, the cult of Daniel gave way to the growing veneration of St. Barbara. The martyr Barbara was invoked for help in times of threat, need or danger. in the rough In the male world, she embodied the female element that promised security and mercy. Two factors determined Barbara's popularity among miners: First, she was the saint against the sudden death that miners have always faced. In addition, according to legend, a Berg opened when Barbara fled from her father. Perhaps even the miners' greeting "Glück Auf" goes back to this event. some think that "Glück Auf" in the sense of "God, open the gaps!" can be interpreted. In contrast to the "arch-pointer" Daniel, Barbara was and is above all a "patron saint" against the dangers in mining. Despite her popularity, the Vatican removed Barbara from the Roman holiday calendar in 1969. Only after long, tough negotiations was it reinstated in the German regional calendar in 1972. 40 years ago, that would have almost meant the end of the Barbara celebrations that are so popular today. Interestingly, in addition to these two main saints, there were several dozen other mining saints. These can be divided into four groups: metal saints water saint fire saint Saints with special tasks Anna is considered the classic metal saint. As the mother of Mary, Anna was seen as the donator of the silver. Many places where silver was found and mined are therefore still called Annaberg today. As a prisoner, Saint Leonhard had to carry a heavy iron chain. That is why he is revered by the iron miners and journeyman blacksmiths. Miners were constantly threatened by flooding in their underground work. St. Christopher , bathed in water, granted appropriate protection. As a fire saint, Saint Florian was also of great importance in mining. In earlier times, the rock was often mined by means of bonfires. Fires heated the mountains, which could then be mined more easily with mallets and irons. The occurring gases however frequently lead to serious poisoning of the miners. Saint Laurentius had to endure a particularly difficult fate. He was executed as a martyr on a red-hot gridiron. This impressed the smelters so much that they still celebrate him as their patron saint. Now for the mining saints with special tasks. Such was the apostle Andrew . In particular, he was regarded as the protector of the mine entrances. Its attribute, the St. Andrew's cross made of two diagonally crossed sticks of wood, can still be found today as a barrier in front of old tunnels and routes as well as in front of level crossings. Saint Briccius was considered a protector from avalanches. He died in an avalanche on his way back from Byzantium with an ampoule of holy blood. As the name suggests, this event happened in Heiligenblut in Carinthia. Since the old gold mines in the Tauern were operated at more than 3000 m above sea level, avalanches were a constant danger. Finally, the story of a saint with a rather strange area of responsibility, namely that of Saint Vitus or Vitus. Vitus also died as a martyr in torment in a cauldron filled with boiling oil. As a mining saint, Vitus had to ensure that the miners did not oversleep their shift work. Presumably some trades wished their bruising squires the torments of Vitus!!!

17 The new Steinberg tunnel Stud Name: "Neuer Steinberg - Stollen" because of the route in dense limestone Struck: around 1715 Length: 280 m Altitude: 862 m The New Steinberg tunnel was built under Emperor Charles VI. struck about 1715. In 1721, the new Steinberg tunnel - main shaft was already extended to 137 Stabel (163.3m). At that time, the main shaft was started on the left Ulm with the removal of a scoop, which was to remain the only construction of this tunnel. The new Steinberg tunnel - main shaft was 130 Stabel (155m) in the limestone, then followed up to the Feldort 108 Stabel (129m) poor, changing salt mountains. Shortly before the field site, a dig was sunk to the right into the Rabenbrunn tunnel. Due to the small extent of the salt mountains, no further constructions could be built in this tunnel, which is why it was abandoned in 1775. With the decommissioning of the pumping works in the new Steinberg tunnel in 1775, brine production in the Steinberg warehouse also ended. From this point in time, the extraction activities shifted entirely to the much more productive Pernecker camp. Until 1769, the center of Ischl salt mining was on the so-called Steinberg. The miner and the miner had their offices here. The ancient "Steinberghaus", mostly made of wood, which is not identical to the "Taxhaus", which is also located here and was demolished in 1821, had already fallen into disrepair around 1820. In 1821 - 1822 a replacement building was erected for the also dilapidated "Taxhaus", which was referred to as the "Mining Serviceman's House", "New Steinberghaus" or "Existing House" for short. Among other things, the existing, usable ashlars from the old, dilapidated Steinberghaus were used for the construction. The "existing house", which was only used as a woodworker's accommodation, fell victim to a fire in 1943. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte krankenversrgung Social affairs – health care: The medical services in the Kammergut were under the supervision of graduated doctors from an early stage. The first Salzamtsphysicus mentioned in the resolution books was 1628 Dr. Brown. Since 1656 (3rd Reformation Libel) free medical treatment and the free purchase of medicines have been among the most important benefits for masters and workers permanently employed in the salt industry. In the second half of the 18th century, workers who were unable to work as a result of illness received full wages for the first 14 days, then sick pay of 30 kreuzers a week until they recovered and a commission (mercy pension) in the event of permanent disability. The officials had to diligently monitor the sick worker, deal with the surgeon or barber after the end of the cure (sick leave) and submit the cost calculation to the salt office physician for review before payment was made. In order to reduce the high cost of sickness, the authorities were instructed not to pay any workers the allowance (sick pay) until they had been examined by the surgeon and found to be ill. All bathers, surgeons and surgeons of the saltworks offices, ie also the markets there, were subordinate to the salt office physician. From 1735 he inspected their activities, calculations and healing successes quarterly. He pronounced the inability to work to obtain the commissions. The official bather treated the salt people and usually also gave them the medicines. He submitted bills to the Salt Office for payment. It was often paid incompletely and it often took a long time, which is why two thirds of the accounts were paid in advance by the salt office. The Kammergut was already under the supervision of certified state doctors in the 16th century. The exercise of health care, however, was in the hands of practitioners without formal training, with bathers, surgeons or surgeons. They were also barbers, therefore craftsmen with their own craft regulations, approved by the Emperor in 1646 and confirmed in 1662. Neither the barbers and surgeons nor the pharmacists were imperial servants with a fixed salary. Their income was low, so they received aid money and often maintained era bathhouses. For the treatment of sick people there have always been two spas in Ischl and from 1711 a third spa. The barbers needed the approval of the Salt Office to practice their trade. They also had to take a vow at the market court and at the verwesamt. The Salzamt invoices also contain entries that there were two midwives in Ischl who received an annual subsidy from the market and had to take their vows before the market court. An important part of the medical system was the Kammergutapotheke in Gmunden, which was first mentioned in the Salzakten in 1616. In 1740, the reimbursement of doctor's wages and medicine costs granted from 1656 was still only available to workers in imperial service if they fell ill or were seriously injured in the course of their work and could no longer be prepared with regular household remedies. Only the unprejudiced and philanthropic physician Dr. In 1746 Lebzelter found the courage to openly declare that internal illnesses required treatment just as much as external illnesses, which is why such patients should be treated free of charge. Treatment costs for workers suffering from toothache were not reimbursed in 1745. If a worker fell ill with the French plague (syphilis), he had to be examined by the surgeon, who would decide whether the illness was the result of accident or his own fault. In the latter case, the doctor's wages were paid by the office, but the costs of treatment and maintenance were deducted from the worker's wages and he was also punished. To deter others, a salt worker from Ischl was dismissed from his work in 1738. In 1746 Dr. Lebzelter was one of the brightest minds of his time in the Salzamt. In order to make it easier for the salt workers to drink milk, which is indispensable for better nutrition for the children, Dr. Despite all resistance, Lebzelter managed to get the general ban on grazing for goats, which was issued to protect the forest stock and whose milk he declared curative against scurvy, partially lifted and raising was permitted wherever the animals could not damage the grazing culture. He recognized the inexpediency of the workers' vegetable-poor diet, which consisted almost entirely of flour, semolina, lard, and the daily Schott soup, and he was a zealous advocate of the cultivation of potatoes, which he considered to be of great value as a supplement to the diet. Through his efforts, the Salzamt also improved and expanded the unhealthy, unclean and cramped sleeping quarters in the miners' houses on the Salzbergen. From time immemorial, free medical treatment and sick pay were only due to workers directly employed by the era, and in 1777 the Court Chamber renewed the ban on granting these advantages to woodcutters employed by the entrepreneurs. However, as early as 1778, she softened this harsh provision to the extent that the salt office was allowed to pay the doctor's wages if such workers had an accident or fell ill while on duty. Provisional workers were long excluded from any sickness allowance; only from 1790 onwards did the Salt Office replace their doctor's wages. The Salzkammergut was not entirely spared from the risk of epidemics. The plague claimed larger numbers of victims in 1625, 1675 and at the beginning of the 18th century. The plague was probably brought in from Lower Austria, despite the border closure that was imposed on the country when it first appeared. The Kammergut was closed to all through traffic and the border crossings were strictly guarded. Every epidemic required an expansion of the old cemetery, which was located directly next to the Ischl church. The fire in the Hallstatt market in 1750 also destroyed the Salinenspital. The new building, which was only started in 1770 and completed in 1772, was no longer built in the market square, but in the Lahn like the Sud- and Amtshaus. The new hospital was dimensioned for the accommodation of 16 patients of both sexes, from among whom the court clerk entrusted with the overall management and supervision chose a hospital father and a hospital mother. These two, as well as the other patients, received a weekly benefice and were obliged to spin or knit according to their strength for the needs of the hospital. The beneficiaries were free to live with their relatives; in this case they were entitled to a payment of the weekly hostel rate. The interest on the assets was initially available to the hospital administration to cover current expenses. In addition, there were annual co-payments by the erar. With the growing knowledge of the causes of diseases and the means of combating them from the end of the 18th century, the medical service not only increased in size and prestige, but also the demands on the people responsible for the immediate treatment of the sick had increased. From 1790 onwards, the Court Chamber demanded Magistri and Doctors who had already been examined and approved at the University of Vienna for vacant barber positions, but there were still no such applicants for the Chamber estate. The bathing and barber trades, which used to be left almost entirely to the practice of treatment, lost more and more importance compared to the better trained and certified surgeons, of whom there were a few in every larger town. The salt workers were free to choose their bathers and surgeons, which is why they preferred the more competent ones and thus also contributed to raising the status of healers. The protection smallpox vaccination discovered in 1796 had already found its way into the Kammergut in 1802; from 1802 to 1806, 1,261 children had already been vaccinated free of charge by the saline surgeons. In 1807 the Court Chamber assigned the Gmunden pharmacist the establishment and operation of a branch pharmacy in Ischl, which became independent from 1821. In 1807 a saline physics department was created in Ischl. The former regimental doctor Dr. Josef Götz was in charge of the inner Kammergut and the forest districts around Mondsee and Attersee. From 1826, stable workers had to obtain spa certificates from the office in the event of illness, on the basis of which they were entitled to free medical treatment. Free treatment was excluded if a worker injured himself off duty. After six months of illness, the erar's obligation to provide medical assistance was ended, and the office then had to decide whether the worker was to be commissioned for a certain period of time or permanently. From 1827 onwards, dependent or interim workers enjoyed free medical treatment for injuries sustained on the job, but not for internal illnesses. In general, however, they were not entitled to sick pay. Seriously ill or injured Ischl salt workers could be accommodated in the hospital operated by the market community. For this purpose, the salt works management had 2 rooms available for 8 sick salt workers in return for an annual fee of 16 Rachel firewood. Here the saline workers were treated by the Ischl saline physician, and the erar paid the subsistence costs directly to the market town. The Ischl "infirmary" was first mentioned in 1586. This house was built for the sick, not for the old and poor. Around the middle of the 17th century it stood behind the church. When the hospital disappeared at the end of 1770 when the church was enlarged, the sick were accommodated in an old barracks outside the keep. Through an agreement with the saltworks, a new house was built on the so-called Pfarrwiesen and put into operation around 1800. In Ischl there was a second private hospital in Eglmoos in the village of Ahorn from 1827, where the sick received medical treatment and care for a certain fee. The health of the workforce was an important concern for the saltworks. At the turn of the century, workers' bathrooms were available for employees. In the mining industry, there were hot kitchens to give the workers the opportunity to eat regularly and healthily. Spiritual nourishment was available to the saline workers in their own saline libraries. However, the libraries were not used very actively, about one book per worker and year was borrowed. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Altersversorgung Social affairs – pension scheme: The second Reformation Dragonfly of 1563 contains information about the old age pension of the employees of the salt works for the first time. The commissions (pensions) were quite good for the time and amounted to around 2/3 of the normal wages for masters and workers and half the salary of the deceased man for widows. The Salinenspital in Hallstatt was also well endowed, in which the members of the Salinen from Ischl were admitted in the case of weakness, old age, frailty and illness. It had a secure annual income of 898 guilders, which was made up of foundation funds from Maximilian I and salt dedications. In the Salinenspital Hallstatt not only poor, sick and old members of the salt industry in the Kammergut found accommodation and food, up to 50 people in need of care not working in the salt industry were also supported with benefices and financial aid. The exercise of religious duties was strictly regulated in the Salinenspital; the beneficiaries (pensioners) had to attend the daily mass and include requests for the emperor and the imperial house in their prayers. The hospital manager had to encourage the residents to pray, also make sure that they take communion several times and "that they, as true believers in Christ, always stand in the fear of God". The beneficiaries were not badly fed, they received a pound of beef and 2 pounds of bread every meat day, and a pint of wine on holidays and communion day; they also received 2 pairs of shoes every year and a “dress” every two years. Up until the middle of the 16th century, salt workers in old age were only dependent on care in the Salinenspital in Hallstatt; they only received a commission (grace pension) from princely funds after the second Reformation Libel from 1563. Around 1593, the commission of a dismissed worker was 15 to 30 kreuzers a week, but many were only dealt with with a one-off gift of 10 to 12 guilders and otherwise referred to the hospital catering. The amount of all gifts was based on wages, length of service and behavior. This practice continued into the 17th century, since commissions remained mere pleas for clemency and were not bound to any specific amount. The low old-age pension, which for widows was only half of the husband’s commission, was hardly sufficient to prolong bare life in times of rising prices, which is why the Hofkammer then gave particularly needy workers and their widows, in addition to the commission, one-off grace payments of varying amounts as emergency help approved. The workers in the private service of finishers, master woodworkers and shipwrights were excluded from commissions. Persons outside the right to supply could be granted support by the Salzamt as a mercy in the case of particular need and worthiness. The old-age pension due to the workers directly employed by the Salt Office had, under certain conditions, almost become a gamble. Above all, the worker applying for the commission had to be permanently unable to work according to the determination of the saline physician and his official behavior had not given cause for complaint. However, the commission could also be refused for other reasons. In 1751, the Salzamtmann Sternbach withdrew a worker's commission "because of the respect that the officials were not shown by not removing their hat". Even in 1792, the servants did not yet have an undisputed right to the commission. At that time, the Court Chamber declared commissions in the amount of the last active salary "as a supreme grace, which not only presupposes a long period of service but, what is most important, good and useful service and therefore excellent merits". Every three months there were presentations of the commissioners, including those who had completed their 40th year of service and were entitled to full wages as commission, in which case the Chamber Gutsphysicus had to examine them to see whether they were actually capable of no work, even light work. According to the resolution of February 8, 1770, the entitlement to commission began after 8 years of service, counted from the age of 15, and reached full wages as a maximum with the 40th year of service. Workers who were unable to work before their 8th year of service generally only received severance pay equal to one year's wages. However, when they left work, the provisionists also lost their claim to the farm grain. It was therefore not uncommon, and was even encouraged by the Hofkammer for reasons of economy, for workers to remain in the plant after their 40th year of service as “semi-jubilees” and then had to do lighter tasks for the earlier wages. The commissions of widows and orphans were almost always paid out with an increase, because the extremely low commission contributions would not have been enough to support them. Either the Hofkammer approved an increase in the normal commission, or they added a weekly alms to it. Fatherless orphans also received a weekly commission and often a quarterly allowance. The reference ended at the age of 12, from 1800 onwards at the age of 14. Illegitimate children only acquired the ability to receive a commission through the subsequent marriage of their parents, otherwise the manorial system had to take care of them. For the jubilee (retirement), the court chamber demanded proof of medical incapacity to work by means of a certificate, which had to be signed by the responsible doctor as well as by the district physician. 40 years of service were not enough for the court chamber to celebrate. The reasons for the inability to work were often cited by the doctors at the salt works as nonsense, but also weakness of nerves, paralysis, deafness, pulmonary addiction, epilepsy, goiter, crippling and scrofula (glandular disease). The frightening frequency of these physical defects was a consequence of rather alarming signs of degeneration. Most of these were certainly the aftermath of the famine years of the French era. In addition, the inappropriate and poorly varied diet and the seclusion of the chamber estate, which led to inbreeding, were also to blame. Cretinism, which was particularly widespread in Hallstatt, only disappeared at the end of the 19th century. Malicious gossips once claimed that the construction of the railway in the 1970s, which brought many strangers to the country, had had a positive effect on the next generation. Provisionists between the ages of 60 and 65, whom the Physician found suitable for lighter work, were obliged to work 1 to 3 shifts a week for free in the 13th to 39th quarter, i.e. 1 to 3 shifts a week and to do road work, shoveling snow, sand extraction, light wood production, cleaning the work gear, Geimeln (house caretaker in the miner's house) and other work. Because of the low value of the provisionist work, the unwillingness with which it was done and the cumbersome supervision by the administrative offices, the ministry abolished the jubilee shifts again in 1849 without replacement. The basis for calculating weekly commissions dates back to 1768. Of course, commissions of such small magnitude were no longer sufficient in the 19th century, but the court chamber nevertheless stuck to the system and, as with wages, made do with provisional measures, Cost-of-living grants and quarterly grants. A widow became entitled to the normal commission only after her husband had served eight years. If her husband had died earlier, she was only entitled to a one-time severance payment equal to his last quarterly salary. Only if the worker had a fatal accident before reaching the eighth year of service did the Hofkammer grant the widow a simple commission. As a result of the state bankruptcy in 1811, the Salinenspital in Hallstatt had lost almost all of its assets invested in securities and then no longer had the means to fulfill its obligations. However, through the greatest reduction in expenditure and the support of the Court Chamber, it was gradually able to recover to the point where it was able to provide for the statutory number of beneficiaries and cover the operating costs. In 1847 the hospital's assets were already so strong that the full number of 24 beneficiaries could be fed and 39 orphans could receive educational grants and 95 cases of support totaling 1,300 guilders. Like the Salinenspital in Hallstatt, the Holy Spirit Hospital in Aussee served to house and feed poor, veteran imperial workers, their widows and orphans, for which purpose it received 800 guilders a year from the Salt Office. In 1815, 15 beneficiaries lived in the hospital. The benefactor's house (poor house) in Ischl was not a princely institution, but the property of the market community, but had the obligation to accommodate eight employees of the salt works and, moreover, to keep two rooms available at all times to accommodate seriously ill workers. In 1844, the municipality intended to vacate the prebendary's house, which was located between the post office and the theatre, i.e. in the liveliest and most frequented area of the seaside resort, and to create a replacement building in a quieter area. The postmaster Franz Koch agreed to buy a building plot in the east of the market square in exchange for the old prebendary house and to build the new prebendary house on it at his own expense. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Ischl home club "Bad Ischl home book 2004", Bad Ischl 2004 "Mining - everyday life and identity of the Dürrnberg miners and Hallein saltworks workers", Salzburg contributions to folklore, Salzburg, 1998

23 Pernecker gypsum mining: Gypsum is a very common mineral from the mineral class of " sulfates " (salts of sulfuric acid). It has the chemical composition Ca[SO4]·2H2O and usually develops tabular or prismatic to needle-like crystals , but also granular to massive aggregates . In general, gypsum is colorless or white. However, it can take on a yellowish, reddish, gray or brown color due to the absorption of foreign ions or admixtures of various kinds ( sand , bitumen , iron). Gypsum is a chemically formed “sediment” (deposited rock) that deposits like salt when shallow sea basins dry out. Due to the formation of dolines and sinkholes, gypsum deposits are very easy to recognize, even if they are covered with soil on the surface. After rock salt, gypsum, which is closely linked to it in terms of deposits, is the second most important mining product in the Salzkammergut. Gypsum occurs mainly in the area around Ischl, Goisern and in the Ausseer Land either as a component of the leached salt cap or in the form of independent gypsum sticks, which at a depth of between 30 - 40 m turn into anhydrite, as the anhydrous form of gypsum. The exploitation of the usable types of rock found in the Salzkammergut was mostly left to private activity. It was subject to the approval of the Oberamt, which demanded a modest rent for it. This included, above all, the extraction of gypsum, which was openly exposed in many places in the Ischl district and whose mining and processing had reached a remarkable extent at the end of the 18th century. The Salt Office did not put any difficulties in the way of the gypsum ditch and approved it wherever it did not impair salt mining. It also ensured that the dismantling was carried out in an orderly manner and that the necessary precautionary measures were observed. In most cases, the landowners quarried and processed the gypsum themselves, helping many salt workers to earn a worthwhile extra income. Gypsum quarries initially existed in the vicinity of Ischl in the Schönmanngraben west of Kaltenbach, in Lindau near the Grabenmühle, in the rear Ramsau, in Roith and in the Kiliansgraben under the Jainzenberg, in Sulzbach at the southern foot of the Siriuskogel and in Perneck and Obereck. In 1824 the gypsum diggers on the Hundskogel dug out of a 30 fathom (57 m) long, old mining tunnel. In 1828 further gypsum quarries are mentioned on the Hießeben near Hallstatt, in Zlanbach near Steg and in the Strub in the Goiserer Weißenbachtal. In 1832 the Wildenstein Nursing Office was only able to lease six of the eight advertised gypsum quarries. After the upper layers had been exploited, the operation required a great deal of excavation work and was then only little worthwhile. In 1844, gypsum pits were still in operation in Perneck and in Goisern am Leisling, on Herndlberg and in Wiesleben. Gypsum was also mined at Hütteneck near Goisern, in a deposit discovered in 1839. In 1839 a rock fall had buried the large gypsum quarry in the Strub in the Goiserer Weißenbachtal. In Wienern am Grundlsee, a large gypsum deposit was discovered in 1844 and leased from the Salzamt in the same year. However, this small mining was quickly stopped because of the unfavorable delivery conditions at the time. However, this deposit has been used again since 1952. To date, the Rigips company has been quarrying around 300,000 tons of raw gypsum per year. Gypsum, which found good sales in the ground state above all as a fertilizer, was mined in the Ischl area, especially in Perneck. In 1847 the gypsum pits there were already quite exhausted and further quarrying was no longer worthwhile. It was therefore difficult for the Salzamt to find new leaseholders to continue operating the gypsum pits. In Perneck, gypsum was mined primarily as a side business. The activities were carried out by the farmers themselves and mostly only in the winter months. External workers were used only occasionally. The Kranabitl, Perneck 20 vulgo "Kranerbauer", Gschwandnter, Perneck 14 vulgo "Gschwandtnerbauer" and Schiendorfer families, Perneck 66 vulgo "Schuster" and the Schiendorfer families, Obereck 9, 11 and 16 operated gypsum mining. In order to get to the gypsum, up to 17 m deep opencast pits were dug and tunnels were driven. The lumpy gypsum rock obtained was delivered to the sal ammoniac factory in Nussdorf near Vienna and on to Hungary. The hacking was crushed into fertilizer in a separate gypsum ram located on the Sulzbach. The stamp mill, driven by an undershot water wheel, was equipped with 9 stamps. The building of the gypsum plant, which was in operation until the turn of the century, was demolished in 1944. JA Schultes reported in his "Travelling through Upper Austria" published in 1809 about the Ischl gypsum stamping. 'You can see the plaster stamps, which could be better equipped, as the trade in plaster is not insignificant here. One rams 15 - 16 centners (850 - 900 kg) in one day. The hundredweight of red plaster was worth 22 kreuzer in 1802, the blue 23 kreuzer, the white one being the most expensive, and was worth 24 kreuzer. You need the ordinary for fertilizing. The worker who stands by the rams all day long with his mouth bandaged receives 20 kreuzer.” The gypsum powder from the Pernecker stamp mill was transported to the towns around Lake Attersee by means of ox carts. There it was used as a sought-after mineral fertilizer for clover grass. The teams of oxen needed one day for the outward journey through the Weißenbachtal, and they drove back the next day. From 1852, the Schiendorfer families from Obereck and Perneck leased the "Mühlleitengrund" property for the purpose of gypsum extraction. At the "upper gypsum lacquer" a tunnel led eastwards into the mountain. This tunnel curved and emerged from the slope about 150 m to the south-east. The two tunnel entrances had a taxiway and were still passable up until the time before the First World War, later they were filled in. In the area of the southern tunnel exit, a landslide can still be clearly seen in the terrain. On the upper, western edge of the terrain of the "Mühlleitengrund" you can still see an extensive, about 5 m deep pinge, which indicates an underground mining chamber. In addition, gypsum in this area was extracted in two up to 17 m deep cut-and-cover pits (“lower gypsum coatings” at the soccer field and “upper gypsum coatings”). Over the years, the pits have repeatedly flooded due to flooding from the Sulzbach stream that flows past. Efficient pumps could not be used, so that operations in Perneck had to be abandoned around the turn of the century. In July 1954 there was a major flood in Perneck. Below the Maria Theresia tunnel, a large reservoir had formed due to the tunnel heap. The heap had grown excessively due to the expansion of the Maria Theresia tunnel. During the night of July 8, the entire stockpile slid into the flood-bearing Sulzbach and was swept away. The removed rock material completely filled the upper gypsum coating. With a depth of 17 m and an area of 700 m², the upper gypsum lacquer pit was the largest gypsum pit in Perneck. In the 19th century, gypsum was also quarried in the area around Perneck at the former Steinberg mining area . Gypsum outcrops on the Törlbach near the former "Schaffer saw" and extensive gypsum pinings in the area of the Steinberg tunnels still indicate this extensive mining. Gypsum mining in Obereck was continued by the Schiendorfer family, Obereck 11, in opencast mining and continued until about the First World War. The mining license for this mining was sold to the Linz entrepreneur Josef Flatz and subsequently a tunnel was dug. In 1944, on the basis of a site plan drawn up by Markscheider Rettenbacher, a tunnel was dug to underpass the former opencast mine. The starting point was 25 m lower than the open pit. Russian prisoners of war began driving the tunnel, which was designed to be 3 m wide for double-track mining. Unfavorable rock conditions and a lack of mining knowledge repeatedly led to collapses, so that work came to a complete standstill after around 20 m of advance. In the autumn of 1946 another attack was attempted. The single-track tunnel, now driven with a smaller profile, reached the gypsum block after 185 m. The device and the dismantling could be started. During the first 10 years of operation, the output amounted to an average of 4,000 tons per year. The main customers were the Gmundner cement works Hatschek, which needed gypsum as an additive for cement production. Part of the funding was even sent to the CSSR. The average workforce was 4 workers and 1 employee. In 1955, the "Linzer Handelsgesellschaft", whose sole owner was Lothar Flatz, was awarded the free-digging area including overshares. As a result, both the workforce and the production volume increased significantly. 6 to 8 workers and 2 employees were able to increase the raw gypsum production from initially 500 t/month to 1,000 t/month in the last few years of operation. From 1963, the funding went entirely to the Gmunden cement works Hatschek. The output of the pit was quite different depending on the needs of the Hatschek company, which was subject to economic and seasonal fluctuations. Despite this, the gypsum pit could not cover the raw gypsum requirements of the Hatschek cement works. In 1965, 3 additional Yugoslav guest workers were employed to increase performance. The small amount of deposit substance that remained and the increasing deafness to the depths, which made the construction of another civil engineering project appear to be less than successful, prompted the mine operator to hand over the operating facilities to the Austrian Armed Forces. June 30, 1966 was set as the handover date. As a result, the army built an ammunition store in the foothills of the gypsum deposit. The former civil engineering works were largely filled with jacking heaps. The relocation of the workings above the level of the conveyor tunnel was omitted because of the high costs. The old mine building was only used in exceptional cases, such as for the construction of emergency exits in the area of the old mining tunnel and the ventilation shaft. The amount of raw gypsum extracted during the 20-year life of the Oberecker pit between 1946 and 1966 was around 100 - 120,000 t. From a geological point of view, the Oberecker gypsum ridge, which lies in the course of a Juvavian overthrust zone, is genetically related to the Pernecker salt deposit due to isolated pieces of salt occurring in the gypsum. Due to the mutual distance between the two deposits of around 2 km, however, there is no direct spatial connection. The approximately 40 m thick gypsum body is embedded in red and gray clay slate, which belongs to the Werfen layers of the Neokom. Its strike is approximately east-west. The deposit body dips at 45° to the south. Up to 60 m thick layers of gravel and marl form the hanging wall of the deposit, while salty lattes form the bedrock. The banded raw gypsum rock has a whitish, gray appearance. Anhydrite nodules of irregular size and distribution are embedded in the gypsum body. In addition, one often finds clay - gypsum - inclusions. The transition between the body of the deposit and the outskirts is not sharply demarcated, but is characterized by a gradual increase in barren components. A borehole sunk above the production tunnel encountered red and gray clays at borehole meter 12 after penetrating through blocky moraine debris. Gypsum was applied from drill meter 35 to 43. The bore was stopped at a depth of 62.5 m in the marl. Another well drilled approx. 100 m SE of the gypsum pit encountered chert-bearing siliceous sandstone after a thin layer of moraine debris. The pit's feasibility limit was 70% gypsum content. The average gypsum content of the hewn was 76 to 78%. The only secondary material found was clay, for which there were no sales opportunities due to the low but disturbing salt content. The 185 m long exploration tunnel, which was started on the old Pernecker road at 580 m above sea level and whose axis pointed to the SW, penetrated tectonically disturbed layers of red, gray and black shale and marl. Due to the falling rock, the 1.90 m high and 1.30 m wide tunnel profile had to be completely lined with wood to reach the body of the reservoir. The single-track conveyor track, which had a gauge of 600 mm, had a gradient of 2.4%. At the level of the extraction tunnel, the excavation was initiated as a trend-oriented local construction. Four mining roads were laid in the E – W direction, each 60 m long, 5 – 6 m wide and 2.7 m high. Safety pillars with a width of 3 to 4 m remained between the individual mining roads. 3 mining horizons, each with a floor spacing of 8 m, were created above the production tunnel. The individual excavation horizons were connected by a 48 m long and 40° incline. A 25 m long weather tunnel, the distance of which was 25 m from the hoisting level, formed the 2nd day opening. In the area of the workings and drifts that were driven within the deposit body, no lining had to be brought in. The raw gypsum was obtained by shooting it in and filling it up manually in wooden boxes. The Hunte, equipped with cast-iron wheels, held approx. 1 m³ of heaps. In 1960, the specific consumption of explosives (Donarit I) was 310 g/t of debris recovered. The blast holes were drilled using electric hand drills. The whole mine building was naturally ventilated. The weavers moved in at the extraction tunnel, reached the excavation levels via weather tunnels and weather pits and pulled out again via the weather tunnel. Even in summer, the weather current frequently reversed its direction. Because of the unfavorable weather conditions, the shooting time was shifted to the end of the shift. The heaps won in this way were thrown down onto the hoisting floor via fall rollers, filled by hand in crate hoists with a content of 600 to 800 kg and brought to the surface by gravity. The crushing plant was located at the end of the track after crossing the old Pernecker Street. The heap was tipped from the conveyor hoist into a 10 t intermediate bunker and transferred from there to the crusher, which was installed as a simple jaw crusher for crushing the coarsest pieces of the heap. The mouth width of the discharge side was 32 x 25 cm. The output of the crusher operated with a 17 hp drive motor was 5 t/h. Below the crusher was a 40 t silo. The raw gypsum was transported to the Ischl freight station by 5-ton truck and loaded onto freight wagons by hand. Near the mouth of the tunnel there was a forge, material shed and arrival room. A barracks for 6 men was built at a distance. The buildings, entirely made of wood, were demolished at the beginning of the 1970s. In 1952 the 1st working level was cut. The 2nd excavation level was prepared. The upwardly tapering body of the deposit led to a reduction in the length of the mining road to a few 10 m on the uppermost mining level. When mining the third mining horizon, a borehole was drilled into old burrows that were connected to open-cast mining, and water was thus brought in. Despite the damming of the borehole, the ingress of water could not be completely prevented. A dewatering system had to be installed, which was not necessary in the otherwise completely dry pit. Since 1955, mining has taken place in two mining roads of the 1st underground mine, which was built 8 m below the mine level. The gypsum was mined in civil engineering in sloping chamber structures with a chamber width of 6 m and a chamber height of 4 – 5 m. The protective pillar width was an average of 4 m. The collected debris was removed by pulling up the filled box hoist over a 22° inclined bin level using an electric reel (traction force 1,000 kg, motor power 4 kW) onto the horizon of the extraction tunnel. At the end of 1961, the first civil engineering works were completely dismantled. The entire production was subsequently obtained from the remaining pillars of the production tunnel horizon. As a result of the excellent sales situation of the Hatschek company in the summer of 1962, 1,000 tons of raw gypsum could have been delivered per month. However, due to a lack of workers, the mine could not provide this funding. In the winter of 1962, work was started on the second civil engineering project. With a workforce of 6 workers and 2 employees, the monthly production amounted to around 580 t. The die reached the 2nd level of civil engineering in the spring of 1963. After the start-up of the reel conveyor, work began on the construction of the 2nd level of civil engineering from east to west. 9 workers and 2 employees were able to increase production to 800 t/month. In June 1963 production dropped again to below 600 t/month due to a shortage of workers (4 workers were laid off). The extractable substance had shrunk to 10,000 t in August 1965, with the same construction site size as in the first civil engineering. This corresponded to about one year's funding. In addition, investigations revealed that the deposit was becoming increasingly cloudy as the depth increased. For these reasons, the Oberecker gypsum mine was handed over to the Austrian Armed Forces on June 30, 1966 after mining activities had ceased. Table 1: Promotion of gypsum mining in Obereck (source Montanhandbücher 1953 – 1967) In the years that followed, the Federal Ministry of Defense (BLMV) built the "Perneck tunnel system" as a satellite storage facility for the Stadl-Paura army ammunition facility. In the autumn of 1966, on behalf of the Federal Ministry of Defense, a tunnel under the former Oberecker gypsum mine was struck at Sulzbach - Strub. The road excavations were carried out by a consortium led by the Soravia construction company, which had previously built the road tunnel in Hallstatt. Up to 70 workers, mostly Carinthians, were on duty on the construction site every 10 days. A large concrete mixing plant, a compressor station and a transformer station were built near the Strub. The construction work lasted until 1969. After completion of the installations and facilities, the Stadl-Paura army ammunition facility took over the "Perneck tunnel system". Ammunition was stored in the mostly newly excavated underground chambers. As part of the restructuring of the Austrian Armed Forces, the BMLV sought to sell the tunnel system from 2002. The surface water penetrating the mountains constantly dissolves gypsum, which as a salt of sulfuric acid has good water solubility. Over time, the strongholds of the former gypsum mining chambers were weakened by the dissolving processes and large-scale subsidence and ping formations on the surface followed. Since the BMLV, as the successor to the mining authority, is responsible for protecting the surface of the ground, extensive renovations have to be carried out in the former pit of the gypsum mine. The 3 excavation horizons above the former main extraction tunnel were partly filled with sulphate-resistant lightweight concrete made from expanded clay granules ("Liapor") in order to prevent further subsidence at the surface. Furthermore, half-shells made of concrete were laid in the subsidence area for the rapid drainage of surface water. The former gypsum mine from the 19th century was also sealed. This restoration work continues to this day. Sources used: Reports from the Salzburg Mining Authority regarding gypsum mining in Oberecker from 1952 - 1967 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1818 to the end of the Salt Office in 1850", Vienna 1936 Joseph August Schulte's "Travels through Upper Austria", Volumes I + II, Tübingen 1809, reprint Linz 2008 Leopold Schiendorfer "Perneck - A Village Through the Ages", Linz 2006 Hans Kranabitl "Oberecker gypsum mining", reporting work Montanuniversität Leoben, Leoben 1983

15 The Mitterberg tunnel Stud Name: "Mitterberg - Stollen" as locality name Struck: 7/25/1563 Length: 130 m Altitude: 886 m Under Emperor Ferdinand I, the Mitterberg tunnel was opened on July 25, 1563 as the first and original salt tunnel on the Ischler Salzberg. A mine survey carried out on October 15, 1567 by Georg Neuhauser Salzamtmann, Balthasar Blindhammer court clerk at Hallstatt, Jakob Schmiedauer Unterpfleger at Wildenstein, with the involvement of the mine masters and other people who were familiar with the work of the salt pans at Hallstatt and Aussee, revealed that in the Mitterberg tunnel there was a shaft with 2 sinkworks in the salted mountains had been sunk. From this, great hopes were drawn of finding a salt store worth building in order to be able to set up a salt works in Ischl. For further investigation of the found salt deposit, it was decided to create a level excavation from the sinkhole sunk at 47 Stabel (56.2m) in the salted mountains and to sunk another sinkhole from the same. As the salt mountain stretched further down, a deeper tunnel was to be built at the "Hohensteg". In 1575, experts from the salt works in Aussee, Hallstatt and Ischl carried out another inspection and consultation on the Ischler Salzberg. In the Mitterberg tunnel there were two prepared pumping works, which were already being used to produce brine. The mountain master and mountain workers from Ischl, who had twice seen the salt industry in Hallein and Schellenberg, suggested driving under these structures through the Steinberg tunnel to avoid the costly brine pumping and cleaning, as was still customary with the salt pans in the Salzkammergut and convert to discharge weirs. This proposal, which was recognized as useful, was carried out, the connection was established with the nearest water dam in the Steinberg tunnel - main shaft and then in the Mitterberg tunnel the first discharge weir according to the "Schellenberger form" of the Upper Austrian salt works was put into operation. This was the start of replacing the ancient pumping stations with drainage works. But it still took a long time to completely suppress them. In a pit plan drawn up in 1654, one can see that the Mitterberg tunnel – the main shaft after 66 5/8 Stabel (79.4m) of driving in the limestone reached the salt mountains. This was lengthened and a 99 bar (118.3 m) long side shaft, the so-called "Neue Kehr", was created. The field site of the Neue Kehr stood in deaf mountains. At the front of the Neue Kehr there was an old weir, already rotten in 1654, which was the first drainage weir, prepared in 1575 according to the Schellenberg model. Behind it was a 44 bar (52.6m) long main pit down the Steinberg tunnel, which was used for weather management and drainage. On the further continuation of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which is referred to in the Reformation Libel from 1656 as "Krechenschafftgericht" ("straight shaft"), a building was laid out on the right. This was driven under by the then Bergmeister Hanns Kalß and by the worker Wolfgang Kalß to save the expensive scooping and to reduce the costs of cleaning, through the Steinberg tunnel and also made into a weir according to the Schellenberger form. Furthermore, on the left hand side of the main shaft there was a 32 bar (38.2 m) long Ebenschurf, which was initially operated as a detection blow, then connected to the side shaft or "Neuen Kehr" by a wing site and later to a Lettendamm, the "Schwarzel Weir". called, has been devoured. When 34 ½ Stabel (41.2 m) left the salt mountains on the main shaft continuation and fresh water was built, several water openings were knocked out. In addition, the first water tunnel was created 7 Stabel (8.4m) above the Mitterberg tunnel and advanced to a length of 93 Stabel (111.1m). Due to the inexperience of the miners, who believed that the limestone in the back of their heads was a deposit, after which salt would have to come again after it had been breached, strong self-watering waters were approached, the mastering of which caused great difficulties. The total length of the Mitterberg tunnel - main shaft, which had a total gradient of 4 ¼ Stabel (5.1m or 4%), was 108 Stabel (129.1m). Only 65 of these (77.7m) were in the Hasel Mountains, the rest in dense, water-bearing limestone. The outcrops of the Hasel Mountains in the Mitterberg tunnel formed only a small, cut-off part of the main deposit, which was fully utilized by the construction of 3 barrages. The Mitterberg tunnel was already in use around 1656 and was only used to drain mine water. The collapse had already taken place in 1596 and the amount of scraped water was so large that it was able to drive a mill wheel. Despite all the effort, it had not been possible to find the place where the burglary had taken place, and in the end one had to content oneself with collecting the waste water in the main shaft and channeling it to the surface in gutters. Because of the inrush of water in 1596, the main shaft had to be maintained almost entirely in expensive timber. The Mitterberg tunnel also served to ventilate the Steinberg tunnel. In 1689 the Mitterberg tunnel was finally completely abandoned. Sources used: Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian salt works from the beginning of the 16th to the middle of the 18th century", Vienna 1932 Carl Schraml "The Upper Austrian Salt Works from 1750 to the time after the French Wars", Vienna 1934 Johann Steiner "The traveling companion through Upper Austrian Switzerland", Linz 1820, reprint Gmunden 1981 Michael Kefer "Description of the main maps of the kk Salzberg zu Ischl", 1820, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of September 13, 2016 Anton Dicklberger "Systematic history of the salt pans of Upper Austria", Volume I, Ischl 1807, transcription by Thomas Nussbaumer, as of 06.2018 B. Pillwein "History, Geography and Statistics of the Archduchy above the Enns and the Duchy of Salzburg", 2nd part Traunkreis, Linz 1828 Mitterberg - tunnels, routes and buildings, 1757, Solingen, IGM archive Plan Salzberg Bad Ischl in 1654

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sprengmittellagerung

Salzkammergut Salzbergbau Sozialgeschichte Bruderlade